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The kingdom of Mutapa and the Portuguese: on the failure of conquistadors in Africa (1571-1695)

African military history and an ephemeral colonial project.

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The kingdom of Mutapa and the Portuguese: on the failure of conquistadors in Africa (1571-1695) =============================================================================================== ### African military history and an ephemeral colonial project. ( Aug 14, 2022 15 Among the most puzzling questions of world history is why most of Africa wasn’t overrun by colonial powers in the 16th and 17th century when large parts of the Americas and south-east Asia were falling under the influence of European empires. While a number of rather unsatisfactory answers have been offered, most of which posit the so-called “disease barrier” theory, an often overlooked reality is that European settler colonies were successfully established over fairly large parts of sub-equatorial Africa during this period. In the 16th and 17th century, the kingdom of Mutapa in south-east Africa, which was once one of the largest exporters of gold in the Indian ocean world, fell under the influence of the Portuguese empire as its largest African colony. Mutapa’s political history between its conquest and the ultimate expulsion of the Portuguese, is instructive in solving the puzzle of why most of Africa retained its politically autonomy during the initial wave of colonialism. This article explores the history of Mutapa kingdom through its encounters with the Portuguese, from the triumphant march of the conquistadors in 1571, to their defeat and expulsion in 1695. **Map of the Mutapa kingdom (green) and neighboring states** * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Early Mutapa: Politics and Trade in the 16th century.** Beginning in the 10th century, the region of south-East Africa was dominated by several large territorial states that were primarily settled by shona speakers, whose ruler’s resided in large, elaborately built dry-stone capitals called zimbabwes the most famous of which is Great Zimbabwe. The northernmost attestation of this “zimbabwe culture” is associated with the Mutapa kingdom which was established in the mid 15th century by prince Mtotoa, after breaking away from Great Zimbabwe.( Mtotoa’s successors were based in multiple capitals following shona traditions in which power rotated among the different lines of succession.( They established paramountcy over territorial chiefs whose power was based on the control over subsistence agricultural produce, trade and religion. This paramountcy was exercised through the appointment of the territorial chiefs from important positions within the monarchy, and by a control over the coastal traders (Swahili, and later Portuguese), who were symbolically accommodated into the Mutapa political structure as the kings' wives.( The economy of Mutapa was largely agro-pastoralist in nature, primarily concerned with the cultivation of local cereals and the herding of cattle, both of which formed the bulk of tribute. Long-distance trade and mining were mostly seasonal activities, the gold dust obtained through panning and digging shallow mines was traded at various markets and ultimately exported through the Swahili cities such as Sofala and Kilwa( . Other metals such as iron and copper were smelted and worked locally, alongside other crafts industries including textiles and soapstone carving, all of which occurred in dispersed rather than concentrated centers of production. Gold mining was nevertheless substantial enough as to produce the approximately 8.5 tonnes of gold a year which passed through Sofala in 1506.( The Mutapa kings didn’t monopolise all trade activities in Mutapa's dominions, and long-distance trade was decentralized, the production and distribution of commodities destined for international markets in their dominions wasn't closely regulated but traders were nevertheless subject to certain taxes and tariffs. The main tax being the _**Kuruva**_ which was originally paid by the Swahili traders in order to conduct trade in the state, and was later paid by the Portuguese after they took over the Swahili trading system.( _**The ruins of Chisvingo in Zimbabwe, the southern half of the Mutapa kingdom. such zimbabwes served as the capitals of the Mutapa kings, this particular one is part of a cluster of ruins in Masembura that was dated to the 15th century( , with nearby ironworkings showing it continued to flourish until the 17th century**_.( * * * **The first Portuguese invasion of Mutapa; from conquistadors to “King’s wives”** Beginning in the 1530s, a steady trickle of Portuguese traders begun settling in the interior trading towns and in 1560, an ambitious Jesuit priest travelled to the Mutapa capital to convert the ruler. His attempt to convert the king Mupunzagutu failed and the latter reportedly executed the priest, having received the advice of his Swahili courtiers about the Portuguese who'd by then already colonized most of the east African coast following their bombardment of Kilwa, Mombasa and Mozambique, the last of which was by then their base of operation.( Long after the news about the priest's execution had spread to Portugal, a large expedition force was sent to conquer Mutapa ostensibly to avenge the execution, but mostly to seize its gold mines and its rumored stores of silver. An army of 1,000 Portuguese soldiers --five times larger than Pizarro's force that conquered the Inca empire-- landed in Sofala in 1571, it was armed with musketeers led by Francisco Barreto , and was supported by a cavalry unit. It advanced up to Sena but it was ground to a halt as it approached the forces of Maravi (Mutapa's neighbor), and while they defeated the Maravi in pitched battle, the latter fortified themselves, and the most that the Portuguese captured were a few cows.( Another expedition was organized with 700 musketeers in 1573, supported by even more African auxiliaries and cavalry, and it managed to score a major victory in the kingdom of Manica but eventually retreated. A final expedition with 200 musketeers was sent up the Zambezi river but was massacred by an interior force (likely the Maravi). By 1576, the last remaining Portuguese soldier from this expedition had left.( Following these failed incursions, the Portuguese set up small captaincies at the towns of Tete and Sena and formed alliances with their surrounding chieftaincies controlling the narrow length of territory along the banks of the Zambezi. Like the Swahili traders whom they had supplanted, the Portuguese traders were reduced to paying annual tax to Mutapa, and were turned into the 'king's wives'. ( * * * **Deception and Mortgaging gold mines for power: rebellions in Mutapa** After surviving the Portuguese threat, the Mutapa king Gatsi had to contend with new challenges to his power, which included multiple rebellions led by his vassals. In 1589 a Mutapa vassal named Chunzo rebelled and attacked the gold-mines in the region of chironga and killed Gatsi's captain, but his rebellion was eventually crushed.( During the course of this rebellion, a Mutapa general named Chicanda rebelled and invaded Gatsi's capital, but was later pardoned and permitted to stay as a vassal. He rebelled again in 1599 --ostensibly after Gatsi had one of his generals executed for not fighting Chunzo--, and this time Gatsi called on the Portuguese stationed at TeTe for assistance and the latter sent an army of 2,000 with 75 musketeers to crush Chicanda's rebellion. A successor of Chunzo named Matuzianhe rose up against Gatsi and drove the king out of his capital, reduced to desperation, Mutapa Gatsi mortgaged his kingdom's mines to the Portuguese at Tete in exchange for the throne.( By then, the former vassal chiefdoms of Mutapa in the east such as Manyika, Barwe and Danda, broke away from the central control in order to wrestle control of the gold trade and gain direct access to the imported wealth.( The Portuguese would later came to Gatsi's aid after Matuzianhe had attacked Tete, they drove off the rebel vassal, defeated many of his well-armed rebellious vassals from 1607-1609 by constructing fortifications, and constructed a permanent for with a garrison of soldiers at Massapa in 1610.( After he was reinstalled in the capital, Gatsi quickly weaned himself off Portuguese control, he deceptively buried silver ores in his territory to lure his Portuguese allies, and exploited the divisions among the latter (whose stations at Tete, Mozambique and Goa were in competition), to expel them from the goldmines. After Gatsi demanded the kuruza annual tax from the very Portuguese who'd reinstalled him, the latter then turned to support his rivals, and in 1614, they mounted a failed attack on Mussapa. Gatsi had regained all the territories that Mutapa had lost and was in firm control of the state by the time of his death in 1623.( _**Map of south-east Africa showing the distribution of its resources**_( _**Map of Zimbabwe showing the distribution of Portuguese trading towns. the furthest among them are located more than 500km from the coast and were until the 19th century, the furthest settlements of Europeans in the central African interior.**_ _**Portuguese loop-holed field fort built on Mt. Fura near Baranda (massapa) in northern zimbabwe, to control the gold trade during the civil wars of the 1600s**_( * * * **From the “king’s wives” to Conquistadors: the Portuguese conquest of Mutapa** king Gatsi had allowed Portuguese traders to establish several trading posts in the heartland of the Mutapa state called feiras, or trading markets, such as Dambarare, Luanze and Massapa. Most of them were built in areas under the control or influence of local rulers who had a stake in the trade and the Mutapa king could closely monitor the Portuguese' activities, as well as leverage the allied Portuguese in the feiras, against potential Portuguese invaders in TeTe and Mozambique island.( Following the death of king Gatsi in 1624, his son Kapararidze ascended to the throne, but his legitimacy was challenged by Mavhura (the son of Gatsi's predecessor) and this dispute was quickly exploited by the Portuguese who supported the latter over the former. When Kapararidze ordered the execution of a Portuguese envoy for breaching protocol on travelling to the kingdom in 1628, the Portuguese retaliated with a massive invasion force of 15-30,000 soldiers and 250 musketeers in May 1629 that drove off Kapararidze and installed Mahvura.( Mahvura was forced to sign a humiliating treaty of vassalage to the King of Portugal that effectively made Mutapa its colony on March 1629. The treaty allowed the Portuguese traders and missionaries **complete freedom of activity without having to pay taxes**, giving them **exclusive rights over all the gold and (potential) silver mines in Mutapa**, permanently **expelling the Swahili traders** who were competing with the Portuguese, and **converting the entire court to Catholicism** by the Dominican priests —the last of which was received with great enthusiasm by the papacy in Rome.( The general population of Mutapa was strongly opposed to this, they rallied behind Kapararidze in a massive anti-colonial revolt, that attacked nearly all Portuguese settlements across the kingdom between 1630-1631, killing 300-400 armed settlers and their followers with only a few dozen surviving in Tete and Sena, and spreading into the neighboring regions of Manica and Maravi upto the coastal town of Ouelimane, which was besieged, driving the survivors back to the coast. They also captured and executed the Dominican priests who had converted Mavhura, an act that outraged the Portuguese colonial governor of Mozambique island.( In response to this challenge of their authority, the Portuguese sent a massive army in 1632 under Diogo Meneses comprising of 200-300 Portuguese musketeers and 12,000 African auxiliaries, the invading force quickly reestablished Portuguese control over Quelimane and Manica, and marched into Mutapa, it succeed in defeating Kaparidze’s forces and reinstalling Mavura.( _**engraving titled; ‘Le grand Roy Mono-Motapa’ by Nicolas de Larmessin I (1655-1680) depicting a catholic king of Mutapa**_ * * * **The Portuguese colonial era in Mutapa.** The half-century that followed Meneses' campaign was the height of Portuguese authority in Mutapa and central Africa, with hundreds of traders across the various mining towns, and dozens of Dominican priests with missions spread across Mutapa and neighboring kingdoms, sending Mutapa princes to Goa and Portugal (some of whom married locally and settled in Lisbon. The Portuguese also made a bold attempt to traverse central Africa with the goal of uniting their colonies that now included coastal Angola, coastal east Africa and most of north-eastern Zimbabwe and Mozambique.( When Mavhura passed on in 1652, the priests installed king Siti as their puppet. Their power in royal succession remained unchallenged in 1655 with the ascendance of Siti's successor king Kupisa, who reigned until 1663 until he was assassinated, likely by an anti-Portuguese faction at the Mutapa court associated with his successor Mukombwe —a shrewd ruler increasingly behaved less like a vassal. Mukombwe recovered some of the lands and mines that his predecessors had handed over to the Portuguese, he invited Jesuit priests to counter the Dominicans, and threatened the Portuguese position in Mutapa so much that the governor of Mozambique island planned to invade Mutapa and depose him.( But Mukombwe's shrewdness couldn't tame the decline of Mutapa. Like his predecessors, he failed to confine the Portuguese traders to the feiras, and the Portuguese settlers and traders are said to have devastated the Mutapa interior searching for slave labour to mine the goldfields and guard their settlements, as well as raiding the vassal chief's cattle herds for regional trade and to acquire more land and followers.( .Catastrophic droughts are reported to have occurred in the mid 17th century accompanied by other natural disasters which depopulated north-eastern Zimbabwe and further undermined Mukombwe's position relative to his vassals.( One Portuguese writer in 1683 described the sorry state of Mutapa during this period; “_**Mocaranga (**_Mutapa_**) has very rich mines, but the little government, and the great domination of the Portuguese with whom the natives used to live together, has brought it to such an end, that it is depopulated today and consequently without mines. Its residents ran away, and the king appointed them other lands for them to live as it pleased him. The larger part of this kingdom remained without more people than the Portuguese and their dependents and slaves. It now looks the same that Lisbon will look with three men, but not to look completely deserted: the wild animals came in instead of the residents, and it has so many that even inside the houses the lions come to eat people**_.”( _**portuguese governor's residence in Tete, by John Kirk c. 1880**_( _**. This was constructed late in the 18th century, despite its importance to the portuguese the town remained rather modest**_ * * * **Decline of Mutapa and Changamire Dombo ‘s expulsion of the Portuguese.** In response to the political upheavals of the Portuguese era, several Mutapa vassals rebelled, one of these was Changamire Dombo, who had been granted lands and wealth by the king Mukombwe in the 1670s likely to pacify him. Changamire used the wealth to attract a large following and raise his own army primarily comprised of archers unlike most rebels of the time who were keen to acquire muskets. Mukombwe sent Mutapa's army to crush his rebellion but Dombo defeated them.( In 1684, the emerging Rozvi kingdom's ruler Changamire managed to score a major victory against the Portuguese musketeers at Maungwe. Facing an army of hundreds of Portuguese musketeers and thousands of African auxiliaries, Dombo’s archers withstood the firepower in pitched battle, they crushed the Portuguese force and seized their firearms and trade goods( . Dombo then moved south to conquer the cities of Naletale and Danangombe, the latter of which became his capital the Rozvi kingdom.( When king Mkombwe died in 1692, the Portuguese pushed to install their preferred catholic candidate named Mhande to the throne of Mutapa, instead of Mukombwe's brother Nyakunembire who was the more legitimate choice. The latter prevailed and his fist move was to appeal to Dombo for military aid to punish the insolate priests and traders. In 1693, Dombo's armies descended upon the Portuguese settlements of Dambarare whose destruction was so total, that the rest of the Portuguese who weren't captured by Dombo, and their peers across the kingdom, fled to Tete and Sena.( Mhande later received Portuguese assistance in 1694 and managed to drive off Nyakunembire, who was instead installed as king of Manyika by Dombo. As the Portuguese were trying to re-establish their position in the interior, Dombo's forces descended on Manica in 1695 and sacked the Portuguese settlements there, sending refugees scurrying back to Sena.( While Portuguese priests would continue attempting to influence the succession of Mutapa's rulers, the once large kingdom had been reduced to a minor chiefdom on the fringes of the vast Rozvi state, the latter would then assumed the role of Mutapa as the preeminent regional power in the interior and competed with the Portuguese to install puppets on Mutapa’s throne. In 1702 and 1712, the Rozvi deposed Portuguese-backed kings and installed their own candidates, this pattern continued until the Portuguese formally pulled out of Mutapa's politics in 1760,( but Mutapa survived and recovered some of its power in the early 19th century.( The Rozvi instituted a policy against Portuguese interference in regional politics including within their vassal chiefdoms. Their Portuguese captives from the 1695 wars were permanently settled in the interior and were to have no contact with the coast, despite repeated attempts to ransom them( . The Rozvi continued gold trade with the Portuguese traders, but confined the latter's activities to the feiras, enforcing this policy strictly using its fierce armies in I743, I772, and I78I by protecting the towns, greatly reversing the balance of power in the region.( In the Rozvi's neighboring kingdom of Kiteve, Portuguese traders were expelled and their puppet king deposed in the early 18th century after rumors that he was planning to hand over its gold mines to them. The last of the Portuguese trading towns in the kingdom of Manica would later be razed in the early 19th century, and it would be nearly 60 years before the Portuguese resumed colonializing the region and finally completed their occupation of Mutapa in 1884.( _**the ruins of Naletale**_ _**The ruins of Danangombe**_ _**one of four muzzle loading cannons from the Portuguese settlement of Dambarare found in the ruins of Danangombe long after it had taken by Changamire’s forces in 1693.**_ * * * **Conclusion: The military factor in African history.** It's difficult to overstate the formidable challenge that early conquistadors encountered on the African battlefield. While the initial losses of 1571 invasion force could be put down to their inexperience, which they made up for by recruiting African auxiliaries, their defeat by Changamire's forces in the 1690s and his destruction of Portuguese settlements in the region comprised the largest loss of European life in African war until the Italian loss in Ethiopia. While disease may have presented a challenge to the Portuguese in Mutapa, it was never a sufficient barrier to prevent the kingdom's conquest; nor the permanent stationing of Portuguese garrisons in Tete; nor the unrestrained activities of Portuguese settlers in various mining towns deep in the interior of Africa. The principal factor behind the European retreat from south-east Africa was their military defeat --the same factor that had enabled their initial establishment. * * * Is Jared Diamond’s **“GUNS, GERMS AND STEEL”** a work of monumental ambition? or a collection of speculative conjecture and unremarkable insights. My review **Jared Diamond myths about Africa history** on Patreon ( * * * **if you liked this Article and would like to contribute to African History, please donate to my paypal** ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and CONTACT ME via **isaacsamuel64@gmail.com** ( A Political History of Munhumutapa, C1400-1902 by S Mudenge pg 37-38 ( When science alone is not enough: Radiocarbon timescales, history, ethnography and elite settlements in southern Africa by Shadreck Chirikure, pg 365 ( A History of Mozambique by Malyn Newitt pg 80 ( New Perspectives on the Political Economy of Great Zimbabwe by Shadreck Chirikure pg 25-30 ( Port cities and intruders by Michael Pearson pg 49 ( A Political History of Munhumutapa, C1400-1902 by S. Mudenge, pg 182 ( Excavations at the Nhunguza and Ruanga Ruins in Northern Mashonaland by P.S. Garlake ( Chisvingo Hill Furnace Site, Northern Mashonaland by M.D. Prendergast ( A History of Mozambique by Malyn Newitt pg 55) ( Portuguese Musketeers by Richard Gray, pg 534 ( A History of Mozambique by Malyn Newitt , pg 57-58) ( A History of Mozambique by Malyn Newitt pg 59-60) ( A History of Mozambique by Malyn Newitt pg 81) ( The Zimbabwe Culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 187) ( Palaces, Feiras and Prazos by Innocent Pikirayi pg 165 ( The Zimbabwe Culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 189) ( A History of Mozambique by Malyn Newitt pg 85-88) ( New Perspectives on the Political Economy of Great Zimbabwe by Shadreck Chirikure ( Palaces, Feiras and Prazos by Innocent Pikirayi pg 175 ( Palaces, Feiras and Prazos by Innocent Pikirayi pg 166, A History of Mozambique by Malyn Newitt pg 99) ( The Dominican Friars in Southern Africa by Philippe Denis pg 26) ( The Dominican Friars in Southern Africa by Philippe Denis pg 27) ( A History of Mozambique by Malyn Newitt pg 90, Portuguese Musketeers on the Zambezi by Richard Gray pg 532) ( A History of Mozambique by Malyn Newitt pg 91-92) ( A History of Mozambique by Malyn Newitt pg 95) ( A Political History of Munhumutapa, C1400-1902 by S. Mudenge pg 274) ( The Dominican Friars in Southern Africa by Philippe Denis 35, A Political History of Munhumutapa, C1400-1902 by S. Mudenge pg 275-277) ( Portuguese Settlement on the Zambesi: Exploration, Land Tenure and Colonial Rule in East Africa by Malyn Newitt pg 62) ( A Political History of Munhumutapa, C1400-1902 by S. Mudenge pg 277) ( The Shona and the Portuguese 1575–1890. Volume I: 1570–1700, by David Beach pg 162 ( National Galleries of ( ( The Zimbabwe Culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 210) ( Portuguese Musketeers by Richard Gray, pg 533, A Political History of Munhumutapa, C1400-1902 by S. Mudenge pg 286 ( The Zimbabwe culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 212-214, 205-208 ( The Dominican Friars in Southern Africa by Philippe Denis pg 36 ( The Dominican Friars in Southern Africa by Philippe Denis pg 38, A History of Mozambique by Malyn Newitt pg 104) ( Portuguese Settlement on the Zambesi: Exploration, Land Tenure and Colonial Rule in East Africa by Malyn Newitt pg 72) ( The Zimbabwe culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 193 ( The Role of Foreign Trade in the Rozvi Empire: A Reappraisal by Mudenge pg 387 ( A History of Mozambique by Malyn Newitt pg 201 ( Portuguese Settlement on the Zambesi: Exploration, Land Tenure and Colonial Rule in East Africa by Malyn Newitt pg 72-75).

### Title: The Kingdom of Mutapa and the Portuguese: On the Failure of Conquistadors in Africa (1571-1695) #### Introduction 1. **Historical Context**: The question arises why most of Africa wasn’t colonized by European powers during the 16th and 17th centuries, especially when regions like the Americas and Southeast Asia were falling under European empires. 2. **Disease Barrier Theory**: While the “disease barrier” theory is often cited, it's essential to recognize that European settler colonies were established in some parts of sub-equatorial Africa at this time. 3. **Focus on Mutapa**: This article examines the political history of the Kingdom of Mutapa in Southeast Africa, particularly its interactions with the Portuguese from the first invasion in 1571 to the expulsion of the Portuguese by 1695. #### Early Mutapa: Politics and Trade in the 16th Century 4. **Foundation of Mutapa**: The Mutapa Kingdom, founded in the mid-15th century by Prince Mtotoa, emerged from the dissolution of Great Zimbabwe and utilized Shona traditions of political succession. 5. **Territorial Structure**: The kingdom established control over local chiefs to manage agriculture, trade, and religious practices, particularly through a rotational monarchy among various lines of succession. 6. **Economic Activities**: The economy was predominantly agro-pastoral, with significant gold mining and trade facilitated by networks connecting to Swahili coastal cities such as Sofala and Kilwa. 7. **Trade Regulations**: While the Mutapa kings did not monopolize trade, they collected taxes, including the _Kuruva_, on traders, indicating centralized influence over trade routes. #### The First Portuguese Invasion of Mutapa 8. **Initial Portuguese Encounters**: Portuguese traders first settled in the interior towns in the 1530s, culminating in the 1560 attempt to convert the Mutapa king, Mupunzagutu, which failed dramatically. 9. **Invasion of 1571**: In response to the execution of a Jesuit priest, the Portuguese sent a large military expedition in 1571 to conquer Mutapa, totaling 1,000 soldiers, significantly outnumbering earlier Spanish forces in the Americas. 10. **Military Challenges**: The Portuguese faced formidable resistance from the Maravi, ultimately achieving limited victories in regional battles but failing to secure control over Mutapa. #### Rebellions and Portuguese Influence 11. **Post-Invasion Alliances**: After initial failures, the Portuguese established alliances with local rulers and maintained a presence by paying taxes to Mutapa, effectively becoming 'king’s wives'. 12. **Internal Strife**: Under King Gatsi, Mutapa faced significant internal rebellions from vassals, leading to temporary setbacks but ultimately strengthening the king's position through tactics of deception and strategic alliances. #### From 'King's Wives' to Conquistadors 13. **Portuguese Expansion**: Following Gatsi’s death, the Portuguese exploited succession disputes to exert control, supporting rival factions to inset a vassal king, Mavura, in 1629. 14. **Anti-Colonial Rebellion**: A massive revolt against Portuguese dominance erupted from 1630-1631, resulting in significant casualties for the Portuguese and a temporary loss of control over their settlements. 15. **Reestablishment of Control**: The Portuguese deployed considerable military forces in 1632 to regain dominance over Mutapa amid ongoing resistance from local leaders. #### The Decline of Mutapa and Portuguese Influence 16. **Political Upheaval**: The period following the 1632 Portuguese campaign marked a peak in Portuguese authority, but internal strife and natural disasters began to undermine the power structure. 17. **Emergence of the Rozvi Kingdom**: Changamire Dombo emerged, successfully challenging Portuguese forces and establishing the Rozvi Kingdom by defeating them at Maungwe in 1684. 18. **Final Expulsions**: By 1695, relentless military campaigns led by Changamire resulted in the expulsion of the Portuguese from Mutapa, solidifying the Rozvi's position as the dominant power in the region. #### Conclusion: Military Factors in African History 19. **Military Resistance**: The consistent failures of Portuguese forces in African military contexts underscore their inability to maintain control through military means alone. The defeats illustrated that while initial European incursions established trading posts, sustained resistance from local powers ultimately dictated the colonial landscape in the region. 20. **Significance of the Mutapa Case**: The Mutapa Kingdom's history reflects broader themes in African resistance to colonialism and highlights the complex interplay between local power dynamics, trade, and military confrontations during the early colonial period in Africa.

Creating an African writing system: the Vai script of Liberia (1833-present)

“There are three books in this world—the European book, the Arabic book, and the Vai book”

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Creating an African writing system: the Vai script of Liberia (1833-present) ============================================================================ ### “There are three books in this world—the European book, the Arabic book, and the Vai book” ( Aug 07, 2022 14 A small West-African town located a short distance from the coast of Liberia, was the site of one of the most intriguing episodes of Africa's literary history. Inspired by a dream, a group of Vai speakers had invented a unique script and spread it across their community so fast that it attracted the attention many inquisitive visitors from around the world, and has since continued to be the subject of studies about the invention of writing systems. The Vai script is one of the oldest indigenous west African writing systems and arguably the most successful. Despite the script's relative marginalization by the Liberian state (in favour of the roman script), and the Vai's adherence to Islam (which uses the Arabic script), the Vai script has not only retained its importance among the approximately 200,000 Vai speakers who are more literate in Vai than Arabic and English, but the script has also retained its relevance within modern systems of education. This article traces the history of the Vai script from its creation in 1833, exploring the political and cultural context in which the script was invented and propagated in 19th century Liberia. _**Map showing the present territory of the Vai people and the town of Jondu where the Vai script was invented**_ * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The Vai in the political history of Liberia: trade, warfare and colonialism.** From the 14th-17th century, various groups of Mande-speakers who included the vai arrived and settled in the coastal hinterlands of what later came to be Liberia, as a part of a southward extension of trading networks that reached from the west African interior. Over the the 18th and 19th century, the Vai and their neighbors had established various forms of state-level societies often called confederacies in external sources.( These states had primarily agro-pastoral economies, their populations were partially Islamized, and were also engaged in long distance trade with the interior states and the coastal settlements; exchanging commodities such as salt, kola, ivory, slaves, iron, palm oil and cotton. The salt trade in particular, had served as an impetus for the Vai’s gradual migration southwards.( In the early 19th century, the Vai and other African groups near what would later become the city of Monrovia, underwent a period of political upheaval as the area became the target of foreign settlers comprised mostly of freed-slaves from the U.S. The establishment of a colony at Monrovia, was response to the growing abolitionist movement in the U.S, that was exploited by the “American Colonization Society” company, which undertook a largely unpopular resettlement program by moving a very small fraction of freed slaves to Liberia.( Beginning in 1822, a tiny colony —which eventually numbered just over 3,000 people by 1847— was established at Monrovia and other coastal cities by the society using a combination force, barter and diplomacy to subsume and displace the autochthonous populations. Mortality for the settlers was as high as 50%, and by first decade of the 1900s, more than 80% of the coastal population was made up of acculturated Africans.( _**Map of the Liberian colony in the late 19th century, most of the (unshaded) hinterland including the Vai territory to the west was only nominally with the colony’s influence before the 20th century.**_ * * * **The cultural environment of Cape mount county, Liberia: home of the Vai script’s inventor.** While there was a significant degree of "mutual acculturation" between the freed slaves and the African groups due to trade, intermarriage and cultural exchanges, as observed by one writer in 1880, that "_**along the Liberian coast the towns of the colonists and the natives are intermingled, and are often quite near to each other**_."( , the relationship between the two groups was also marked by ideological competition and warfare.( This was especially evident as the Liberian colony expanded into cape mount county of the Vai in the 1850s, ostensibly to mediate the interstate wars between the Vai and neighboring groups ( It's within this context that a Vai man named Duwalu Bukele Momulu Kpolo, and his associates invented a script for the Vai language. Bukele originally lived in the town of Jondu where he created and taught the script, before he moved to the town of Bandakoro, both towns were located in the modern Garwula District of Cape-mount county, Liberia( . Bukele wasn’t literate in any script prior to the invention of Vai, and most accounts recorded by internal and external writers mention that he was barely able to speak English and wasn't familiar with writing it( . While the Americo-Liberian settlers had established Christian mission schools at the coast, neither Bukele nor his associates were Christian. Although Bukele later became Muslim around 1842 ( (Momulu is Vai for Muhammad), This conversion occurred nearly a decade after the script's invention in 1832/1833.( * * * **The origin myth of the Vai script: Visions of people from afar.** An early account about the script’s invention approximately one year after its creation was recorded by a Christian missionary in march 1834; "_**An old man dreamed that he must immediately begin to make characters for his language, that his people might write letters as they did at Monrovia. He communicated his dream and plan to some others, and they began the work**_."( In March 1849, another missionary named Sigismund Koelle met the script's inventor Bukele and his cousin Kali Bara, from whom he recorded a lengthy account of the script's invention. In a story recorded by Koelle by the inventor Bukele, the latter recounts a dream in which a "_**poro**_" man (poro = '_people from afar_' in Vai which includes both Americo-Liberians and Europeans) showed him the script in the form of a book, with instructions for those who used the script to abstain from eating certain animals and plants, and not to touch the “book” when they are ritually unclean. Kali Bara on the other hand recounts a slightly different tradition, writing in his Vai book, he mentions that the script was invented after 6 Vai men (including himself and Bukele) had challenged themselves to write letters as good as the intelligent "_**poro**_".( Later recollections recorded in 1911 about the scripts’ invention provide a slightly different version; that Bukele received the Vai “book” from a Spirit, and was instructed to tell Vai teachers that their only tuition should be palm wine, that would be ritually spilled before studies.( Interpreting the exact circumstances of the script's invention as related in these accounts has been a subject of considerable debate. While the majority of the world's writing systems didn’t spontaneously materialize, a given society’s exposure to a writing system is by itself not a sufficient impetus for inventing a script. The vai had been familiar with the Arabic script used by their west African peers and immediate neighbors since the 10th century, and had been in contact with the European coastal traders with their Latin script, since the 16th century. However, the Vai writing system is a syllabary script (like the Japanese kana and Cherokee scripts) that is wholly unlike the consonantal Arabic script nor the alphabetic Latin script.( Some scholars have explored the possible relationship between Vai and the contemporaneous Cherokee script as well as the identity of the “**poro”** man in tradition. Their show that there’s scant evidence that the most likely “poro” candidates; John Revey (an Americo-Liberian missionary active in the region in 1827) and Austin Curtis (a mixed native-American coastal trader), provided any stimulus for the invention of the script. The purported connection that these two men had with Bukele isn’t recorded in any contemporary account; its absent in Kali Bara’s lengthy Vai book, and it isn’t mentioned by John and Curtis themselves (despite both leaving records), nor is the connection made by any missionary of which more than a dozen wrote about the script( . The scholars therefore conclude that any link between Cherokee and Vai scripts "_**remains conjectural because the evidence is only circumstantial, with no conclusive direct link between the two scripts**_" and the “_**We have no doubt that Doalu Bukele was the "proper inventor" of the Vai script**_”.( * * * **The role of the Vai king Goturu: Legitimating an invention** According to the account narrated by Bukele, he and his associates took their invention to the Vai king Goturu, and the latter he was impressed with it, declaring that the "_**this**_ (Vai script) _**was most likely the book, of which the Mandingos**_ (his Muslim neighbors) _**say, that it is with God in heaven, and will one day be sent down upon Earth**_", and that it "_**would soon raise his people (**_the Vai_**) upon a level with the Poros and Mandingos**_"( Goturu later composed a manuscript in Vai containing descriptions of his wars, as well as moral apothegms with Islamic themes( , he also played an important role in the script’s early adoption by greatly encouraging the construction of schools to teach the Vai script( . This leaves little doubt that the vision origin-myth of the Vai script, with its recognizable Islamic themes — from Muhammad’s divine revelation of the Koran, to the _wudu_ purification ritual before touching it—, as well as the "_**poro**_" figure, were post-facto creations by the script's inventors and their king, to legitimate their innovation through divine revelation, as well as to enhance the prestige and political autonomy of king Goturu's state especially in relation to their “_**poro**_” neighbours.( As in many cultures around the world, visionary rituals are part of the spiritual repertoire of West African tradition and belief systems, they lend "divine" authority to an invention and legitimate it, while enabling the inventors of the new tradition to deny its original authorship by attributing it to otherworldly beings, as a way of persuading potential adopters to accept it.( * * * **Preexisting “archaic” writing systems and ideological competition in 19th century Liberia** Prior to the invention of the Vai script, there were preexisting graphic systems of “archaic”/proto writing used by the Vai and their neighbors, that was expressed in interpersonal communication, war, and divination rituals.( This preexisting corpus of logograms was drawn upon by Bukele for the creation of Vai characters, and is included in early accounts about the script which referred to these Vai logograms as “hieroglyphs” (discussed below), but they were gradually discarded as the Vai syllabary was standardized and acquired its fully phonetic character. ( There is evidence that the degree of intellectual ferment in Vai territory at the time that the script was invented —stimulated by coastal and interior contacts (Americo-Liberian colonists with the Latin script, and Muslim teachers with the Arabic script)( — is in line with most of the accounts about the invention of the script and pride that the Vai people have of it. A teacher of Vai in 1911 wrote about the script that “_**the Vais believe was taught them by the great Spirit whose favourites they are**_”( ; and a researcher in the 1970s was told that; "_**There are three books in this world—the European book, the Arabic book, and the Vai book; God gave us, the Vai people, the Vai book because we have sense.**_"( Both of these statements echo the competitive ideological and intellectual milieu of 19th century Liberia that was remarked upon by external writers, and reveal the circumstances which compelled the Vai script's creators to demonstrate their sophistication and assert their political autonomy in relation to their literate neighbors; the ‘_**poro**_’ colonists and the Muslim scholars, to show them that the Vai were “book-people”( as well. (Bukele's other name; ‘Kpolo’, means book in Vai Bukele’s vision origin-myth also created an association between the Vai education with religious experience, and was strikingly similar to the kind of Muslim (and Christian) religious education which the Vai were familiar with from their neighbours. The vision’s inclusion of a “divinely” received book, the dietary taboos, and instructions against sacrilege/desecration of the Vai “book”, would have resonated among both Muslims and Christians in 19th century Liberia.( While the traditions of ritually spilling palm wine before teaching the script were rooted in the Vai’s indigenous belief systems( . * * * **The Vai writing system: the standardized and pre-standardized characters.** The Vai script is a syllabary script (ie: a writing system whose characters represent syllables), that contains 211 signs according to the standardized version completed in 1899 and 1962. The characters represent all possible combination of consonants and vowels in the Vai language, as well as seven individual oral vowels, two independent nasals \, and the syllabic nasal \.( _**Chart of the standard Vai syllabary**_ Before its standardization, the Vai script also contained approximately 21 logograms (ie; characters that represent complete words) , derived from an prexisting “pictorial code” used by the Vai to spell whole words and to represent discrete syllables( (hence; Logo-Syllabograms). Between the 1840s and 1960s, these symbols, which were recorded in various accounts of atleast 15 different writers, had mostly been discarded in the process of standardizing the script. As one writer observed in 1933, the Vai script was by then "_**a purely phonetic syllabic script**_” even though "_**signs are occasionally found in Vai manuscripts which embody not a phonetic sound-sequence but a definite concept**_”.( _**Chart showing the Vai logo-syllabograms documented by different writers.**_ * * * **Teaching the script: Vai education systems from 1833 to the present day** The teaching of the Vai script was conducted in purpose-built schools constructed by Bukelele and his associates in the town of Jondu by the year 1834. "_**They erected a large house in Dshondu (**_Jondu_**), provided it with benches and wooden tablets, instead of slates, for the scholars, and then kept a regular day-school ; in which not only boys and girls, but also men, and even some women learnt to write and read their own language. So they went on prosperously for about eighteenth months, and even people from other towns came to Dshondu, to make themselves acquainted with this "new book**_".( Vai characters were written on paper, cloth, walls, furniture and other mediums primarily using dyes made from local plants.( While Koelle’s account doesn't include exactly what was taught in the Vai schools, it's very likely that elementary education in the Vai script during the early 19th century was primarily acquired by letter writing and correspondence. Bukele and his associates had been impressed with the ability of their literate neighbors (especially the “_**poro**_”) to communicate over long distances( , and according to Kali Bara's account, the Vai script came about after they had challenged themselves to write letters to each other like the _**poro**_. Early missionary accounts that were recorded less than a year after the Vai script's invention also mention that the Vai "_**write letters and books**_"( . In modern times, the elementary teaching of the Vai script primarily involves letter writing especially for trade and interpersonal communication, with classes taking place about 5 days a week over a few months, this time period being enough for a student to acquire a functional level of literacy. Depending on the occupation of the teacher and their student, other forms of teaching include record keeping (especially in long-distance trade and crafts like carpentry and construction), as well as in documenting history and composing religious literature.( _**19th century Vai manuscript written by a student named Zoni Freeman to his teacher Dr. Imaa (**Ms. U778 American Missionary Association Archives**). The subject matter of the writing, which includes rhetorical questions that begin with "what is …" and "who is…" suggests it was written in a learning context.**_( _**a carpenters plan, taken from a sketch made in the 1970s, the rooms are labeled using Vai script (eg “sleeping room” in the bottom figure), while the measurements use arabic numerals**_( * * * **Vai Manuscripts:** One of the oldest documents written in the Vai script is "Book of Ndole," composed by Bukele's cousin, Kali Bara before 1849. Its an autobiographical account of his life, and also contains lengthy accounts of national and international events in the Cape mount region that are of historiographical nature (several copies were printed in the 1850s and one is currently at the Houghton Library of Harvard University).( However, most written works of Vai are private compositions (such as the personal diary included below) and there are thus few works in the Vai script available publically that are reproduced in significant quantity, save for translations of religious stories and texts, as well as other forms of wall inscriptions and the occasional government posters.( _**Vai manuscript collected in 1849, currently at the British Museum: MS 17817A, B**_( _**Personal diary of Boima Kiakpomgbo, its earliest entry is dated 1913, its written in the vai script inside a blank accounts book**_( _**Ceremonial horn with Vai inscriptions, early 20th century Liberia, private collection**_ _**A tombstone and a government poster written in Vai script**_ * * * **The Vai education system: between the Muslim interior and Christian coast.** Aspects of Vai teaching in the 19th century could’ve been borrowed from the established Islamic education system of west Africa. The Liberian hinterland, like much of west Africa, was well integrated into the extensive scholarly networks, particularly of old Jakhanke diaspora. Local scholars based in towns such as Musadu, Vonsua, Bopolu, and Bakedu (all in western Liberia) provided much of the elementary education, and students moved for higher learning at Musadu as well as further north to Jenne and Timbuktu (in Mali), as well as to Timbo and Kankan (in Guinea). One scholar from Musadu in the 19th century was Ibrahima Kabawee who'd visited all the above mentioned towns.( Atleast 25% of the Vai that Sigismund Koelle met in the 1849 were Muslims( , a figure has since risen to 90%,( and while Bukele only converted to the religion at a later date, and even had a personal teacher (Malam) who engaged in a fierce religious debate with Koelle( , he and his peers would have been familiar with the Islamic education beforehand. As one external writer noted in 1827 that "every village" in the Cape Mount district had its Islamic teacher, with children being taught to read in Arabic script, and another writer noted in 1834 that "_**the zeal which the (**_Islamic_**) teachers manifest in extending it, and the diligence with which it is studied, exhibit a most encouraging aptitude for learning**_".( While an Americo-Liberian missionary named John Revey had succeeded in establishing a short-lived Christian school in the cape mount region in 1827 that lasted about a year, and a few Vai men would had travelled to Monrovia and Freetown (in Sierra Leone) and exposed to similar church-schools, there was no Vai in the cape-mount interior who had been converted to Christianity by the 1840s, and the only known Vai student from the region briefly attended a coastal school in a rather opportunistic fashion( . The Christian form of education is therefore unlikely to have influenced Vai education during the early 19th century. * * * **The Spread of Vai literacy: Formal and informal channels of learning** The early success of Bukele's schools was in part due to the support of a prestigious patron. In Bukele’s account, the inventors approached the Vai King Goturu with a gift of 100 parcels of salt each about 3-4ft long in order for him to support for their initiative (Bukele was part of an important trading family. The king then requested Bukele and his associates to teach the Vai script in Jondu "_**and to make known his will, that all his subjects should be instructed by them**_".( But after about 18 months (around 1835), Jondu was sacked in a war with a neighboring state, and the students and their teachers moved to other regions. Jondu was resettled shortly after to become the modern town, but the Vai teachers resumed their activities in 1844 at a nearby town of Bandakolo. And by 1849 "_**all grown-up people of the male sex are more or less able to read and to write, and that in all other Vei towns there are at least some men who can likewise spell their "country-book.**_"( While the area around Bandakolo was again affected by war, the region’s intermittent conflicts are unlikely to have significantly affected the spread of Vai literacy, which continued to be attested in the late 19th and early 20th century and was increasingly propagated through less institutionalized methods( . A remarkable example was a Vai ruler of a small state near the coast in 1911, who was unfamiliar with English, but could read and comment on Homer’s Iliad translated in the Vai script.( A study in the early 1970s in the Cape Mount County found that among the literate Vai men, 58% were literate in Vai script and other scripts, compared to 50% in Arabic script and 27% in the English.( Making Vai the most successful indigenous script in West Africa. _**A rubber plate used to print the Vai syllabary (image flipped to the side)**_ * * * **Conclusion: the Vai writing system in Liberian history.** The Vai script was the product of the exigencies of political and ideological competition in early 19th century Liberia, as well as the inventiveness of Bukele and his associates, who drew inspiration from known writing systems and the preexisting pictorial culture to develop their own unique script. Once established, the Vai writing system met practical record keeping and communication needs but also allowed its users to to circumscribe alternative politico-religious formations in opposition to the discourses of Liberian colonial administrations. The Vai script served ideological values in traditional activities, functional values in long-distance trade, and political values in maintaining the Vai’s autonomy in a region at the nexus of foreign colonization and local resistance. The Vai insisted on acquiring literacy in their own script, and accomplished this despite the volatile political landscape of 19th century Liberia, enabling them to attain the highest rate of literacy of any indigenous West-African script. * * * **NSIBIDI is West-Africa’s oldest indigenous writing system, read about its history on our Patreon** ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts. ( The Mane, the Decline of Malnd Mandinka Expansion towards the South Windward Coast by AW Massing pg 45, 43-44 ( African-American Exploration in West Africa by James Fairhead pg 306-331) ( Liberia and the Atlantic World in the Nineteenth Century by W.E Allen pg 21-22, 31) ( African-American Exploration in West Africa by James Fairhead pg 13-14) ( Liberia and the Atlantic World in the Nineteenth Century by W.E Allen pg pg 31) ( African-American Exploration in West Africa by James Fairhead pg pg 285-286) ( African Resistance in Liberia: The Vai and the Gola-Bandi by Monday B. Abasiattai, pg 48 ( Cherokee and West Africa: Examining the Origins of the Vai Script by Konrad Tuchscherer 441-442) ( Cherokee and West Africa: Examining the Origins of the Vai Script by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 448) ( Narrative of an Expedition Into the Vy Country of West Africa by by Sigismund Koelle pg 23, 26) ( Cherokee and West Africa: Examining the Origins of the Vai Script by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 438 ( Cherokee and West Africa: Examining the Origins of the Vai Script by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 438) ( Cherokee and West Africa: Examining the Origins of the Vai Script by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 444-445,449) ( The Vai people and their syllabic writing by Massaquoi pg 465 ( The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 32, Cherokee and West Africa: Examining the Origins of the Vai Script by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 458) ( only a single anonymous source makes a claim —25 years after the script’s invention— that it was Revey who inspired it and taught Bukele, but this was a mere supposition as Revey didn’t teach Bukele, neither did he mention anywhere in his accounts about introducing a new script, a project that was infact tried by one of his peers in 1835, see; Cherokee and West Africa: Examining the Origins of the Vai Script by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 474. ( Cherokee and West Africa: Examining the Origins of the Vai Script by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 483- 484, 452. ( Narrative of an Expedition Into the Vy Country of West Africa by Sigismund Koelle pg 24) ( Cherokee and West Africa: Examining the Origins of the Vai Script by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 449 n. 61) ( Narrative of an Expedition Into the Vy Country of West Africa by Sigismund Koelle pg 24 ( Dreams of scripts: Writing systems as gifts of God by Robert L. Cooper pg 223, The invention, transmission and evolution of writing: Insights from the new scripts of West Africa by Piers Kelly pg 202) ( Dreams of scripts: Writing systems as gifts of God by Robert L. Cooper pg 223, The invention, transmission and evolution of writing by Piers Kelly pg 204 ( The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 266 ( The invention, transmission and evolution of writing by Piers Kelly pg 204, The Vai people and their syllabic writing by Massaquoi pg 465 ( The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 265 ( The Vai People and Their Syllabic Writing by Momolu Massaquoi pg 459 ( The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 31) ( the term 'book-people’, ‘book-person’ and ‘book-palaver’ is encountered alot in west African accounts and local languages and it generally refers to literate people; initially Muslim Africans but also Christian Europeans, see: African-American Exploration in West Africa by James Fairhead pg 316, Cherokee and West Africa by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 445, Narrative of an Expedition Into the Vy Country by Sigismund Koelle pg 26 ( Cherokee and West Africa by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 451, The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 317 ( invention, transmission and evolution of writing: Insights from the new scripts of West Africa by Piers Kelly pg 193) ( Narrative of an Expedition Into the Vy Country of West Africa by Sigismund Koelle pg 25 ( Distribution of complexities in the Vai script by Andrij Rovenchak pg 3, The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 32) ( The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 265-266 ( invention, transmission and evolution of writing: Insights from the new scripts of West Africa by Piers Kelly pg 193, The fate of logosyllabograms in the Vai script by Piers Kelly, 1834-2005 ( Narrative of an Expedition Into the Vy Country of West Africa by Sigismund Koelle pg 24 ( The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 240 ( Narrative of an Expedition Into the Vy Country of West Africa by Sigismund Koelle pg 23 ( Cherokee and West Africa by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 448-445) ( The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 65-66, 71-82) ( A Study of Two 19th Century Vai Texts by T. V. Sherman, C. L. Riley ( The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 78 ( The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 79 ( The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 78-82) ( digitized ( with rough translation ( digitized on this ( , translation; “The Diary of Boima Kiakpomgbo from Mando Town (Liberia)” by Andrij Rovenchak ( African-American Exploration in West Africa by James Fairhead pg pg 314-318) ( Narrative of an Expedition Into the Vy Country of West Africa by Sigismund Koelle pg 25) ( Contrastive Rhetoric: Cross-Cultural Aspects of Second Language Writing By Ulla Connor pg 103 ( Narrative of an Expedition Into the Vy Country of West Africa by Sigismund Koelle pg 27) ( Cherokee and West Africa by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 454-455) ( Cherokee and West Africa by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 457). ( Cherokee and West Africa by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 447 ( Narrative of an Expedition Into the Vy Country of West Africa by Sigismund Koelle pg 24) ( Narrative of an Expedition Into the Vy Country of West Africa by Sigismund Koelle pg 24-25) ( The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 267 ( The Vai People and Their Syllabic Writing by Momolu Massaquoi pg 462-467 ( The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 63-64)

# Creating an African Writing System: The Vai Script of Liberia (1833-Present) ## Introduction - The Vai script originated in a small West African town in Liberia, inspired by a dream and created by a group of Vai speakers. - It is one of the oldest and most successful indigenous writing systems in West Africa. - Despite facing marginalization from the Liberian state and the prevalence of Arabic and Roman scripts, the Vai script remains significant for approximately 200,000 Vai speakers today. ## Historical Context 1. **Settlement of the Vai People (14th-17th Century)** - Various Mande-speaking groups, including the Vai, settled in the coastal hinterlands of what would later become Liberia. - They engaged in long-distance trade and established agro-pastoral economies. 2. **Colonial Intrusions and Political Upheaval (Early 19th Century)** - The establishment of the colony of Monrovia began in 1822, initiated by the American Colonization Society. - The settlement aimed to relocate freed-slaves from the U.S., which led to conflicts with local populations, including the Vai. ## Cultural Environment 1. **Mutual Acculturation** - There was significant interaction between Americo-Liberian settlers and local groups, such as trade, intermarriage, and cultural exchanges. - This interaction was also marked by ideological competition and warfare, notably as the Liberian colony expanded into Vai territory. 2. **Invention of the Vai Script (1833)** - Duwalu Bukele Momulu Kpolo, a Vai man from Jondu, invented the script along with his associates. - Neither Bukele nor his associates were literate in pre-existing scripts before the creation of the Vai script. ## Origin of the Vai Script 1. **Inspiration and Vision** - The script’s invention was attributed to visions and dreams experienced by Bukele and his associates. - Early accounts describe Bukele receiving the script from a "poro" man, which included dietary restrictions and instructions for use. 2. **Cultural Significance of the Invention** - The narrative surrounding the script’s creation served to legitimize its use and promote the cultural identity of the Vai people. - The Vai king Goturu endorsed the script, asserting its divine connection and promoting education. ## Pre-existing Writing Systems 1. **Archaic Graphic Systems** - Prior to the Vai script, the Vai people used proto-writing systems, which were gradually replaced by the standardized Vai syllabary. - Bukele leveraged these logograms in the early stages of developing the script. 2. **Characteristics of the Vai Writing System** - The Vai script is a syllabary consisting of 211 standardized signs that represent syllables in the Vai language. - Initially, it included logograms but evolved into a purely phonetic script. ## Education and Literacy 1. **Early Education Initiatives** - Schools were established in Jondu shortly after the script's invention, where diverse participants learned to read and write. - The teaching of the Vai script included letter writing and communication, mirroring practices observed in literate communities. 2. **Continuing Vai Literacy** - Following the initial success, the teaching of the script persisted despite disruptions from conflicts, maintaining a high literacy rate. - By the late 19th and early 20th centuries, a significant portion of the literate Vai population could read and write in the Vai script. ## Conclusion - The Vai script emerged from a complex interplay of political, cultural, and social factors in early 19th-century Liberia. - It served practical purposes for communication while also asserting the Vai people's autonomy amidst colonial pressures. - The Vai script represents a successful endeavor to create an indigenous writing system, highlighting the inventiveness and resilience of the Vai community.

Constructing Peace in a pre-colonial African state: Diplomacy and the ceremony of dialogue in Asante

"Never appeal to the sword while a path lay open for negotiation"

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Constructing Peace in a pre-colonial African state: Diplomacy and the ceremony of dialogue in Asante ==================================================================================================== ### "Never appeal to the sword while a path lay open for negotiation" ( Jul 31, 2022 10 Despite its well deserved reputation as a major west African military power, the Asante employed the practice of diplomacy as a ubiquitous tool in its art of statecraft. Treaties were negotiated, the frontiers of trade, authority and territory were delimited, disputes were settled, and potential crises were averted . As a result of the diplomatic maneuverings of astute Asante statespersons working through their commissioned ambassadors, embassies were dispatched to various west African and European capitals, and couriers were sent across the Asante provinces to advance Asante’s interests globally and regionally. This article explorers the history of Asante’s diplomatic systems and the ceremonies of dialogue that mediated the kingdom’s international relations. _**Asante at its greatest extent in the early 19th century**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Regional and international Asante; the need for diplomacy.** By the late 18th and early 19th century, the Asante state had developed an elaborate administrative system. The increasing volume of governmental needs led to the establishment of a complex bureaucracy with systems for legislative, judicial, financial administration and foreign relations. Its within this context that a class of professional diplomats emerged, who served as specialists in the conduct of foreign relations.( The establishment of a professional class of envoys in Asante was partly in response to the rapidly changing political landscape of West Africa and the Gold coast region (the coast of modern Ghana), the latter of which had been recently subsumed by Asante's expansionism, while the former was closely integrated within Asante’s trade networks. In the Gold coast region, the formerly (politically) subordinate European traders were increasingly extending their commercial and political hegemony at the expense of the Asante's interests, and sought to bypass the Asante's control of the commodities trade from the interior (Asante's north).( The changing mode of engagement with the coast-based European traders, who were after 1807 mostly interested in the commodities trade; especially in items whose production was largely controlled by the Asante, resulted in a more direct level of correspondence with the Asante court( . From the late 18th century, Asante received and sent diplomats to its African neighbors of Dahomey and Wasulu, and within just 5 years between 1816-1820, King Osei Bonsu (r. 1804-1824) received 9 European diplomats representing different countries and interests, a gesture which was reciprocated with Asante envoys travelling to the coast with the same frequency. The activity of these envoys steadily rose in the 1830s, and over the last half of the 19th century, as all regional and international parties became more politically entangled.( **Construction and performance of Asante’s diplomatic institution** Within the Asante bureaucratic system, the diplomatic class was often taken from a section of public servants called the _**nhenkwaa**_. Individual envoys were often selected based on their competence, diplomatic and communication skills, experience with the culture of their intended guests, as well as their position within the Asante political structure.( Asante officials traveling abroad in diplomatic capacity were initially of two kinds; "career" ambassadors and couriers; the former of whom could negotiate with their hosts on their own authority as conferred to them by the King, while the latter —who attimes included foreign traders— could only relay information but couldn't negotiate in any capacity.( As Owusu Ansa, one of the top Asante diplomats in 1881 clarified about the past conduct of a messenger in the latter’s negotiations with the British that; "_**no Ashanti taking the King's message would dare to add or to take from it**_,"( Over the 19th century however, the distinction between the official envoys and messengers was blurred by the emergence of other titled officials such as the _**afenasoafo**_, who not only transmitted official messages but also came to assume more official but lesser diplomatic duties including negotiating the return of fugitives.( Established procedures regulated the various spheres of diplomatic activity, from the swearing in ceremony of the official envoys —as observed by (British envoy to Asante) Thomas Bowdich in 1817 while witnessing the preparations for Asante’s diplomats to the Cape coast (a British-owned castle at the coast and base of a small colony)—, to the specification of individual envoy's powers and latitude in negotiation. The envoys performed a variety of functions depending on their delegated capacities, including negotiating and ratifying peace agreements; issuing official protests, resolving foreign disputes, demanding fines, as well as extraditing Asante fugitives. Covertly, the diplomats also engaged in other activities including commercial duties, and espionage, depending on the security and foreign policy concerns of the central government.( While in foreign territory, the diplomatic immunity and recognition of official Asante envoys was secured by having them carry the necessary credentials, wearing special clothing and equipping them with symbols of office. Ambassadors of high rank were dressed in costly garments that constituted "public state wardrobe" as observed by Bowdich in 1817, provided by the King to the Ambassador to “enrich the splendor of his suite and attire as much as possible" that was kept especially for the purpose.( The lower ranks in the Asante diplomatic retune carried badges of offices such as golden discs, Staffs of office, and gold-handled swords.( _**Asante wooden staffs of office covered with gold leaf, late 19th-early 20th century (art institute Chicago, Houston museum of fine arts, Smithsonian)**_ _**Asante ceremonial sword and sword handle of a hand holding a serpent, dated 1845–1855, (British Museum, Houston Museum)**_ _**Asante gold badge, dated 1870-1895, Houston Museum of Fine Arts**_ The size of the envoy's retinue, which often included titled officials from various Asante provinces, served as an index of the importance of the ambassador as well as the importance of the intended subject of discussion. Every effort was made to impress the guests with the size of the embassies, in line with Asante ceremonial pomp that accustomed such diplomatic occasions.( As such, the size of the train of ambassadors such as Owusu Dome in 1820 was said —with some exaggeration— to be as many as 12,000, and the size of Kwame Antwi’s embassy in 1874 numbered around 300 men. As (British envoy to Asante) Joseph Dupuis noted on Owusu's arrival at Cape coast; "_**the ambassador entered the place with a degree of military splendour unknown there since the conquest of Fante by the (**_Asante_**) King**_."( The Asante always insisted that proper respect should be paid to their representatives abroad and were quick to punish slights, especially when the offenders were the their sphere of influence such as the Fante of the Gold coast. While all Asante diplomatic procedures were initially conducted orally, the broadening reach of Asante's foreign affairs (with both the Europeans along the coast and the Muslim states of West Africa) led to the adoption of written forms of official diplomatic communication to record the proceedings of Asante's embassies, but mostly to supplement rather than displace the established oral system of official communication.( By the second half of the 19th century, a sort of chancery was in place Kumase as an archive of the state’s volume of foreign correspondence, whose extent can be gleaned from the number of extant letters from Kumasi that were addressed to various foreign states( . The chancery's staff that were employed on an adhoc basis composed letters on behalf of the government, as well as translating and interpreting foreign letters and counseling the King on foreign policy issues as requested.( A carder of learned officials were trained by the Asante to staff and supervise the chancery. These included the princes Owusu Nkwantabisa and Owusu Ansa, who were educated under British auspices at Cape Coast and in and their younger siblings; John Ansa and Albert Ansa were educated in England. They were assisted in their chancery tasks by the various foreign adhoc officials whose activities were closely supervised due to suspicions over their divided loyalties.( * * * **Receiving Foreign Diplomats in Asante:** The foreign policy of the Asante state was decided by the king and his advisers (the Kumasi council), subject to a veto by the aristocracy in the general council.( For this reason, no envoy was welcome in the capital until the king had to assemble the Kumasi council and be properly briefed. The procession of foreign envoys to Kumasi was defined by a distinct pattern of prescribed halts that were ostensibly concerned with giving both the visitors and the Asante court time to assemble, organize, and prepare themselves for the forthcoming encounter.( Foreign envoys bound for the Asante capital from the coast were always stopped in the southern districts where they had to wait until the king was ready to receive them, the waiting period varying from a day to several weeks. An envoy who objected to this delay was warned by his assigned escort against proceeding to the capital without the approval of the King.( Asante officials who violated the strict code of diplomatic conduct were subject to punishment. In 1816 when two senior army commanders negotiated with the people of Elmina without the king's knowledge and flagrantly disobeyed the orders of the metropolitan government, one of the generals was subsequently tried in public, convicted of treason, stripped of his offices and possessions.( Following an elaborate reception ceremony in which the guest’s progress and reception proceeded in a highly orchestrated manner, the foreign envoys were allotted free accommodation in the city by the government official responsible (often the royal treasurer) who then provided them with all their necessities during the entire length of the stay.( While the foreign envoys were in Kumasi, the afenasoafo officials mentioned earlier often served as the diplomatic channels of communication between the King and visiting envoys.( The envoys were often given official audience in semi-public settings that mostly included the sections of the public, top officials of the state (ie members of the council) as well as the King, while more confidential matters were negotiated in private with the envoy appearing alone with the King and four senior council members. Treaties and agreements were proclaimed and made binding in the presence of those who were affected by them, while general policy statements were delivered to the public.( The task of publicizing the results of new decrees and agreements resulting from diplomatic negotiations fell on the nseniefo (heralds) , who were the most important agents of communication in the nineteenth century.( The Oath taking procedure involved various practices depending on the origin of the envoy, they included swearing on a the Bible for Europeans, the Koran for Muslims (and some Europeans) and taking a traditional drink in the presence of the court.( According to the Asante principle, the envoys were under Asante law once they were within Asante territory and could thus only be allowed to depart upon receiving permission from the King. ( * * * **The Ceremony of dialogue:** The pomp and ceremony of a foreign envoy's reception had several purposes and greatly depended on the expectations which the Asante government had of a foreign mission. The hosts carefully combined several forms of public displays intended to impress and intimidate their guests on the power and wealth of the Asante state, and communicate the significance (or insignificance) of the guests to the Asante public.( The ceremony thus conferred royal recognition on the visitors and integrated them within the hierarchical structure of Asante society by allocating them a suitable place inside it.( The invited guest, who lacked the power and splendor of their host, found themselves on equal footing to their host at the ceremonial event, and the order in which the visitors were introduced to the general assembly and the configuration of each chief’s retinue combined to reproduce a physical and spatial representation of Asante society’s basic composition and hierarchical structure.( These grand ceremonies such as the one excellently depicted by Bowdich titled: "First Day of the Yam Custom", displayed the Asante's selective inter-cultural appropriations of conventions and symbolism taken from traditional Akan iconography, west African-Islamic iconography and European iconography that represented an important diplomatic encounter.( _**Detail of Asante king Osei Tutu Kwame surrounded by his courtiers, subjects, and European guests.**_ When the envoys were conducted to the king's presence, every effort was made by the Asante side to impress the new Arrivals with the magnificence of the Asante state. Most of the residents of the capital and surrounding towns were summoned to attend the proceedings. The king, provincial nobels, and officials were magnificently dressed and profusely decorated with gold ornaments. Musical instruments were sounded, muskets were fired, and the military captains ushered in the envoys.( The success of such a carefully organized ceremony can be read from the accounts of several European envoys who were conducted to Kumasi in the early 19th century, as one Willem Huydecoper in 1816 writes; "_**what a tumult greeted me there!, There are more than 50 thousand people in this place! His Majesty has summoned all the lesser kings from the surrounding countryside for today's assembly. Every one of them was splendidly adorned with gold, and each had more than 50 soldiers in his retinue. There were golden swords, flutes, horns, and I know not what else in profusion. When I saw all this, I felt very grateful for His Majesty's courtesy Towards me**_".( A similar scene was witnessed by Dupuis also states in his journal that at this same spot in 1820, he was confronted with "_**The view was suddenly animated by assembled thousands in full costume, chiefs were distinguished from the commonalty by large floating umbrellas, fabricated from cloth of various hues. all the ostentatious trophies of Negro splendour were emblazoned to view**_"( and by Bowdich in 1817; “_**The sun was reflected with a glare scarcely more supportable than the heat, from the massy gold ornaments, which glistened in every direction More than a hundred bands burst at once on our arrival with the peculiar airs of their several chiefs the horns flourished their defiances with the beating of innumerable drums and metal instruments, and then yielded for a while to the soft breathings of their long flutes, which were truly harmonious and a leasing instrument”**_( Not every envoy received such a glorious welcome however, for when Jan Nieser sent envoys to Asante with the object of discrediting Huydecoper as representative of the Dutch, the king at first refused to see them, later reluctantly fixed a date for their entry into the capital, and then failed to accord them any ceremonial welcome. ( As Huydecoper noted in his journal; "_**To the Ashantees, anyone who arrives without having honor done to him by the King is an object of scorn and is cursed by the common people**_"( and the effect of the ceremonies and encounters with the court was best summarized by Dupuis “_**it naturally occurred to me that the impression was intended to paralyze the senses, by contributing to magnify the man of royalty**_”( * * * **The results of Asante diplomacy: Relations with Asante’s African neighbors and Europeans.** **Asante and Dahomey; from foes to allies** The simultaneous expansion of the Asante and Dahomey states in the mid 18th century had brought both states on a path of collision. As the relationship between the two states deteriorated Dahomey begun supporting rebels in Asante's eastern provinces, a threat that the Asante King Kusi Obodom (r. 1750-1764) responded to in kind with an invasion of Dahomey that ended in an inconclusive battle between the two forces in 1764, and resulted in significant causalities on the Asante side. Hoping to avert future conflicts, the ruler of the Oyo empire (Dahomey's suzerain) dispatched a mission to Kumasi in the same year to which Kusi's successor Osei Kwado reciprocated by sending a splendid embassy to Dahomey's capital Abomey that was warmly received. In 1777 and 1802 envoys from Abomey were received in Kumase as Dahomey strove to maintain cordial relations with Asante.( When tensions between the two states flared up again in the mid 19th century that resulted in a second Asante-Dahomey war in the 1830s that resulted in a peace treaty between the two attained by both state's envoys, with a resumption in the sending of embassies between the two states. In 1845, an Asante embassy was present in Abomey with 40 retainers and stayed for five years. Other Asante embassies to Dahomey were sent in 1873 (prior to the British invasion), and in 1880, the latter of which was successful in receiving assistance from the Dahomey king Glele in restoring Asante authority to the east, after Glele had assessed the European threat to both him and Asante. ( In October 1895, Asante King Prempeh I dispatched envoys accompanied by 300 officials to the Wasulu emperor Samory Ture bearing a gift of 100 oz of gold , in response to the latter's earlier embassy to Kumasi. Prempeh requested that Samory assist him to recover Asante's breakaway provinces in the west, the result of which was a decisive shift in Asante's authority in the region as rebellious provinces re-pledged their allegiance to Kumasi.( **The legacies of the Ansa family in Anglo-Asante diplomacy:** The careers of the ambassadors Owusu Ansa (senior) and his son John Ansa exemplify the preeminence of diplomacy in Asante's foreign relations. While Owusu had been educated and converted to Christianity under British auspices as part of negotiations between the Asante and the British following the first series of wars in the 1820s, he was turned into King Kwaku Dua's envoy upon his second return to Asante in lieu of his originally intended missionary objectives. _**Owusu Ansa in 1872, Basel Mission archives**_ In one of his first tasks, Owusu successfully averted an attack in 1864 by the Asante forces against the coastal regions whose control was disputed by the British. Owusu was retained by Kwaku Dua's successor King kofi and In 1870, Owusu drafted a letter for the King protesting the Dutch handover of the Elmina fort to the British, and in 1871, led an embassy to exchange war prisoners with the British. In 1873, his role as an ambassador raised suspicion in the cloud of growing tensions between the British and Asante, resulting in a cape coast mob to burn his house, and the British tactically offered him 'vacation' in sierra Leone in preparation for their 1874 invasion. He nevertheless believed he could prevent the impending Anglo-Asante war of 1874, writing to the cape coast governor that _**"if I were put in position to communicate authoritatively with the King of Ashantee as an envoy from the Queen, I might be able to terminate the present unhappy war on term honourable and advantageous to both sides".**_( After the Asante loss in 1874, Owusu was retained by King Mensa Bonsu and was instrumental in the institutional reforms of the Asante state during a critical time when many of its provinces were breaking away He also successfully secured the supply of thousands of modern snider rifles in 1877-1878 to increase the army’s strength, and recruited foreign personnel to build up a new civil service.( In 1889, Owusu’s son; John Ansa was appointed as an ambassador by the reformist King Prempeh and, along with his brother Albert Ansa, they influenced Asante's decision to reject British protectorate status in 1891 and expanded their father's diplomatic and commercial networks with independent French traders to supply modern firearms and foreign military trainers in 1893 and 1894 and reportedly made overtures to the French to counteract the British.( As tensions grew between Asante and the Cape coast governors who were increasingly pushing the British to occupy Asante, John further influenced Asante's rejection of British protectorate status in 1893, writing that _**"As my countrymen are desirous of continuing their independence, I beg here to strongly suggest to your excellency that it is essential that the British Government ought now to formally acknowledge Ashanti as an independent native empire, or in other words engagements entered into with her and the Ameer of Afghanistan by which annexation by any power is deemed impossible"**_ After learning that the Cape coast governors were intent on war, Ansa advised Prempeh to dispatch an embassy to London which left successfully in 1895 due to Ansa’s contacts despite the Cape coast governor’s strong protests.( While not fully received as an official embassy due to objections from the colonial office, Ansa successfully navigated Britain's legal system and hired solicitors to affirm his credentials as an official envoy that negotiated with full authority. But the colonial office was intent on frustrating their negotiations with the British government, and upon instigation by cape coast governor about the supposed alliance between Samory and Asante, as well as the looming threat of French competition, colonial secretary Chamberlain authorized the invasion of Asante. Ansa, who had assessed the strength of the invading force, hurried back to Kumasi ahead of the British expedition of 1896 and was instrumental in convincing Prempeh not to array his forces against what would have been a disastrous engagement, saving Kumasi a pillaging it had suffered in 1874 and preserving most of Asante’s state apparatus. Recognizing the role Ansa had played, the invading force fabricated charges against him (regarding his diplomatic credentials) but later dropped them.( While 1896 may have closed the chapter on Asante's political autonomy, its diplomatic legacy would continue throughout the colonial and independent governments, as the former Asante core negotiated its way through successive regimes. _**Kumasi 1896**_ * * * **Conclusion.** The Asante expertly used soft power and adopted cultural diplomacy within their official structures in order to direct foreign policy through organized channels of communication, symbolism, and ceremony. The Asante penchant for the art of diplomacy was remarked upon by many observers and is preserved in an famous Asante maxim; "_**never appeal to the sword while a path lay open for negotiation**_"( The Asante diplomatic institution was dynamic enough to adopt selective elements of foreign communicative processes while retaining its traditional form and distinctive features, enabling Asante to achieve its political objectives through a less costly and more favorable avenue than war —peace. * * * * * * **A PRE-COLOMBUS DISCOVERY OF AMERICA?** **read about “Mansa Muhammad's journey across the Atlantic in the 14th century, and an exploration of West Africa's maritime culture from the 12th-19th century”** ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. * * * THANKS FOR YOUR SUPPORT ON PATREON AND FOR THE DONATIONS. FOR ANY SUGGESTIONS AND RESEARCH CONTRIBUTIONS, PLEASE CONTACT MY GMAIL **isaacsamuel64@gmail.com** ( Indigenous African Diplomacy: An Asante Case Study by Joseph K. Adjaye pg 488) ( Wrapping and ratification: an early nineteenth century display of diplomacy Asante ‘Style’ by Fiona M. Sheales pg 50) ( The Political Economy of the Interior Gold Coast by Jarvis L. Hargrove pg 143-144 ( “Sights/Sites of Spectacle: Anglo/Asante Appropriations, Diplomacy and Displays of Power 1816-1820” by Fiona Sheales pg 3 ( Indigenous African Diplomacy: An Asante Case Study by Joseph K. Adjaye pg 489 ( Precolonial African Diplomacy: The Example of Asante by Graham W. Irwin pg 93) ( Indigenous African Diplomacy: An Asante Case Study by Joseph K. Adjaye pg 497 ( Indigenous African Diplomacy: An Asante Case Study by Joseph K. Adjaye pg pg 490 ( Indigenous African Diplomacy: An Asante Case Study by Joseph K. Adjaye pg 495 ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century by Ivor Wilks pg 324) ( Precolonial African Diplomacy: The Example of Asante by Graham W. Irwin pg 94) ( Indigenous African Diplomacy: An Asante Case Study by Joseph K. Adjaye pg 497-498 ( Journal of a Residence in Ashantee by Joseph Dupuis pg xxviii) ( Indigenous African Diplomacy: An Asante Case Study by Joseph K. Adjaye pg 500-501) ( Indigenous African Diplomacy: An Asante Case Study by Joseph K. Adjaye pg 502) ( for a critique of the exact nature and functions of this chancery’ see: “State and Society in Pre-colonial Asante By T. C. McCaskie” pg 332-333 ( Indigenous African Diplomacy: An Asante Case Study by Joseph K. Adjaye pg 502) ( Precolonial African Diplomacy: The Example of Asante by Graham W. Irwin pg 86) ( Sights/Sites of Spectacle: Anglo/Asante Appropriations, Diplomacy and Displays of Power 1816-1820” by Fiona Sheales pg 88 ( Precolonial African Diplomacy: The Example of Asante by Graham W. Irwin pg 87) ( Precolonial African Diplomacy: The Example of Asante by Graham W. Irwin pg 87) ( Precolonial African Diplomacy: The Example of Asante by Graham W. Irwin pg 90) ( Indigenous African Diplomacy: An Asante Case Study by Joseph K. Adjaye pg 490 ( Precolonial African Diplomacy: The Example of Asante by Graham W. Irwin pg 90) ( Indigenous African Diplomacy: An Asante Case Study by Joseph K. Adjaye pg 490 ( Precolonial African Diplomacy: The Example of Asante by Graham W. Irwin pg 91) ( Precolonial African Diplomacy: The Example of Asante by Graham W. Irwin pg 92) ( Precolonial African Diplomacy: The Example of Asante by Graham W. Irwin pg 10) ( Wrapping and ratification: an early nineteenth century display of diplomacy Asante ‘Style by Fiona M. Sheales pg 52) ( Sights/Sites of Spectacle: Anglo/Asante Appropriations, Diplomacy and Displays of Power 1816-1820” by Fiona Sheales pg 107 ( Wrapping and ratification: an early nineteenth century display of diplomacy Asante ‘Style by Fiona M. Sheales pg 48) ( Precolonial African Diplomacy: The Example of Asante by Graham W. Irwin pg 87) ( The Journal of the Visit to Kumasi of W. Huydecoper pg 24-25) ( Journal of a Residence in Ashantee by Joseph Dupuis pg 70-71 ( Mission from Cape Coast Castle to Ashantee by Thomas Edward Bowdich pg 37 ( Precolonial African Diplomacy: The Example of Asante by Graham W. Irwin pg 89-90) ( The Journal of the Visit to Kumasi of W. Huydecoper pg 53 ( Journal of a Residence in Ashantee by Joseph Dupuis pg 81 ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 321) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 323-324) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 303) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg pg 604) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks 614-619) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 633-638) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 643-645) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 650- 658) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 324)

### Title: Constructing Peace in a Pre-Colonial African State: Diplomacy and the Ceremony of Dialogue in Asante ### Introduction - The Asante Empire, known for its military prowess in West Africa, utilized diplomacy as a vital component of its statecraft. - Diplomatic efforts included treaty negotiations, dispute resolution, and the establishment of trade frontiers to avert crises. ### Development of Diplomatic Systems 1. **Establishment of a Bureaucratic System** - By the late 18th century, Asante developed a complex administrative structure that required skilled diplomats to manage foreign relations. - This system emerged in response to the political changes in West Africa, including European trade dynamics and the expansion of Asante territorial control. 2. **Emergence of Professional Diplomats** - A professional class of diplomats was created to address the growing demands of foreign engagement. - Envoys were educated on cultural nuances, diplomatic skills, and political protocols. 3. **Diplomatic Activities** - Asante maintained diplomatic relations with neighboring African states like Dahomey and Wasulu, as well as European powers, particularly between 1816-1820. ### Construction and Performance of Asante’s Diplomatic Institution 1. **Selection of Envoys** - Envoys were chosen based on experience, competence, and social standing within Asante political structure. - There were two main types of envoys: career ambassadors with negotiation authority and couriers who could relay messages but not engage in negotiations. 2. **Formal Diplomatic Procedures** - Established protocols included oath-taking ceremonies, the provision of credentials, and proper attire to symbolize diplomatic status. - The ceremonial aspect of diplomacy served to impress foreign audiences and assert Asante’s authority. 3. **Functions and Powers of Envoys** - Envoys negotiated treaties, resolved disputes, and handled extraditions while also engaging in commercial activities and espionage as needed. - The size and composition of an envoy's retinue reflected the embassy's importance and the gravity of the diplomatic mission. ### Reception of Foreign Diplomats 1. **Protocol for Receiving Envoys** - Foreign envoys were required to wait in southern districts until the Asante king was ready to receive them, illustrating the hierarchical nature of Asante diplomatic customs. 2. **Reception Ceremonies** - A well-orchestrated ceremonial welcome included public displays of wealth, military honor, and cultural significance, aimed at conveying the might of the Asante state. - The king and officials would don elaborate clothing and adornments, creating an impressive spectacle for the visiting envoys. 3. **Public Engagements and Private Negotiations** - Envoys participated in semi-public audiences with the king, while more sensitive discussions occurred privately, ensuring discretion in diplomatic communications. ### The Ceremony of Dialogue 1. **Purpose and Impact of Ceremonies** - Ceremonial receptions were designed to communicate Asante's wealth and power and integrate foreign guests into the local social hierarchy. - The order of introductions and the display of pomp served to reinforce Asante’s diplomatic stature. 2. **Observations of Foreign Envoys** - Accounts from European diplomats highlight the grandeur of Asante ceremonies and the emotional impact they had on visiting dignitaries, often illustrating the superiority and strategic sophistication of Asante diplomacy. ### Results of Asante Diplomacy 1. **Relations with Dahomey** - Initially adversarial, Asante and Dahomey engaged in diplomatic efforts, culminating in treaties to mitigate conflicts and strengthen alliances through embassies. 2. **Engagement with European Powers** - Asante diplomats navigated complex relations with European traders and governments, often balancing local interests with external pressures. 3. **Legacy of the Ansa Family** - Key figures like Owusu Ansa played crucial roles in Anglo-Asante diplomacy, advocating for Asante interests and influencing strategic decisions during critical periods, including opposition to British annexation. ### Conclusion - The Asante Empire adeptly employed diplomacy and cultural ceremonialism to pursue its foreign policy goals, exemplifying the strategy of negotiation over military conflict. - The effectiveness of Asante diplomacy is encapsulated in the adage: "never appeal to the sword while a path lay open for negotiation," highlighting the preference for peaceful resolutions and political maneuvering in the realm of international relations.

Constructing a global Monument in Africa: the Zagwe Kingdom and the Rock-cut churches of Lalibela -Ethiopia (12th-13th century)

Africa's New Jerusalem?

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Constructing a global Monument in Africa: the Zagwe Kingdom and the Rock-cut churches of Lalibela -Ethiopia (12th-13th century) =============================================================================================================================== ### Africa's New Jerusalem? ( Jul 24, 2022 8 The colossal churches of Lalibela are some of Africa's most iconic architectural structures from the medieval era. Carved entirely out of volcanic rock, extending over an area of 62 acres and sinking to a depth of 4 stories, the 11 churches make up one of the most frequented pilgrimage sites on the continent, a visible legacy of the Zagwe kingdom. The history of the Zagwe kingdom, which was mostly written by their successors, is shrouded in the obscure nature of their overthrow. The Zagwe sovereigns were characterized by their successors as a usurper dynasty; illegitimate heirs of the ancient Aksumite empire, and outside the political lineage within which power was supposed to be transmitted. The Zagwe sovereigns were nevertheless elevated to sainthood long after their demise, and are associated with grandiose legends especially relating to the construction of the Lalibela Churches. This article explorers the history of the Zagwe kingdom and the circumstances in which one of the world's most renowned works of rock-cut architecture were created. **Map of the northern Horn of Africa during the early 2nd millennium showing the Zagwe kingdom and surrounding polities** * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The northern horn of Africa prior to the ascendance of the Zagwe kingdom.** After the fall of the Aksumite empire in the 7th century AD, the succeeding rump states of the region ruled by Christian elites from their distinct geographical bases were engaged in a protracted contest of power and legitimacy, and the region was undergoing an era of deep political upheaval which is partially evidenced by the absence of a single, sufficiently strong central authority between them.( In the northern and western regions that were part of the Aksumite heartlands, we're introduced to the enigmatic figure of non-Christian Queen Gudit, who ruled the region during the 10th century and may have been associated with the powerful kingdom of Damot. According to internal and external accounts about her reign (the former from an anonymous Aksumite king’s appeal to the Nubian King George II <d. 920>( , and the latter from Ibn Ḥawḳal <d. 988>), Gudit is said to have deposed the last Aksumite king and burned the kingdom’s churches, representing the decline of the Aksum’s political and ecclesiastical institutions. ( Her reign's exceptional length and the extent of the social-political transformations which the societies of the northern horn experienced, underline the strength of the region’s new monarchs (of non-Abrahamic religions) who managed to confine the Christian states (and emerging Muslim states) for a time, to the frontier of their kingdoms.( To the east of the former Aksumite heartlands were the emerging Muslim states and trading towns such as Kwiha and the red-sea island of Dahlak where mosques were constructed between the 10th and 11th centuries, and attest to the expansion of the Muslim communities in the region.( In the southern reaches of the Christian controlled regions, a powerful confederation of non-Abrahamic (ie: “pagan”) states emerged called the “shay culture”. The Shay culture’s extensive trade with the red-sea region and their construction of monumental funerary architecture, were markers of an emerging power. Their flourishing during the era of Queen Gudit and the Damot kingdom, represented a wider movement in which the northern horn of Africa was dominated by states ruled by non-Abrahamic elites.( _**The tumulus of Tätär Gur, a passage grave built for an elite of the Shay culture during the mid-10th century**_.( The political crises between the weakening Christian states in contrast with the growing power of the non-Abrahamic states, precipitated the emergence of a Christian elite called the Zāgwē dynasty, which was eventually was able to gather enough political power to defeat the successors of Queen Gudit and their probable allies, and establish a Christian kingdom that was sufficiently strong in the region, and able to receive a metropolitan from the Alexandrian patriarchate; successfully restoring both political and ecclesiastic institutions.( * * * **The Zagwe sovereigns, a short chronology** The first attested Zagwe monarch was king Tantāwedem who reigned in the late 11th century to early 12th century( . His reign is documented by a number of contemporary internal sources that include a rich endowment of land to the church of Ura Masqal (now in Eritrea), which possesses a land grant dated to the 12th year of his reign, and that introduces the Zagwe king’s three names in Aksumite style; his baptismal name Tantāwedem, his regnal name Salomon, and his surname, Gabra Madòen.( In his donation, King Ṭänṭäwǝdǝm mentions a Muslim state from the region of Ṣǝraʿ (now in eastern Tigray), which he claims to have fought and defeated. He also lists several offices that provide a glimpse of the Zagwe’s territorial administration over a fairly large region which extended upto the red-sea coast.( _**the church of Ura Masqal, founded by king Tantāwedem in the 12th century.**_ The successors of Tantawedem were King Harbāy and Anbasā Wedem who reigned in the 12th century. Documentary evidence for both monarch's reigns is relatively scant and is derived from internal records that mention as contemporary with the metropolitan Mikā’ēl I who is known to have served in the years between the office of the patriarch Macarius (1103-1131) and that of John V (1146-1167).( During the mid-12th century, a delegation from the Zagwe kingdom was sent to Fatimid Egypt during this time with letters and presents to the Fatimid Calip al-Adid (d. 1171) but was received by his successor Caliph Salah al-Din in 1173, although the purpose for the delegation is unclear. ( These two kings were succeeded by Lālibalā , whose reign in the late 12th/early 13th century is better documented. According to two land grants preserved in the Gospels of Dabra Libānos church, King Lālibalā was already reigning in the year 1204 and was still in power in the year 1225 when he made a donation to the church of Beta Mehdane Alam. Other internal manuscripts written long after his reign push his ascendance back to the year 1185 and state that he completed his rock-hewn churches in 1208( . Lālibalā is credited a number of ecclesiastical and political innovations that are recounted in written accounts on his reign (both external and internal) as well as in local oral traditions. The 13th century Egyptian writer Abu al-Makarim mentions that the Zagwe king claimed descent from the line of Moses and Aaron (thus marking the earliest evidence of the use of ancient Israelite associations in Ethiopian dynastic legitimacy)( . He also mentions the presence of altars and "tablets made of stone", the presence of these altars is confirmed by the inscribed altars dated to Lālibalā's reign that were dedicated by the King in several rock-hewn churches.( In the years 1200 and 1210, Lālibalā sent envoys and gifts to Sultan al-’Adil the ruler of Egypt and Syria (and the brother to Saladin, who also controlled Jerusalem). These gifts may have been connected with securing the safe passage of Christian pilgrims from Zagwe domains,( because in 1189, Saladin had given a number of sites in Jerusalem to the Ethiopians residing there.( The successors of Lālibalā were Na’ākweto La’āb and Yetbārak, both of whose reigns are also documented in later texts. The former ruled until the year 1250 and is presented as the nephew of King Lālibalā and son of King Harbāy, while the latter ruled upto the year 1270, he also appears in external texts as the last Zagwe King and is known to be the son of Lālibalā.( In 1270, a southern prince named Yǝkunno Amlak seized the Zagwe throne under rather obscure circumstances and established a new dynasty often called “Solomonic”, -a term which is based on the legitimating myth of origin used by Amlak’s successors. The “Solomonic” monarchs who ruled medieval Ethiopia from 1270-1974, traced the descent of the their dynasty to the biblical King Solomon in the 10th century BC and through the Aksumite royals, they therefore dismissed the Zagwe rulers as usurpers, positing a “restoration” of an ancient, unbroken royal lineage that had been “illegitimately” occupied by the Zagwe.( * * * **Rock-cut architecture and the churches of Lalibela.** **Early Rock-hewn structures in the Northern Horn of Africa from the Aksumite era to the eve of the Zagwe’s ascendance.** The architectural tradition of creating rock-cut structures is an ancient one in the northern horn of Africa. The oldest of such structures date back to the icon rock-cut Aksumite ‘_**tomb of the brick arches**_’ dated to the 4th century during the pre-Christian era, and the 6th century funerary rock-cut churches and chapels that were set ontop of rock-cut tombs of Christian monarchs near the town of Degum (modern eastern Tigray).( _**The iconic 4th century “tomb of the brick arches” in Aksum carved out of rock, its walls are lined with stone and bricks with arches separating its chambers.**_ Rock-hewn churches ontop of similarly constructed tombs increased in elaboration during the post-Aksumite era, with the construction of the church of Beraqit, and the cross-in-square churches of Abraha-wa-Atsbaha, Tcherqos Wukro, and Mika’el Amba that were carved during the 8th-10th century. By the 12th and 13th century, lone-standing rock-hewn churches that served solely as monastic institutions (without funerary associations) were constructed, these include the Maryam wurko and Debra Tsion churches. All of these rock-cut churches retain classical Aksumite architectural features and spatial design.( _**The rock cut churches of Mika’el Amba and Tcherqos Wukro in eastern Tigray, created in the 8th-10th century.**_ **The Lalibela rock-cut church complex.** While ecclesiastical traditions unequivocally attribute all of the Lalibela churches to king Lālibalā —whose name the place now bears—, this reflects the processes through which the Zagwe king was elevated to sainthood in the 15th-17th century rather than the exact circumstances of their construction in the early 2nd millennium.( The Lalibela complex comprises of twelve rock-hewn structures (11 churches and one tomb) divided in three clusters of the "eastern", "northern" and western complex, that were carved out of soft volcanic rock over four major phases which saw the transformation of what were initially defensive pre-existing structures of into churches.( _**Map of the Lalibela complex.**_( In their early (_**Troglodytic**_) phase of construction, the oldest structures consisted of small tunnels and flights of stairs cut into the rock that lead into domed chambers in the interior. During the second (_**Hypogean**_) phase, the rock-hewn structures consisted of extensive hypostyle chambers, galleries, heightened ceilings, ornamenting entrances with Aksumite-style pillars and doorways leading to open-air courtyards, and subterranean rooms cut.( They were surrounded by defensive perimeter wall system built in the mid 10th to 12th century, that was cut through during the last phases of the transformation of the buildings into churches and buried under debris.( _**phases of Lalibela rock-cutting process.**_( That the older structures were carved by a pre-Christian population is evidenced by the figures carved on the walls of the rock-cut church of Washa Mika’el (located about 50km south-east of Lalibela) that include animals like humpback cattle, birds, giraffes, elephants and mythical creatures as well as Human figures with male sexual attributes. Christian murals were later added in the 13th century but the pre-Christian carvings were retained, representing a technical and religious syncretism that points to the pre-Christian population adopting Christianity rather than displacement by a foreign Christian population.( A similar cultural transformation is noted among the other non-Abrahamic societies of the north-central region, most notably the medieval “shay culture” whose elaborate tumulus burials were discontinued during and after the 13-14th century.( _**Pre-christian relief sculptures on the walls of the Washa Mika’el church, and Christian paintings (added later)**_ The final cutting phases of the Lalibela churches in the 13th century (_**Monumental 1 and 2 phases**_). This phase represented a departure in terms of the morphology of the site's functions, but a continuity in terms of the construction technology. Lalibela's transformation into a fully Christian religious complex represents a new architectural program that resulted in the complete concealment of previous pre-Christian defensive or civilian features. _**Remnants of the rock-cutting sequence of Beta Gabriel-Rufael, showing the original courtyard and level (a), that was extended and lowered in (b) and further lowered in (c)**_( The major transformations during this phase were the creation of new churches and the complete transformation of all structures into Christian monuments. This entailed the lowering of the structure's outside levels for hydrological, aesthetic and functional purposes, the enlargement of the open-air courtyards, and inclusion of elaborate designs of the church’s interior and façade.( _**the basilica-like façade of the Beta Madhane Alam church**_ It's unclear whether these final phases all took place under king Lālibalā in the early 13th century as suggested by some scholars( , or the process continued under later rulers both Zagwe and Solomonic, as evidenced by the rock-cut church of Dabra Seyon attributed to Na’ākweto La’āb( , the murals of the nearby Washa Mika’el church dated to 1270( , and the nearby rock-cut church of Yemrehanna Krestos that dates to the 15th century.( Based on architectural styles and liturgical changes, some scholars propose the following chronology in completion of construction; the churches of Beta Danagel, Beta Marqorewos, Beta Gabreal-Rufael, Beta Marsqal and Beta Lehem (as well as Washa Mika’el) were carved from much older structures that were later transformed into churches in the 13th century, while the monolithic rock-cut churches of Beta Maryam, Beta Madhane Alam, Beta Libanos and Beta Amanuel were likely created during the 13th century.( _**the churches of Beta Marqorewos and Beta Amanuel**_ _**the churches of Beta Maryam and Beta Libanos**_ The churches of Beta Dabra Sina-Golgota, Adam's tomb and Beta Giyorgis (and the distant churches of Yemrehanna Krestos and Gannata Maryam) were likely completed during the 14th and 15th century.( _**The churches of Beta Dabra Sina-Golgota and Beta Giyorgis**_ _**the church of Yemrehanna Krestos**_ * * * **Lalibela as a “New Jerusalem”.** The extensive construction program under the Zagwe rulers -which stands as one of the most ambitious of its kind on the African continent at the time- has led to a flurry of theories some of which tend towards the exotic. The symbolic representation of the Holy Sepulcher in the church of Golgota, the topographic names of Mount Tabor, the Mount of Olives, the Jordan River, (with its monolithic cross symbolizing the place of baptism of Christ) that are derived from famous landmarks in Jerusalem, all seemed to support a grandiose tradition —magnified by later scholars— that Lalibela sought to create a new Jerusalem after the “old” Jerusalem was captured by the Muslim forces of Saladin.( _**sculpture of saint George in the church of Beta Dabra Sina-Golgota**_ However, the transposition of Jerusalem outside of Palestine by medieval Christian societies, was not specific to the Christian kingdoms of the northern horn of Africa, and is unlikely to have been linked to the difficulty of travelling to Jersualem’s Holy Places for pilgrimage. The transposition of Jerusalem is instead often a tied to internal political contexts and experiences of pilgrims, both of which inspire the replication on local grounds of a “small” Jerusalem as symbol of the new covenant and their ruling elite’s divine election. The churches of Lālibalā were therefore not conceived as a “new” Jerusalem replacing the Jerusalem of the Holy Land, but were instead seen as a "small" Jerusalem, and a symbol of the divine election of the Zagwe monarchs during and after their reign.( Around the 15th century, the churches of Lalibela and the adjacent churches such as Yemreḥanna Krestos became very popular places of pilgrimage for Christian faithfuls in the region, who came to commemorate the Zāgwe sovereigns associated with their construction and developed a cult in their honour.( This elevation of the Zagwe sovereign’s image from political figures to Saints from the 15th to the 17th century, was tied to the emergence of the medieval province of Lāstā, as a region that was semi-independent from the Solomonic empire.( Its also during this time that the hagiographies of the Zagwe kings were written, but their circular constructions, and the nature of their composition centuries after the Zagwe’s demise, make them relatively unreliable historiographical sources unlike similar Ethiopian hagiographies.( _**Folio from Gädlä Lālibalā ("The Acts of Lālibalā”) A 15th century hagiographic account of the life of King Lālibalā, depicting the King constructing the famous churches.**_ * * * **Lalibela as a capital of the Zagwe and the “southern shift” of the Christian kingdom** Lalibela has often been considered the capital of the Zagwe rulers party due to its monumental architecture, and external writers’ identification of Adefa/Roha (a site near the Lalibela churches) as the residence of the King, or “city of the king”.( But this exogenous interpretation of the functioning of the Zagwe State at this period has found little archeological evidence to support it, the area around the churches had few secular structures and non-elite residences that are common in royal capitals, and lacked significant material culture to indicate substantial occupation. Lalibela more likely served as a **major religious center** of the Zagwe kingdom rather than its fixed royal residence.( A closer examination of the donations made by the Zagwe rulers also reveals that their activities were concentrated in the northern provinces historically constituting the core of the old Aksumite state , showing that the center of the kingdom wasn't moved south (to Lalibela), but rather expanded into and across the region, where the churches were later constructed.( The notion of a southern shift of the Aksumite state that was partly popularized by the legitimizing works of the “Solomonic” era, is difficult to sustain as the Zagwe kings used Ge’ez in the administration of the kingdom, concentrated their power in the Aksumite heartlands, utilized (and arguably initiated) the ideological linkages to ancient Israelite kingship, and by establishing a powerful state, oversaw a true revival (or restoration) of Christian kingdom in the northern Horn of Africa. The Zagwe were in reality, much closer to the Aksumite kings than to their successors, who evidently appropriated their ideology to suite their own ends.( The colossal churches of Lalibela stand as a testament to the legacy of the Zagwe kingdom, a monumental accomplishment of global proportions deserving of its status as the semi-legendary ‘Jerusalem of Africa’. * * * **Medieval Ethiopia has a rich history including legends about its ability to divert the flow of the Nile River, read more about it on our Patreon** ( * * * **Support African History on Paypal** ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. * * * THANKS FOR YOUR SUPPORT ON PATREON AND FOR THE DONATIONS. FOR ANY SUGGESTIONS AND RESEARCH CONTRIBUTIONS, PLEASE CONTACT MY GMAIL **isaacsamuel64@gmail.com** ( La culture Shay d'Éthiopie (Xe-XIVe siècles) by François-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar pg 23) ( The Letter of an Ethiopian King to King George II of Nubia by B Hendrickx ( A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea by Samantha Kelly pg 36 ( La culture Shay d'Éthiopie (Xe-XIVe siècles) by François-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar pg 29) ( A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea by Samantha Kelly pg 42 ( La culture Shay d'Éthiopie (Xe-XIVe siècles) by François-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar pg 367-372 ( La culture Shay d'Éthiopie (Xe-XIVe siècles) by François-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar pg 133 ( The Zāgwē dynasty (11-13th centuries) and King Yemreḥanna Krestos by Marie-Laure Derat pg 162) ( Les donations du roi Lālibalā by Marie-Laure Derat pg 26) ( The Zāgwē dynasty (11-13th centuries) and King Yemreḥanna Krestos by Marie-Laure Derat pg 162-163) ( A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea by Samantha Kelly pg 42-44 ( The Zāgwē dynasty (11-13th centuries) and King Yemreḥanna Krestos by Marie-Laure Derat pg 164-165) ( Church and State in Ethiopia by Taddesse Tamrat pg 57 ( The Zāgwē dynasty (11-13th centuries) and King Yemreḥanna Krestos by Marie-Laure Derat pg 165-166) ( The quest for the Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 51) ( Les tombeaux des rois Zāgwē, Yemreḥanna Krestos et Lālibalā (XIIe-XVIe siècle), et leurs évolutions symboliques by Marie-Laure Derat pg 14-16) ( The quest for the Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 184) ( Church and State in Ethiopia by Taddesse Tamrat pg 58 ( The Zāgwē dynasty (11-13th centuries) and King Yemreḥanna Krestos by Marie-Laure Derat pg 166) ( The quest for the Ark of the Covenant by stuart Munro-Hay pg 84-87 ( Foundations of an African Civilisation: Aksum and the Northern Horn by D. W Phillipson pg 147 ( Foundations of an African Civilisation: Aksum and the Northern Horn by D. W Phillipson pg 147- 203-223) ( Les tombeaux des rois Zāgwē, Yemreḥanna Krestos et Lālibalā (XIIe-XVIe siècle), et leurs évolutions symboliques by Marie-Laure Derat ( The Lalibela Rock Hewn Site and its Landscape (Ethiopia) by C Bosc-Tiessé pg 144-146) ( The Lalibela Rock Hewn Site and its Landscape (Ethiopia) by C Bosc-Tiessé pg 145 ( Rock-cut stratigraphy: sequencing the Lalibela churches by Francois-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar pg 1143) ( The rock-cut churches of Lalibela and the cave church of Washa Mika’el by Marie-Laure Derat pg 470) ( Rock-cut stratigraphy: sequencing the Lalibela churches by Francois-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar pg 1147 ( The rock-cut churches of Lalibela and the cave church of Washa Mika’el by Marie-Laure Derat 481-483) ( The Shay Culture of Ethiopia (Tenth to Fourteenth Century AD): Pagans in the Time of Christians and Muslims by François-Xavier Fauvelle ( Rock-cut stratigraphy: sequencing the Lalibela churches by Francois-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar pg 1141 ( The rock-cut churches of Lalibela and the cave church of Washa Mika’el by Marie-Laure Derat 1146-1147) ( Foundations of an African Civilisation: Aksum and the Northern Horn by D. W Phillipson pg 235-237) ( The quest for the Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 82 ( The rock-cut churches of Lalibela and the cave church of Washa Mika’el by Marie-Laure pg 1147) ( Rock-cut stratigraphy: sequencing the Lalibela churches by Francois-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar pg 1148) ( Churches Built in the Caves of Lasta (WÃllo Province, Ethiopia): A Chronology, by Michael Gervers pg 31-32) ( Churches Built in the Caves of Lasta (WÃllo Province, Ethiopia): A Chronology, by Michael Gervers pg 36) ( Church and State in Ethiopia, 1270-1527 by Taddesse Tamrat pg 59 ( Les tombeaux des rois Zāgwē, Yemreḥanna Krestos et Lālibalā (XIIe-XVIe siècle), et leurs évolutions symboliques by Marie-Laure Derat pg 11) ( Les tombeaux des rois Zāgwē, Yemreḥanna Krestos et Lālibalā (XIIe-XVIe siècle), et leurs évolutions symboliques by Marie-Laure Derat pg 15-16) ( The Zāgwē dynasty (11-13th centuries) and King Yemreḥanna Krestos by Marie-Laure Derat pg 190) ( A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea by Samantha Kelly pg 32 ( Church and State in Ethiopia by Taddesse Tamrat pg 59 ( The Lalibela Rock Hewn Site and its Landscape (Ethiopia) by C Bosc-Tiessé pg 162) ( Les donations du roi Lālibalā by Marie-Laure Derat pg 34-37) ( discussed at length in “The quest for the Ark of the Covenant’ by Stuart Munro-Hay.

## Constructing a Global Monument in Africa: The Zagwe Kingdom and the Rock-Cut Churches of Lalibela, Ethiopia (12th-13th Century) ### Introduction - The rock-cut churches of Lalibela, carved from volcanic rock, span an area of 62 acres and reach a depth of four stories. - Comprising 11 churches, this site is one of Africa’s most iconic pilgrimage destinations and serves as a legacy of the Zagwe Kingdom. ### Background of the Zagwe Kingdom 1. **Historical Context** - The Zagwe Kingdom emerged after the fall of the Aksumite Empire in the 7th century AD. - The political landscape was characterized by fragmented power among Christian elites and non-Abrahamic states, leading to a lack of strong central authority. 2. **Queen Gudit** - Queen Gudit, a non-Christian ruler in the 10th century, deposed the last Aksumite king and symbolized the decline of Aksum's ecclesiastical institutions. - Her reign indicated the strength of new monarchs who restricted Christian and emerging Muslim states to the frontiers of their kingdoms. 3. **Christian Elite Emergence** - The Zāgwē dynasty arose from the political crises among the weakened Christian states and the growing power of non-Abrahamic states. - They defeated the successors of Queen Gudit, restoring a Christian kingdom that could receive a metropolitan from the Alexandrian patriarchate. ### Key Rulers of the Zagwe Dynasty 1. **King Tantāwedem** (Late 11th to Early 12th Century) - His reign is marked by significant donations to the church of Ura Masqal, establishing his dedication to Christianity. 2. **King Lālibalā** (Late 12th to Early 13th Century) - His reign is better documented, with evidence of his construction of the Lalibela churches between 1185 and 1225. - He is noted for claiming descent from Moses and Aaron, reflecting the use of ancient Israelite associations in Ethiopian legitimacy. 3. **Succession and Legacy** - The Zagwe kings were succeeded by rulers from the new Solomonic dynasty in 1270, which claimed legitimacy through connections to the biblical King Solomon, framing the Zagwe as usurpers. ### Rock-Cut Architecture 1. **Historical Development** - Rock-cut architecture in the region dates back to the Aksumite era, with early examples like the tomb of the brick arches (4th century). - By the 12th and 13th centuries, churches like Maryam wurko emerged, reflecting an evolution in architectural practices. 2. **Lalibela Church Complex** - The Lalibela complex includes 12 rock-hewn churches divided into three clusters, constructed over several phases from pre-existing structures. - Early construction phases included defensive features, later transformed into ecclesiastical spaces. 3. **Artistic and Cultural Syncretism** - Pre-Christian carvings were retained in some churches, showcasing a blend of Christian and local traditions rather than a complete cultural displacement. ### Lalibela as a "New Jerusalem" 1. **Symbolism and Significance** - Lalibela was envisioned as a replica of Jerusalem due to the geopolitical realities of the time, particularly after Jerusalem fell to Muslim forces. - The architectural symbols within the churches reflect attempts to create a "small" Jerusalem, reinforcing the divine election of the Zagwe monarchs. 2. **Pilgrimage and Cult Development** - By the 15th century, Lalibela became a pilgrimage site, with a growing cult around the Zagwe sovereigns, further elevating their status to sainthood. ### The Role of Lalibela in the Zagwe Kingdom 1. **Religious Center vs. Royal Capital** - Lalibela likely served primarily as a major religious center rather than a fixed royal residence, with most political activities focused in the Aksumite heartlands. - The notion of a southern shift in the kingdom's center lacks substantial archaeological support, indicating that the Zagwe retained strong ties to their predecessors. ### Conclusion - The rock-cut churches of Lalibela exemplify the architectural and cultural achievements of the Zagwe Kingdom, representing a monumental legacy in African history. - With its unique blend of traditions and significant historical context, Lalibela holds a prominent place as the “Jerusalem of Africa.”

Centralizing power in an African pastoral society: The Ajuran Empire of Somalia (16th-17th century)

A political watershed in the southern Horn of Africa.

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Centralizing power in an African pastoral society: The Ajuran Empire of Somalia (16th-17th century) =================================================================================================== ### A political watershed in the southern Horn of Africa. ( Jul 17, 2022 9 The southern Horn of Africa is home to some of the world's oldest pastoral societies and studies of these societies have generated a wealth of literature about their expressions of power. The Historiography of Somalia is often set against the background of such studies as well as the modern region’s politics, resulting in a cocktail of theories which often presume that the contemporary proclivity towards decentralization was a historical constant. In the 16th century, most of Southern Somalia was united under the Ajuran state, an extensive polity whose rulers skillfully combined multiple forms of legitimacy that were current in the region and created a network of alliances which supported an elaborate administrative system above the labyrinthine kinship groups. This article sketches the History of the Ajuran empire from the emergence of early state systems in the southern Somalia during the late 1st millennium, to Ajuran's decline in the 17th century. _**Map of Southern Somalia showing the approximate extent of Ajuran in the 16th century.**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The early southern Horn of Africa:** In the era preceding the emergence of Ajuran polity in southern Somalia, the coastal region and its immediate hinterland in the Shebelle river basin was primarily settled by a diverse group of agro-pastoral people who spoke languages belonging to the _cushitic-_language subgoup (mostly the Somali( language) and the _bantu-_language subgroup (mostly the Sabaki languages), in a region which constituted the northern-most reaches of the _**Shungwaya**_ proto-state, which in the late 1st millennium, extended from the mouth of the Shebelle river, then south to the Tana river in Kenya.( _**Map showing shungwaya and the city-states that succeeded it**_ In this varied social and physical environment, defensive alliances, patron-client ties, cultural exchanges and intermarriages were used to mediate the shared economic interests of the sedentary agriculturalists and the pastoralist groups, the former of whom primarily constituted the Sabaki language groups while the latter primarily constituted the Somali-speakers (although both groups had semi-sedentary sections).( These client relations often involved one group establishing a level of political hegemony over another. In the **Shebelle basin**, these forms of political structures were primarily headed by the pastoralists (such as the Somali, and later the Oromo) who were numerically stronger, while along the coast from southern Somalia to central Tanzania, the sedentary agriculturalists (such as the Swahili, Comorians and Majikenda —of the Sabaki language groups) were numerically stronger, and thus predominant in the East African coast’s political structures.( Its because of this dynamic that while the early history and establishment of southern Somalia’s coastal settlements of Brava( , Mogadishu( , Merka( , Kismayu( , are associated with the Swahili speakers (of the _Chimini_ and _Bajuni_ dialects), who are still present in the cities as autochthonous groups( , The political power in these cities quickly came to include Somali-speaking clan groups, and the cities were sustained primarily through the initiative of the pastoral groups, who'd later establish other cities along the central coast of Somalia.( As such, by the 13th century, we're given one of the earliest explicit mentions of a southern Somali-speaking clan group in an external source written by the Arab writers; Yakut (d. 1229) and Ibn Sa'id (d. 1274), both of whom mentioned the **Hawiye** clan family along the southern coast of Somalia, and considered the city of Merca as the Hawiye’s capital( , And by 1331, Mogadishu was governed by a sheikh of Somali-speaking extract.( _**Merca in the early 20th century.**_ Political identity among Somali-speakers rested on membership in a discrete kinship group based on descent often referred to as "clan-families", which are comprised of vast confederations (subdivided into clans) whose members claim descent from a common ancestor( . Focusing on the predominantly **pastoral clans** among the Somali speakers( , leadership was often fluid and authority was based on a prominent individual's successful performance of power rather than from inherited right. Principles of; clan solidarity, religious/ritual power (which was inheritable), strategic political alliance through intermarriage and the control of natural resources, were the major forms of political legitmation.( _**Genealogical relationships among Somali clan-families and clans, those mentioned in this article are highlighted (chart taken from Cassanelli)**_ * * * **The Ajuran empire.** Around the 16th century, a section of clans led by the **Gareen lineage** (within the Hawiye clan family), established the state of Ajuran (named after their own clan). The Gareen’s legitimacy came from its possession of religious power (baraka) and a sound genealogical pedigree, it drew its military strength predominantly from the pastoral Hawiye clans and supplemented it with the ideology of an expanding Islam to establish a series of administrative centers in and around the strategic well complexes that formed central nodes within irrigated riverbanks of southern Somalia.( The Gareen rulers set up an elaborate administrative system which oversaw the collection of tribute from cultivators , herdsmen, and traders and undertook an extensive program of construction of fortifications and wells. They ruled according to a theocratic (Islamic) model and most accounts refer to the Ajuran leaders as **imams**, and refer to administrators of the Ajuran government as emirs, wazir, and naa'ibs.( Central power was exercised through an elaborate alliance system that was constructed above the labyrinth of subordinate Hawiye clans, which enabled the Ajuran imams to control an extensive territory that extended from the coastal town of Mareeg, down to the mouth of the Jubba river, and northwards into Qallafo near the Ethiopia-Somalia border.( In the Shebelle basin interior there were interior trading towns such as Afgooye and Qallafo, where an economic exchange primarily based on pastoral and agricultural products took place between the herders and the cultivators. This exchange depended on the mutual relationships between the various clans and ethnic groups. Herders obtained farm products in exchange for livestock, which were then sent to Mogadishu and Merca, where the main markets were located , for consumption by the townsfolk and for export.( Military expeditions were also undertaken by the Ajuran rulers to expand their control into the interior as well as in response to incursions arising from a counter-expansion by a sub-groups of other Somali-speaking and Oromo-speaking groups in the region.( In connection with the establishment of interior trading towns and military expansion, The Ajuran period witnessed considerable construction in stone deep in the Somali hinterland where many ruins have been discovered attributed to the Ajuran era (many of these ruins are now overgrown after centuries of abandon and remain undated).( _**Remains of ancient buildings in the interior of southern Somalia**_, (photos from the early 20th century at Somali Studies Center -Somalia Archive) * * * **Sustaining a pastoral aristocracy:** Prior to the Ajuran ascendance, the occupation of strategic well sites and thus grazing areas had enabled disparate Hawiye clans to establish a level of political hegemony over the populations of the Shebelle basin. This control of key pastoral resources provided the economic foundations for the extensive Ajuran polity whose political structure was in its origin a pastoral aristocracy.( Ajuran’s Gareen rulers were closely associated with the **Madinle** (also spelt; Madale/Madanle ) either as allies or as directly related to the ruling elite. The Madinle are a semi-legendary group of well-diggers in Somali traditions who were claimed to possess the uncanny ability to identify aquifers for well construction( ; a tradition that points to their role —along with the Ajuran— in monopolizing the region’s pastoral resources. Many of the deep, stone-lined wells and elaborate systems of dikes and dams which irrigated the Lower Shebelle region, as well as ruined settlements in the region are traditionally dated to the Ajuran era.( Although not all of the construction works would have been commissioned by the Ajuran rulers themselves.( _**a traditional stone well in Somalia, early 20th century photo.**_ * * * **On Ajuran’s coast-to-hinterland interface: Mogadishu in the 16th century.** Alliances between the Ajuran rulers and the ruling dynasties of **Mogadishu, Merca and Brava**, enhanced the former’s power by providing an outlet for surplus grain and livestock which were exchanged the luxury goods that constituted the iconography of Ajuran's ostentatious royal courts( . Ajuran rulers were primarily concerned with domestic developments than with international politics, but were nevertheless intimately involved with coastal trade.( While the coastal cities were not governed wholly by Ajuran officials; as their authority was typically exercised by councils of elders representing the leading mercantile, religious, and property-owning families, these cities were part of the Ajuran-controlled regional exchange system, and their social histories invariably reflected the vicissitudes of the hinterland.( The Ajuran’s position in the Shebelle basin put them in the position of the middleman, by controlling the interior trade routes and meeting points, the state was able to yield considerable amounts of agricultural and pastoral wealth such that Mogadishu —then under its local Muzaffar dynasty in the 16th and 17th century— was essentially transformed into an outpost of the Ajuran.( The existence of an agricultural surplus in the Ajuran controlled hinterland and extensive trade with the coastal cities is confirmed by a 16th-century Portuguese account which mentions interior products such as grain, wax and ivory as the primary exports of Mogadishu.( The prosperity of Mogadishu during the Ajuran era with its maritime trade to southern India, which flourished despite its repeated sacking by the Portuguese, doubtlessly rested on its economic relationship with the Ajuran.( _**Mogadishu beachfront in 1927.**_ * * * **Collapse of Ajuran.** Early in the 17th century, the Ajuran state entered a period of decline as it faced various internal and external challenges to its hegemony. The main impetus of this decline came from continued expansion of more Hawiye clans into the Shebelle basin which challenged the system of alliances established by the Ajuran rulers and thus undermined the foundation of their authority. ( Within the Ajuran's alliance system, the Gareen lineage was eclipsed by the _Gurqaate confederation_, which led to the disintegration of Ajuran into various states with different clans carving up parts of the empire. These include the Abgal who controlled the Mogadishu hinterland, the Silcis who controlled Afgooye, and the El-Amir who controlled Merca (the latter two would be supplanted by other clans by the 18th century).( Chronicles from Mogadishu briefly mention the appearance of a Hawiye clan from the city’s hinterland during the 17th century and the replacement of the Muzzafar rulers with a new line of imams from the Abgal clan (their use of the ‘imam’ title reflecting their retention of Ajuran’s administrative legacy).( This occurred around 1624, and the new rulers resided in the Shangani quarter of Mogadishu, but their power base remained among the people in the interior.( Southern Somalia thus sustained the established economic exchanges that would later be significantly expanded by the Ajuran’s successor states such as the Geledi kingdom in the 19th century.( * * * **Conclusion: the legacy of Ajuran.** The Ajuran era in Somali history shows that despite the widely held notion that power in Eastern-African pastoral societies was widely dispersed among segmented groups, the centralization of power by one group was not uncommonly achieved and sustained over a large territory that was socially and ecologically diverse. A convergence of political circumstances in the 16th century enabled the emergence of what was one of eastern Africa's largest states, whose political structure was not a break with the pastoral Somali system of clan alliances and patron-client links, but was instead an extension and innovation of them. Ajuran's unique combination of traditional and Islamic administrative devices was employed by its successors to establish similar states. The Ajuran era, which antecedes the formal integration of the Eastern-African coast and mainland in the 19th century, was a watershed moment in the region’s political history. * * * **NSIBIDI is one of Africa’s oldest indigenous writing systems, read about its history on our Patreon** ( * * * **Support African History on Paypal** ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( _(‘Somali’ in this article will be used to refer to the speakers of the Somali language rather than as a reference to the modern national identity which currently comprises many who speak other languages and excludes Somali speakers outside Somalia)_ ( Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 10-11) ( The Benaadir Past: Essays in Southern Somali History by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 7-11 ( Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 13-15) ( The Swahili: Reconstructing the History and Language of an African Society by Derek Nurse pg 54-59) ( Medieval Mogadishu by N. Chittick pg 48,50 ( Swahili and Sabaki: A Linguistic History By Derek Nurse pg 492 ( Swahili Origins: Swahili Culture & the Shungwaya Phenomenon By James De Vere Allen pg 91-158 ( Northeast African Studies, by African Studies Center, Michigan State University 1995 pg 23) ( The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 74-75) ( The Cambridge History of Africa. Volume 3, From c.1050 to c.1600 pg 137) ( Medieval Mogadishu by N. Chittick pg 50) ( The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 17 ( Luling makes the case for a distinction in the concepts of power between the pastoral-nomadic clans and the agro-pastoral clans on pgs 78-81 of '“Somali Sultanate: The Geledi City-state Over 150 Years” ( The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 86) ( The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 104) ( Swahili Origins: Swahili Culture & the Shungwaya Phenomenon By James De Vere Allen pg 157, The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli 98) ( The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli 102-103, Swahili Origins: Swahili Culture & the Shungwaya Phenomenon By James De Vere Allen pg 156 ( The Origins and Development of Mogadishu AD 1000 to 1850 by Ahmed Dualeh Jama pg 89) ( The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 113) ( The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 96 ( The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 100-101) ( Identities on the Move: Clanship and Pastoralism in Northern Kenya By Günther Schlee pg 94-96, 226-227 ( Swahili Origins: Swahili Culture & the Shungwaya Phenomenon By James De Vere Allen pg 156, The Benaadir Past By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 28) ( The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 96) ( Swahili Origins: Swahili Culture & the Shungwaya Phenomenon By James De Vere Allen pg 157 ( The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 104) ( The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 74) ( The Origins and Development of Mogadishu AD 1000 to 1850 by Ahmed Dualeh Jama pg 89) ( The Benaadir Past By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 27-8) ( The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 113) ( The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 107) ( The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 94-108) ( The Origins and Development of Mogadishu AD 1000 to 1850 by Ahmed Dualeh Jama pg 91) ( Medieval Mogadishu by N. Chittick pg 53 ) ( Somali Sultanate: The Geledi City-state Over 150 Years by Virginia Luling.

### Centralizing Power in an African Pastoral Society: The Ajuran Empire of Somalia (16th-17th Century) **Overview of the Ajuran Empire** 1. **Historical Context** - The Ajuran Empire emerged in the 16th century in Southern Somalia, uniting various pastoral and agro-pastoral societies. - It represented a significant political watershed in the southern Horn of Africa. 2. **Pre-Ajuran Society** - Prior to Ajuran’s rise, the region’s inhabitants included diverse agro-pastoral people, primarily speakers of Cushitic and Bantu languages. - Social structures included defensive alliances and client relationships among sedentary agriculturalists and pastoral groups, leading to varying degrees of political control. 3. **Formation of the Ajuran Empire** - The Ajuran state was founded by the Gareen lineage, part of the Hawiye clan family, in the 16th century. - The rulers derived legitimacy from religious authority (baraka) and a strong genealogical pedigree. - They developed an administrative framework to oversee tribute collection from cultivators, herdsmen, and traders. 4. **Administrative Structure** - Ajuran governance utilized a theocratic model, with leaders referred to as imams and administrators as emirs, wazir, and naa'ibs. - Central power relied on a network of alliances above subordinate clans, allowing the imams to manage extensive territories. 5. **Economic Foundations** - The Ajuran Empire controlled strategic well complexes and irrigated riverbanks in the Shebelle Basin, which were key to pastoral and agricultural production. - Economic exchanges occurred between herders and cultivators, with trade routes linking interior towns to coastal markets, particularly in Mogadishu and Merca. 6. **Military Expansion and Architecture** - The rulers conducted military expeditions to maintain control over the interior and fend off incursions from rival groups. - Significant construction projects were undertaken, including stone wells and fortifications in the hinterland, many of which are remnants of the Ajuran era. 7. **Coastal Relations** - Alliances with Mogadishu, Merca, and Brava facilitated the Ajuran rulers in controlling surplus grain and livestock, crucial for trade. - Although coastal cities were governed by local councils, they were integral to the Ajuran's regional exchange system. 8. **Decline of the Ajuran Empire** - Internal strife and the expansion of rival Hawiye clans in the 17th century led to the Ajuran's weakening. - The empire fractured into smaller states, with various clans taking control over different regions, such as the Abgal in Mogadishu and the Silcis in Afgooye. 9. **Consequences of Decline** - The collapse of the Ajuran Empire persisted through the production of new political entities, setting the stage for successive polities in the region. - The model of centralized power established by Ajuran influenced future states in Southern Somalia. 10. **Legacy of the Ajuran Empire** - The Ajuran era debunked the notion that power in Eastern African pastoral societies was strictly decentralized. - It exemplified how a single group could centralize authority across diverse social and ecological landscapes, merging traditional and Islamic governance methods. **Conclusion** - The Ajuran Empire played a critical role in the political history of the southern Horn of Africa, marking a transition from dispersed power structures to a centralized state system. Its legacy influenced later states and affirmed the complexity of governance in pastoral societies.

An African island at the nexus of global trade: The Comoros island of Nzwani from 750-1889AD

The history of one of the Indian Ocean world's busiest port cities.

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers An African island at the nexus of global trade: The Comoros island of Nzwani from 750-1889AD ============================================================================================ ### The history of one of the Indian Ocean world's busiest port cities. ( Jul 10, 2022 11 In the 17th century, a small island off the coast of East Africa became a cosmopolitan locus of economic and cultural interchanges in the Indian ocean world that stitched together the continents of Africa, Asia, Europe, and the Americas. Surrounded by wealthier and more powerful neighbors, Nzwani forged economic and political alliances with distant maritime empires through strategies of similitude, enabling it to grow its economy and emerge as one of the most important port-of-call in the Indian ocean. This article explores the history of Nzwani, from its settlement in the 8th century to its emergence as the busiest port in the western half of the Indian ocean. _**Map of the global maritime trade routes in the 17th and 18th century showing the position of Nzwani and its largest cities.**_ * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Early History of Nzwani, from its settlement to the establishment of a state.(8th-15th century)** During the second half of the 1st millennium, the island of Nzwani was primarily settled by groups from the east African mainland which spoke the shinzwani dialect of the Comorian language (related to Swahili and other Sabaki languages, found within the Bantu languages subgroup). Between 750–1000, several nucleated settlements of farming and fishing communities were established all over the Island beginning with the old town of Sima. The inhabitants of these communities engaged in long distance maritime trade and constructed houses of wood and daub, which would gradually be replaced with coral stone.( Through their extensive maritime trade, the people of Nzwani adopted Islam and the old mosques of Sima and Domoni were built in the 11th century and enlarged over the 13th-15th century. The classical period of Nzwani's history begins in the 15th century with the emergence of centralized institutions, an elaborate social hierarchy and the flourishing of a large agro-pastoral economy supplemented by maritime trade. The towns of Domoni and Sima both extended over 8- 11 hectares with populations exceeding 1,000 each. The elites at Domoni, which had a well-sheltered port, later imposed themselves over Sima and parts of the Island during the course of the 15th century.( _**The old mosques of Sima and Domoni, originally built in the 11th century, and extended in the 14th-15th century.**_ * * * **Classical Nzwani, east African ties and maritime trade in the 15th and 16th century** The al-Maduwa dynasty kings that ruled Nzwani for much of its history were closely associated with the ruling elites of the wider Swahili coastal civilization of east Africa and utilized the same superficial "shirazi" claims to legitimize social positions of domination. Like in the Swahili traditions, the "shirazi" of Nzwani, are an endonymous identification for the recognized local kin groups, whose claims to residence in their coastal environs were putatively the most ancient.( According to Nzwani founding traditions, the al-Maduwa elites moved their capital from Sima to Domoni around the 15th century, and later intermarried with the dynasty of Pate (one of the larger Swahili cities of the era), and by the 17th century, had also intermarried with other groups from the east African coast and Hadramaut who claimed sharif lineages.( The distinction between the autochthonous "shirazi" rulers and the sharifs served, as in the rest of the Swahili coast, to justify either group’s pedigree in the competition among the isalnd’s socially dominant social positions,( allowing the al-Maduwa dynasty (which often included the nisba ‘_al-Shirazi_’) to retain their power. _**Domoni old town**_ Nzwani was extensively engaged in trade with the Swahili cities and the wider Indian ocean world, mostly as a trans-shipment port rather than from domestic production. The merchants of Nzwani used their own sewn ships and sailed to Madagascar for commodities including rice, millet, ambergris and ivory which they included cowries fished near Nzwani, and were then sold to Pate, Lamu, Hadramaut, and India where they received silk fabrics and iron weapons.( * * * **Comoros’ first contacts with European maritime traders and Nzwani’s growth as a port of call.** The first contact between the Comoro archipelago and European sailors was when Vasco Dagama's ships passed by Grande Comore in march 1503, but his crew was rushing to sail back to Portugal with its loot obtained in India so it didn't make anchor. Over the following century while the Portuguese were occupying Swahili cities, informal trade and descriptions of Comoros were made by Portuguese captains in Kilwa and Mombasa, who described the Islands as "healthy, fertile and prosperous", urging the crown to bring them formally under the Portuguese rule but no significant extension of political hegemony over them was achieved by the Portuguese whose activities in Nzwani were confined to trading and a few settlements at Mwali.( _**Map of the Comoros archipelago (**_inset_**) with the Islands of Grande Comore (**_Top_**), Nzwani and Mwali (**middle**), and Mayotte (**_bottom_**).**_ In 1591 and in 1616, two separate English and Portuguese ships which landed on Grande Comore for provisions of food and water, had their crew attacked after a heated dispute as the islands were at the end of the dry season. Subsequent ships were thus warned to avoid the island and despite occasional positive reports by other ship crews who landed on the island as well as the Mitsamiouli ruler efforts at diplomacy in 1620 using letters written by previous traders, the lack of supplies and good anchorage only make the island less attractive for European ships who chose Mwali and later Nzwani as their main stops.( The Island of Mwali, which was under the suzerainty of Nzwani's rulers, briefly became a major stop-over for the European ships entering the Indian ocean in the 1620s, it possessed relatively safe anchorages and plenty of agricultural produce for provisioning ships. But by the 1630s, the European ships had shifted to Nzwani, whose harbor at Mutsamudu was much safer despite Nzwani being less provisioned than Mwali.( Given the significance of export trade to the islands, Nzwani's rulers gradually shifted their capital from Domoni to Mutsamudu. The increased demand for agricultural produce from the dozens of ships -each with crews of over 500- allowed the urban based Nzwani rulers to extend their control over the rest of the hinterlands in the rest of the island, by collecting agricultural tribute, as well as reserving lands for livestock rearing.( _**The old palace of Domoni, traditionally dated to the 13th century, was likely built in the 15th-16th century.**_ _**Interior and exterior of the old palace of Mutsamudu called ‘Ujembe’ built in 1786**_ The circular trade of Nzwani sailors buying raw cotton and arms from Bombay (India), to selling them Madagascar, which they then sold for silver and gold from European ships at Mutsamudu, which were inturn exchanged in Mozambique for livestock, ivory and other commodities that were retained on Nzwani, was described by a prince of Nzwani in 1783 to an English traveler William Jones . Adding that "_**we carry on this traffic in our own vessels**_".( Unlike most of their East African peers who infrequently sailed the Indian ocean, the Nzwani merchants were regular sailors to Arabia and India. In the 17th century, the English diplomat Thomas Roe met a sailor in Nzwani with an elaborate nautical chart of the Indian ocean and was a regular traveler to Mogadishu and Cambay (India).( In the 19th century, an American trader, J. Ross Browne described a mosque in Mutsamudu whose walls were painted with naval charts.( Over the mid-17th and 18th century, the population of Nzwani had grown to over 25,000. Trade expanded significantly and was well organized with fixed port fees levied on each foreign ship (often in _**reals**_ -silver coinage); a fixed price list of supplies for ships; and tributes for the Nzwani King, princes and Mutsamudu governor (often silver coinage and firearms). Such trade was significant, with the Nzwani King reportedly earning as much as $500 from every ship that passed by.( Between the years 1601 and 1834 over 90% of all 400 English ships outbound to India called at Nzwani's harbor at Mutsamudu, and more than 55% of these ships had made a direct sail from England to Nzwani without having stopped over anywhere along the way, attesting to the importance of the Island in the Indian ocean world.( A 1787 account by one English merchant describes the trade on Nzwani as such; "_**The town is close to the sea, the houses are enclosed either with high stone walls or palings made with a kind of reed, and the streets are little narrow alleys, the better kind of houses are built of stone. The king lives at a town about two miles off on the eastern side of the island**_ (ie; Domoni), _**Two princes of the blood reside here**_ (ie; Mustamudu), _**These black princes —for this is the complexion of them and all the inhabitants— have by some means or other obtained the titles of prince of Wales. They have an officer who seems to be at the head of the finance department. Of dukes they have a prodigious number, who entertain us**_ (ie: host) _**at their hotels for a dollar per day. Even before the ship has let go its anchor, they come alongside in their canoes, and produce written certificates of the honesty and abilities from those who have been here before. The price of every article is regulated and each ship has its contractor, who engages to supply it with necessities at the established rate. Most of the people speak a little English"**_.( This description highlights Nzwani's strategy of similitude in which nonmaterial signifiers such as English titles and speaking the English language, were employed by Nzwani-ans not only to affect local relationships, but also to shape the way the itinerant English traders perceived and related to Nzwani. Through superficially approximating English customs, Nzwanians forged commercial alliances and used them for all the economic, political, and military benefits they could offer.( Nzwani’s similitude was a strategy born of the island’s particular politico-economic history in relation with the Indian ocean world, which they leveraged to make requests for commercial alliances and military aid that played on sentiments of reciprocity and camaraderie. As early as the late 17th century, Nzwanians were asking English captains to intervene in conflicts with other neighboring Islands as well as on the Island itself And by the 18th century, the English would give military assistance to Mutsamudu in its attempts to re-impose its suzerainty over Mwali and Mayotte which however, only garnered mixed results.( _**cannons in the fortress of Mutsamudu supplied by English traders in 1808.**_( * * * **Political upheaval and changing patterns in the late 18th century.** During the late 18th century, Nzwani was faced with succession disputes which forced the feuding Kings; Alwali and Abdallah to request for military assistance from the Sakalava (of northern Madagascar), the Merina (of central Madagascar) and the English, to strengthen their power.( But given the English’s past failures in assisting Nzwani's military, their conquest of the cape colony (south Africa) in 1795 and other international concerns, they only offered token assistance to Abdallah and Allawi won.( Nzwani and its neighbors would continue to face incursions of the Sakalava over the course of the 18th century, prompting them to construct more elaborate fortifications.( Overtime, the English reduced their activities on Nzwani and were intime supplanted by the French and Americans merchants who were becoming active along the east African coast, allowing Nzwani to continue playing a leading role in international trade throughout the 19th century. * * * **Nzwanis’ resurgence in the 19th century.** While its neighbors of Mwali and Mayotte were faced with Sakalava raids and were increasingly coming under the suzerainty of the Omani Arabs at Zanzibar and the Merina rulers of Madagascar,( Nzwani's Kings were expanding the island's economy, and encouraged the settlement of Indian merchants who had funded the arming of the fortress of Mutsamudu( , and by the middle of the 19th century, an average of 60 French and American ships called at Mutsamudu each year between the years 1852-1858.( _**the citadel of Mutsamudu, construction begun in the 1780s under King Abdallah I and was completed by 1796, its cannons were added around 1808 under King Allawi.**_( The second half of the 19th century was Nzwani in the twilight of its political and commercial autonomy in the face of expansionist colonial empires. The French had taken over much of the administration of the neighboring island of Mayotte in 1841 and were gradually occupying Mwali (which were both claimed by the Nzwani rulers) as well as the largest island of Grande Comore, in contest with the Omani sultans of Zanzibar.( To counteract the French, Nzwani's King Salim (r. 1837-1852) invited the British to establish a consulate on the island in 1848. After having outlawed slavery in 1844, Salim and his successor Abdallah III (r. 1852-1891) sought to expand plantation agriculture using British capital inorder to compensate for the declining port revenues following the reduction in the number of ships calling at Mutsamudu after the 1860s. Through the services of the British consuls Napier and Sunley, sugar plantations and refineries were set up that produced 400 tonnes of sugar a year.( But internal conflicts between the dynastic families and the sharifs continued to undermine Abdallah III’s central authority, forcing him to build a palace outside the city in a town called Bambao. His relationship with the British waned, and he was wary of American activities in Mutsamudu, the King thus shifted alliances to the French signing a treaty in 1886 to conduct foreign affairs through them ( as a protectorate) but retained significant internal political autonomy at a time when all the neighboring Islands had been forcefully occupied by the French.( _**ruins of King Abdallah III’s palace in Bambao built in the late 19th century.**_ But this state of affairs was opposed by the conflicting factions of Nzwani and a rebellion broke out, prompting a French military occupation in 1889 shortly before Abdallah’s death in 1891. While Nzwani was formally brought under colonial control, its social institutions were relatively preserved thanks to the political maneuverability of its elites, who remained a powerful group its politics and enabled the island to retain a measure of political autonomy throughout the colonial and modern era.( _**Anjouan in the early 20th century**_ * * * **Nzwani’s place as a cosmopolitan African state in the Indian ocean world.** For nearly three centuries, the entrepôt of Nzwani was at the heart of a vast maritime trade network that connected the Indian ocean world to the Atlantic world. Through its strategic economic alliances and extensive commercial networks, Nzwani transformed itself from an island that was peripheral to the region's trade networks, into cosmopolitan state that was one of the Indian ocean's busiest port cities * * * **Download Books on Nzwani’s History and More on our Patreon** ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 272 ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 281) ( Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 17,37) ( Anjouan (Comores), un nœud dans les réseaux de l’océan Indien by Sophie Blanchy ( Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 240 ( L’Afrique orientale et l’océan Indien by Thomas Vernet and Philippe Beaujard pg 182-186 ( Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea by Iain Walker pg 50, 53-54) ( Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea by Iain Walker pg 54-55) ( Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea by Iain Walker pg pg 55-57) ( Anjouan (Comores), un nœud dans les réseaux de l’océan Indien by Sophie Blanchy ( The East India Company and the island of Johanna (Anjouan) during the long eighteenth century by H. V. Bowen, pg 227) ( L’Afrique orientale et l’océan Indien by Thomas Vernet and Philippe Beaujard, pg 178) ( Domesticating the World By Jeremy Prestholdt, pg 19) ( Islands in cosmopolitan sea, pg 68, 58-59) ( The East India Company and the island of Johanna (Anjouan) during the long eighteenth century by H. V. Bowen, pg 222-223) ( Travels to the Coast of Arabia Felix and from Thence by the Red Sea, pg 21-29 ( Similitude and Empire: On Comorian Strategies of Englishness by Prestholdt, Jeremy pg 119) ( Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea by Iain Walker pg 69-71) ( Domesticating the World by Jeremy Prestholdt pg 26 ( Anjouan dans l'histoire by Institut national des langues et civilisations orientales, Pg 32) ( The East India Company and the island of Johanna (Anjouan) during the long eighteenth century by H. V. Bowen pg 231-232) ( Du corail au volcan: l'histoire des îles Comores by Roland Barraux pg 60 ( The Comoro Islands: Struggle Against Dependency In The Indian Ocean by Malyn D Newitt pg 27-28,31) ( Les mémoires de Saïd Hamza el-Masela by Jean Martin pg 119 ( The Comoro Islands: Struggle Against Dependency In The Indian Ocean by Malyn D Newitt pg 26) ( Anjouan dans l'histoire by Institut national des langues et civilizations orientales pg 31-32 ( The Comoro Islands: Struggle Against Dependency In The Indian Ocean by Malyn D Newitt pg 27-33). ( The Comoro Islands: Struggle Against Dependency In The Indian Ocean by Malyn D Newitt pg 34, 26) ( Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea by Iain Walker pg 99-1010 ( The Comoro Islands: Struggle Against Dependency In The Indian Ocean by Malyn D Newitt pg 35).

### An African Island at the Nexus of Global Trade: The Comoros Island of Nzwani (750-1889 AD) #### Introduction Nzwani, an island in the Comoros archipelago, emerged as a significant center of trade and cultural exchange in the Indian Ocean from the 8th century to the late 19th century. The island's strategic location fostered economic and political alliances, enabling its growth as a key port city. #### Early History of Nzwani (8th-15th Century) 1. **Settlement**: Nzwani was settled by groups from the East African mainland around the 8th century. These settlers spoke the Shinzwani dialect, part of the Sabaki subgroup of Bantu languages. 2. **Community Development**: By 1000 AD, nucleated settlements focused on farming and fishing were established, with Sima being one of the earliest towns. The inhabitants engaged in long-distance maritime trade and built structures using wood and daub, transitioning to coral stone. 3. **Islamic Influence**: The adoption of Islam occurred through extensive maritime trade, leading to the construction and enlargement of mosques in Sima and Domoni between the 11th and 15th centuries. 4. **Centralization**: The 15th century marked the emergence of centralized institutions and social hierarchies alongside a flourishing agro-pastoral economy bolstered by maritime trade. #### Classical Nzwani (15th-16th Century) 1. **Political Structure**: The al-Maduwa dynasty dominated Nzwani, aligning itself with the Swahili coastal civilization. They utilized "Shirazi" claims to legitimize their social standing. 2. **Trade Relations**: Nzwani merchants engaged in trade within the Indian Ocean, mainly acting as a trans-shipment port. They traded goods like rice and ivory from Madagascar for silk and weapons from India. 3. **Cultural Interactions**: Nzwani increasingly tied itself to the political networks of the Swahili cities, strengthening its trade position through marital alliances and shared elite status. #### European Contact and Nzwani’s Growth (17th Century) 1. **Initial European Contacts**: Vasco da Gama's ships sighted Grande Comore in 1503, but no significant engagement occurred until later Portuguese interactions that sought to formalize control over the islands. 2. **Shift of Trade Routes**: By the 1630s, European ships began favoring Nzwani's harbor at Mutsamudu over Mwali due to its superior anchorage, leading to increased trade activity. 3. **Economic Expansion**: The urban-based rulers of Nzwani extended their influence over agricultural production, implementing a system of tribute collection from the hinterlands. #### Economic Networks and Trade (17th-18th Century) 1. **Circular Trade**: Nzwani merchants engaged in a system where local goods were exchanged for commodities from abroad, facilitating extensive maritime travel to India and Arabia. 2. **Population Growth**: By the mid-17th century, Nzwani's population exceeded 25,000, and trade was increasingly formalized with established port fees and supply contracts for foreign vessels. 3. **Commercial Alliances**: Nzwani used strategies of similitude to foster relationships with European traders, adopting English customs to secure favorable trade agreements. #### Political Challenges and Changes (Late 18th Century) 1. **Succession Disputes**: Conflicts between royal factions weakened Nzwani's stability, prompting requests for foreign military assistance, which yielded limited support. 2. **Fortification Efforts**: Increasing threats led to enhanced fortifications in Nzwani to counter incursions, particularly from Malagasy forces. #### 19th Century Resurgence and Colonial Pressures 1. **Economic Expansion**: Despite regional instability, Nzwani Kings encouraged Indian merchant settlement, which revitalized trade and fortified the local economy. 2. **European Colonial Encroachment**: As neighboring islands fell under French control, Nzwani attempted to maintain autonomy through diplomatic engagements with British interests. 3. **Internal Conflicts and French Occupation**: Internal dissent culminated in rebellion against King Abdallah III's rule, resulting in French military intervention in 1889, marking the decline of Nzwani's political autonomy. #### Conclusion Nzwani's history reflects its transformation from a peripheral settlement to a cosmopolitan center within the Indian Ocean trade networks, influenced by regional powers and European colonial dynamics. Its strategic alliances and trade practices constructed a significant cultural and economic legacy that endured into the colonial era.

Trans-continental trade in Central Africa: The Lunda empire's role in linking the Indian and Atlantic Worlds. (1695-1870)

Central Africa's international trade as seen through the travelogues of African writers.

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Trans-continental trade in Central Africa: The Lunda empire's role in linking the Indian and Atlantic Worlds. (1695-1870) ========================================================================================================================= ### Central Africa's international trade as seen through the travelogues of African writers. ( Jul 03, 2022 16 Among the recurring themes in Central African historiography is the region's presumed isolation from the rest of the world; an epistemological paradigm created in explorer travelogues and colonial literature, which framed central Africa as a "unknown" inorder to christen explorers and colonists as "discoverers" and pioneers in opening up the region to international Trade. While many of the themes used in such accounts have since been revised and discarded, the exact role of central African states like the Lunda empire in the region’s internal trade is still debated. Combining the broader research on central Africa's disparate trading networks terminating on the Indian and Atlantic coasts reveals that the Lunda were the pioneers of a vast Trans-continental trade network that reached its apogee in the 18th and 19th century, and that Lunda’s monarchs initiated alliances with distant states on both sides of the continent, which attracted the attention of two sets of African travelers in 1806 and 1844 coming from both sides of the continent, who wrote detailed accounts of their journey across the Lunda's domains from an African perspective —nearly half a century before David Livingstone's better known cross-continental trip across the same routes in 1852. This article describes the role of the Lunda empire in Trans-continental, international trade in central Africa, and its role in uniting the eastern and western halves of central Africa, through the travelogues of two African writers who visited it. _**Map of central Africa showing the routes used by the Ovimbundu trader Baptista in 1806 (Yellow), the Zanzibari trader Said in 1844 (Green) and the Scottish traveler David Livingstone in 1852 (Red)**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The Lunda state and the African trading groups** The 18th century in Central Africa opened with the emergence of the Lunda Empire and its rapid expansion to both the east and west, ultimately reaching the banks of the Kwango River (in eastern Angola) and the shores of Lake Mweru (in northern Zambia). The Lunda state had been established in the mid 17th century but was ruled by elected titleholders and only full centralized in 1695 with the ascension of King Nawej who then introduced a number of political and commercial innovations that enabled the Lunda to subsume neighboring polities and graft itself into the region’s trade networks. ( Through the various merchant groups such as; the Yao in the east; the Nyamwezi and Swahili in the north-east; and the Ovimbudu in the west, the Lunda’s trade goods were sold as far as the Mozambique island, the Swahili Coast and the coastal colony of Angola, making it the first truly trans-continental trading state in central Africa. _**Map of the Lunda-Kazembe empire with some of the neighboring states that are included in this article**_ While the inability to use draught animals —due to the tse-tse fly's prevalence— constrained the mobility of long distance trade in heavy goods, the Lunda overcame this by trading only those commodities of low weight and high value that could be carried along the entire length of the caravan trade routes, these were primarily; cloth , copper, and ivory.( And while their trade wasn’t central to the Lunda’s primarily agro-pastoralist economy nor was controlling the production of export commodities the the sole concern of Lunda’s state-builders, these goods comprised a bulk of its external trade. The caravan routes that Lunda grafted itself onto were pioneered by various trading groups comprised primarily of a professional class of porters especially the Nyamwezi and the Yao who essentially invented the caravan trade of central Africa.( Many colonial writers and some modern historians assume that long distance caravan porters were captive laborers. This mischaracterization was a deliberate product of the imperial discourses at the time which were later used to justify the region's conquest and occupation and greatly distorted the realities of the dynamics of trade in central Africa.( Professional caravan porters were wage laborers and innovators at the forefront of central Africa's engagement with the global economy, they were key players in the development of new social, economic and cultural networks and created the framework of the region's integration and economic development.( _**Expansion of the Lunda empire along the “Textile belt” in the early 18th century**_ The Lunda's earliest major expansion and most significant in the empire's traditions was into the Textile producing regions, and by 1680, the Lunda textile exports were reaching the Imbangala kingdom of Kasanje from which some were sold in the coastal colony of Angola. This trade later came to include copper which by 1808 was being exported to Brazil through Luanda.( This expansion north was however challenged and Nawej was killed, the Lunda thus expanded west pushing into the Textile belt and increasing its textile trade with Kasanje thus attracting the interest of the Angola-based Portuguese who then sent a mission to Kasanje in 1755 led by Correia Leitão. ( Cross-continental trade across the Lunda domains was likely already established by then, as Correia Leitão was informed by African merchants in Kasanje that In the east of the Lunda domains were Portuguese trading stations where goods similar to those in Angola as well as “velvet cloth and painted paper,” could be bought. During the formative stages of the Lunda’s emergence, similar accounts had been related to the travelers; Rafael de Castro in his visit to the Lower Kasai region (north of Lunda) in 1600, and to Cadornega in the 1670s.( But since the well-known trading groups couldn't be identified on either side of the Portuguese stations, its more likely that such trade was segmented rather than direct. In 1740, the Lunda armies thrust eastwards and south of Lake Meru, partly with the intent of controlling the copper and salt mines of the region. The Lunda king Yavu a Nawej sent his nobles who were given the title “_**Kazembe**_’ and ordered to expand the Lunda territory. The Kazembe established their capital south of Lake Meru and instituted direct administration, collecting annual taxes and tribute often levied in the form of copper and salt, and by 1793 the Kazembe were initiating trade contacts with the Portuguese in Tete and Mozambique.( By the early 1810s, Lunda expansion was at its height under Yavu (d. 1820) and Nawej II (r. 1821-1853) and Muteba (c. 1857-1873). who were eager to establish cross-continental trade. Lunda officials, travelled the breadth of the empire checking caravans, escorting foreign travelers and collecting tribute. ( This state of affairs was confirmed by the two Ovimbundu traders (described below) who stayed in Kazembe’s capital between 1806-1810 and wrote that the country was peaceful and secure, and the routes were well provisioned.( **19th century Copper trade routes in Kazembe’s domains** The Lunda King Nawej, faced the challenge of maintaining central control over what was then central Africa's largest state, and the powerful eastern province of Kazembe increasingly sought complete autonomy. While Kazembe’s rulers continued to pay large tribute to Lunda as late as 1846, they styled themselves as independent Kings who conducted their own foreign affairs especially in matters of trade, they encouraged long distance Yao and Nyamwezi merchants to extend their trade networks to Kazembe and sent envoys to the Portuguese but also execrised their power by restricting the latter’s movements and blocking their planned travel to Lunda.( It was the restriction of trade by Kazembe and the redirection of its trade by the Yao from Portuguese domains to the Swahili cities that greatly shaped the nature of Long distance trade and ultimately led to the embankment of two early cross-continental travels in the early 19th century. * * * **Reorientation of Yao trade routes from the Portuguese to the Swahili coast.** Among the earliest long distance traders of the trans-continental trade were the Yao. Beginning in the late 16th/early 17th century, they had forged trade routes that connected Kazembe to Kilwa and Mozambique, coming from as far as the Kazembe domains, with its Portuguese trading stations at Tete, undertaking a journey of four months laden with ivory which was sold at Mozambique island between May and October.( The Kazembe had begun trading in ivory and copper through the Yao as early as 1762, as one account from sena states “_**The greater part of the ivory which goes to Sena comes from this hinterland and because gold does not come from it, the Portuguese traders (**_of Sena_**) never exert themselves for these two commodities (**_Ivory and copper_**)**_”.( And while the Sena traders were occupied with gold, the Mozambique island and Kilwa were keenly interested in Ivory. By 1760, Mozambique island —an old Swahili city that was occupied by the Portuguese— is described as the primary market for ivory from the interior, with upto 90% and 50% of it in all Portuguese trading stations coming from the Yao; who had also begun to trade in gold from the Zimbabwe gold fields, with the two items of gold and ivory paying for virtually all of Mozambique's imports from India and Portugal.( _**old warehouses on the Mozambique island seafront**_ Accompanying the Yao were the Bisa traders who carried large copper bars obtained at the court of Kazembe who had also begun to export large amounts of Ivory obtained from the Luangwa valley. By the late 18th century, small parties of these Yao and Bisa traders are said to have travelled beyond Kazembe and Lunda to eastern Angola.( By 1765 however, the Yao's ivory trade was being redirected to Kilwa and Zanzibar, and the quantities of ivory received at Mozambique island had rapidly fallen from 325,000 lbs, to a low of 65,000 lbs in 1784. In 1795, the Portuguese governor of Mozambique island was complaining that the Yao's ivory trade to Portuguese controlled stations had fallen to as little as 26,000 lbs, writing that the Yao "_**go to Zanzibar for they find there greater profit and better cloths than ours**_".( The high taxes imposed by the Portuguese on ivory trade, the conflict between the Portuguese authorities and the Indian merchants in Mozambique island, and the poor quality cloth they used in trade, had enabled the Swahili of Kilwa (and later Zanzibar) to outbid the Portuguese for the Yao trade.( Several written and oral traditions in the region also confirm this reorientation of trade. In Kilwa's "ancient history of kilwa kivinje" there's mention of two Yao traders named Mkwinda and Mroka who moved from the lake Malawi to kilwa kivinje in the late 18th century and established a lucrative trade network of ivory and cloth, Other accounts from northern Malawi mention the coming of Yao and Swahili traders likely from Kilwa during this period, controlling an ivory trading network that doubtless extended to Kazembe( _**Kilwa’s Makutani Palace, originally built in the 15th century but extended and fortified during the city-state’s resurgence under local (**_Swahili_**) rule the 18th century.**_( * * * **Kazembe and the Portuguese of Mozambique island: a failed Portuguese mission to traverse the coast.** In 1793, the Kazembe III Lukwesa, through the auspices of the Yao and the Bisa traders, sought to establish formal contacts with the Portuguese of Tete and Mozambique island inorder to expand trade in copper and ivory. In response, the Portuguese traders then sent an envoy named Manoel to the Kazembe court, and while no formal partnership was obtained, he confirmed that the Swahili cities were quickly outcompeting the Portuguese trade.( Lukwesa sent another embassy to the then recently appointed Portuguese governor of Mozambique island; Francisco José de Lacerda, in February 1798. Lacerda had sought to restore Portugal's dwindling commercial hegemony in central Africa following their failed political hegemony after a string of loses including; the Zambezi goldfields to a resurgent Mutapa kingdom and the Rozvi state; the loss of the Swahili cities; and their tenuous control over the coastal colony of Angola. Lacerda also hoped to establish overland communication between Angola and Mozambique island.( Lacerda set off in July 1798 for the Kazembe's court, arriving there a few weeks later and noting that ivory trade had shifted to the Swahili coast, and that despite the rise in slave trade at Mozambique island, the Kazembe "_**do not sell their captives to the portuguese**_" as they regarded ivory a much more lucrative. (an observation backed by the relative prices of ivory versus slaves who were in low demand, the former of which fetched more than 7-15 times the price of the latter Lacerda was however prevented by the Kazembe Lukwesa from travelling west to the Lunda capital and ultimately died of a fever in Kazembe. Lacerda's entourage left a bad impression on the Kazembe, who reduced the kingdom’s trade to the Portuguese almost entirely in 1810, and wouldn't send embassies to the Portuguese at Tete until 1822.( In 1830, the Portuguese made another attempt to formalize trade with a reluctant Kazembe and sent Antonio Gamito in 1830 to the Kazembe capital. This embassy proved futile and wasn't well received, prompting Gamito to quash any future ambitions by the Portuguese with regards to Kazembe’s trade; noting that Kazembe had no need of the Tete markets since they could obtain cloth from the Swahili coast, and that the Bisa middlemen "do not like trading in slaves".( The commercial prosperity of Zanzibar in the 19th century confirms Gamito’s observations. The Portuguese at Mozambique island abandoned any ambitions of trading with Kazembe and any plans of cross-continental commerce were left to the African trading groups in the interior especially the Ovimbundu who undertook a near-complete trans-continental travel through Lunda to Kazembe. _**Grand audience of the Kazembe (from Gamito and Antonio Pedroso’s “O Muata Cazembe”)**_ * * * **The Ovimbundu merchants and the Lunda: Journey of Baptista across central Africa in 1806.** The 18th century Lunda expansion west and the prospects of greater involvement in a larger trans-continental commercial network drew the Ovimbundu merchants and their kingdoms into closer ties to their east, and they had eclipsed the Imbangala kingdom of Kasanje, and by the late-19th century they had successfully re-oriented the region’s trade south through the coastal city of Benguela, and expanded Lunda's main exports west to include Ivory.( The Kasanje monopoly over the Lunda trade was such that the Portuguese sought alternative routes, but given their previous failed missions to Lunda, this task was left to the more experienced Ovimbundu traders. In 1806, two pombeiros (also called ‘_os feirantes pretos_’ ie; black traders) of Ovimbudu ancestry were dispatched, their leader was called João Baptista and he made a fairly detailed chronological journal of their adventures.( From Kasanje they headed east and were briefly detained at the Lunda capital in the court of King Yavu, after which they were allowed to proceed and they reached Kazembe's capital, where they were detained for four years because of the Kazembe's suspicions and a conflict between the Kazembe and the Bisa traders. The two traders were afterwards allowed to continue and they reached Tete in 1811 and later returned through the same route to Luanda in 1814 with more than 130 tonnes of merchandise.( After having covered more than 3,000 kilometers not including the return trip. Besides noting that the Kazembe's sole trade with Tete was in ivory and that no slaves reached the town (and thus Mozambique island), The two men also mentioned that they encountered companies of “_**Tungalagazas**_” (ie; Galagansa; a branch of Nyamwezi) at Kazembe's court in 1806-1810.( thus attesting to the influence of the Nyamwezi in Kazembe’s trade by the early 19th century. _**Luanda in the 19th century (from 'The Life and Explorations of Dr Livingstone’)**_ * * * **The Nyamwezi and Swahili: Completion of Trans-continental travel in 1852** As early as 1806, the Kazembe copper trade extended to the lands of the Nyamwezi traders who valued the "red" copper of the Kazembe more than the "white" copper imported from India through the Swahili cities.( In 1809, the Yao traders told the traveler Henry salt while he was in Mozambique island, that they were acquainted with other african traders called "Eveezi" (Nyamwezi) who had travelled far enough inland to see “_**large waters, white people and horses**_". The strong links between Lunda-Kazembe and the coastal colony of Angola (with its white population and horses) make it very likely that Nyamwezi traders had made it to the Atlantic coast.( While the Yao-dominated Kilwa trade with the interior was gradually declining by the mid 19th century, the Nyamwezi-dominated ivory trade which terminated at Zanzibar was beginning to flourish especially through the semi-autonomous Swahili city of Bagamoyo. Zanzibar was by then under Omani (Arab) control but their hold over the other coastal Swahili cities especially Bagamoyo was rather tenuous due to local resistance but also a more liberal policy of trade that resulted in the city becoming the main ivory entrepot along the Swahili coast from where caravans embarked into the interior. ( The rapid expansion of the Ivory trade at Zanzibar greatly increased the demand for ivory and in the availability of credit at the coast encouraged the formation of larger caravans often led by Swahili and Arab traders who had access to it rather than the Nyamwezi, leading to the former predominating the trade into the interior while the Nyamwezi etched out their niche as professional class of porters.( _**Wage rates for Nyamwezi porters per journey, 1850-1900**_( _**The swahili city of Bagamoyo, Street scene in 1889 (Vendsyssel Historiske Museum)**_ In response to the increased demand for ivory, the Lunda king Nawej II incorporated various Chokwe groups from the southern fringes of his empire, into Lunda’s commercial system at the capital in 1841. The Chokwe were reputed mercenaries and hunters whose lands had been conquered by the Lunda after a series of protracted wars in the 18th century.( It’s during that 1840s that one of the earliest accounts of a Swahili trader travelling through the territories of Kazembe and across to the Atlantic coast emerges( . The German traveler Johann Ludwig Krapf, while staying in Kilwa kivinje in March 1850, was told of a “_**of a Suahili (**_swahili_**), who had journeyed from Kiloa (**_Kilwa_**) to the lake Niassa (Malwai) , and thence to Loango on the western coast of Africa.**_”( In 1844/5, a large ivory caravan consisting of several Swahili and Arab merchants with 200 guards and hundreds of Nyamwezi porters left Bagamoyo and arrived in Kazembe a few months later, among the caravan's leaders was one named Said bin Habib (of ambiguous ancestry who travelled through Kazembe and arrived at the Atlantic port of Luanda in 1852 marking the first fully confirmed transcontinental travel in central Africa.( An audacious journey of more than 4,000 kilometers. In 1860, Said wrote an account of his travels from Bagamoyo to the cities of Luanda and Benguela. Said —who refers to himself as an ivory trader— described the Kazembe's domains as such "_**The people appear comfortable and contented, the country is everywhere cultivated, and the inhabitants are numerous, The Cazembe governs with mildness and justice, and the roads are quite safe for travellers**_", he continues narrating the his travelogue across Lunda-Kazembe territory, passing through the town of Katanza (katanga) near the copper mines, to the Kololo regions of Ugengeh (Jenje), to Lui (Naliele ) and then to Loanda (Luanda). ( The British “explorer” David Livingstone would later use a similar route as Baptista and Said and make many “discoveries” along the way. * * * **Lunda’s successors: The Chokwe traders and Yeke kingdom.** By the 1870s, the already tenuous central control in the Lunda-Kazembe gave way to centrifugal forces, after a series of succession disputes in which rival contenders to the Lunda throne used external actors to exert their power, and led to the disintegration of the empire. Prominent among these external actors were the Chokwe ivory hunters who were initially used as mercenaries by rival Lunda kings, but later established their own commercial and political hegemony over the Lunda and overrun its capital in 1887. ( Parts of Lunda fell to King Msiri who used his Nyamwezi allies and Ovimbundu merchants to establish his own state of Yeke over Kazembe and the territories just north of the Lunda domains, and dealt extensively in copper trade, producing nearly 4 tonnes of copper each smelting season.( Msiri retained most of the Lunda’s administrative apparatus and offices and greatly expanded the long distance copper and ivory trade in both directions; to the Swahili coast and to the Angolan coast using the Nyawezi and Ovimbundu intermediaries.( By 1875, Nyamwezi caravans were a regular sight in the Angola colony at the coast.( completing the linking of the Eastern and Western halves of central Africa. The various states that succeeded the Lunda were largely geared towards cross-continental trade, with a significant expansion in the merchant class especially among the Ovimbundu( and the chockwe( . The volume of trade expanded as more commodities such as rubber and beeswax were added to the export trade( . The Lunda’s successor states were however still in their formative stages when the region was occupied by colonial powers and the dynamic nature of political and economic transformation happening throughout that period was largely described through the context of colonial conquest. _**18th-19th century copper ignots from Katanga. According to information relating to the 19th century, miners were paid 3 copper crosses weighing 20kg per trading season while titleholders received about 100kg, with a total of 115 tonnes of copper circulating in payments and tribute every year.**_( * * * **Conclusion: International trade in Central Africa.** The Trans-continental central African trade which connected the Indian ocean world to the Atlantic ocean world, was largely the legacy of the Lunda state whose rulers linked the long-distance routes across the region, and ushered in an era of economic and political transformation. Contrary to the framing of central Africa as the "undiscovered continent" popularized in colonial literature and travelogues like David Livingstone's, the networks and routes these explorers used were created by and for the Lunda, and were known in internal (African) written accounts more than half a century before Livingstone and his peers "discovered" them. Despite the tendency to view the nature of the external commodities trade through the 'world systems' paradigm that relegates central African states to the periphery exploited by the western "core", the Lunda's commercial initiative contradicts such theories, it engaged the international markets on its own accord and controlled all stages of production and exchange, it initiated and terminated trade alliances, and it managed trade routes and controlled production. As the historian Edward Alpers puts it _**"the long distance African trader in Central Africa was a shrewd businessman, keenly aware of the market in which he was operating**_" .( It was through Lunda’s policies and the efforts of long-distance traders that Central Africa was commercially linked from coast to coast, and the region integrated itself into the global markets. * * * **Said Habib was one of many 19th century Swahili travelers who wrote about their journeys, others like Selim Abakari went as far as Germany and Russia, read about Selim’s ‘exploration of Europe’ on Patreon** ( **Contribute to African History Extra through Paypal** ( ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John K. Thornton pg 217-221) ( Slaves, Spices and Ivory in Zanzibar by Abdul Sheriff pg 192) ( Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel, The role of the Yao in the development of trade in East-Central Africa by Edward Alter Alpers ( Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 12-23 ( Reinterpreting Exploration: The West in the World by Dane Kennedy ( Copper, Trade and Polities by Nicolas Nikis & Alexandre Livingstone Smith pg 908) ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John K. Thornton pg 222-226) ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John K. Thornton pg 230) ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John K. Thornton pg 234-235, 269-270) ( Central Africa to 1870 by David Birmingham pg 112) ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John K. Thornton pg 312-313) ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John K. Thornton pg 270-271, 320-321) ( European Powers and South-east Africa by Mabel V. Jackson Haight pg 92) ( The role of the Yao in the development of trade in East-Central Africa by Edward Alter Alpers pg 141 ( European Powers and South-east Africa by Mabel V. Jackson Haight pg 93) ( European Powers and South-east Africa by Mabel V. Jackson Haight pg 92, The role of the Yao in the development of trade in East-Central Africa by Edward Alter Alpers pg 142 ( European Powers and South-east Africa by Mabel V. Jackson Haight pg 94-95) ( The role of the Yao in the development of trade in East-Central Africa by Edward Alter Alpers pg 240-1 ( Ivory and Slaves in East Central Africa by Edward A. Alpers pg 164), ( Kilwa: A History of the Ancient Swahili Town with a Guide to the Monuments of Kilwa Kisiwani and Adjacent Islands by John E. G. Sutton ( European Powers and South-east Africa by Mabel V. Jackson Haight pg 94) ( European Powers and South-east Africa by Mabel V. Jackson Haight pg 96) ( Ivory and Slaves in East Central Africa by Edward A. Alpers pg 246 ( European Powers and South-east Africa by Mabel V. Jackson Haight pg 97,244) ( European Powers and South-east Africa by Mabel V. Jackson Haight pg 99) ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Volume 6 pg 81, A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John K. Thornton g 337) ( see full text of their travel account in “The Lands of Cazembe: Lacerda's Journey to Cazembe in 1798” pg 203-240 ( Portuguese Africa by James Duffy pg 191, European Powers and South-east Africa by Mabel V. Jackson Haight pg 97 ( Ivory and Slaves in East Central Africa by Edward A. Alpers pg 180,“The Lands of Cazembe: Lacerda's Journey to Cazembe in 1798” pg 188 ( The Rainbow and the Kings By Thomas O. Reefe, Thomas Q. Reefe pg 172) ( Ivory and Slaves in East Central Africa by Edward A. Alpers pg pg 180) ( Making Identity on the Swahili Coast By Steven Fabian pg 80-96, 50 ( The Island as Nexus by Jeremy Presholdt pg 321 ( Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 224 ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John K. Thornton pg 311, 317-318) ( There are earlier accounts of Swahili traders in the late 18th century undertaking a similar crossing. ( Travels, Researches, and Missionary Labors by krapf pg 350) ( Said is often called “Arab” with the quotations) in most accounts but it was a rather mutable social category due to the nature of identity in 19th century swahili cities (see ( ) ( Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 51) ( “Narrative of Said Bin Habeeb, An Arab Inhabitant of Zanzibar” in Transactions of the Bombay Geographical Society 15 pg 146-48) ( Heroic Africans by y Alisa LaGamma pg 187) ( The Rainbow and the Kings by Thomas O. Reefe, Thomas Q. Reefe pg 173) ( Africa since 1800 By Roland Oliver, Anthony Atmore pg 80, Chasseurs d'ivoire: Une histoire du royaume Yeke du Shaba By Hugues Legros ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Volume 5 pg 247 ( Trade and Socioeconomic Change in Ovamboland, 1850-1906 by Harri Siiskonen ( Cokwe Trade and Conquest in the Nineteenth Century by Joseph C. Miller ( Terms of Trade and Terms of Trust by Achim von Oppen ( Kingdoms and Associations: Copper’s Changing Political Economy during the Nineteenth Century David M. Gordon pg 163 ( The role of the Yao in the development of trade in East-Central Africa by Edward Alpers pg 55).

### Title: Trans-continental Trade in Central Africa: The Lunda Empire's Role in Linking the Indian and Atlantic Worlds (1695-1870) ### Overview - Central Africa has often been perceived as isolated from global trade networks, a notion established by explorers and colonial literature. - This article focuses on the role of the Lunda Empire in fostering trans-continental trade, linking the Indian and Atlantic oceans through established trade routes and the travelogues of African traders. ### The Emergence of the Lunda Empire 1. **Founding and Centralization**: - The Lunda Empire was established in the mid-17th century, with full centralization occurring in 1695 under King Nawej. - Political and commercial innovations during Nawej's reign allowed the Lunda to expand and integrate into regional trade networks. 2. **Geographical Expansion**: - The empire expanded east towards the Kwango River in Angola and north to Lake Mweru in Zambia. - This positioned the Lunda Empire as a significant player in trade, reaching coastal markets in Mozambique and Angola. ### Trade Networks and Economic Practices 3. **Trade Goods**: - The Lunda traded lightweight, high-value goods such as cloth, copper, and ivory. - Despite the agriculture and pastoralism being the primary economic focus, external trade was crucial for the economy. 4. **Caravan Trade**: - Trading routes were primarily managed by professional porters, notably the Nyamwezi and Yao, who set the foundation for long-distance trade. - Mischaracterization of these porters as captive laborers emerged from colonial narratives, obscuring their roles as professional traders. ### Expansion of Trade Routes 5. **Textile Trade**: - By the 1680s, Lunda textiles reached the Imbangala kingdom of Kasanje; their trade included copper exported to Brazil by 1808. - The growth of Lunda's textile trade attracted Portuguese interest, leading to expeditions to establish trade relations. 6. **Control Over Copper and Salt Mines**: - The Lunda expanded eastward in the 1740s to control vital copper and salt resources, establishing taxes and tribute systems. - By the early 19th century, Lunda officials facilitated trade and maintained security across the empire. ### Interaction with Neighboring Trade Entities 7. **Yao Traders**: - Yao traders connected Kazembe with Kilwa and Mozambique, trading ivory and copper extensively. - The demand for ivory shifted towards Swahili cities due to better trade conditions and high-quality goods compared to Portuguese offerings. 8. **Kazembe's Autonomy**: - The eastern province of Kazembe sought autonomy from Lunda control, negotiating its trade independently, particularly with the Portuguese. - Kazembe established stronger ties with Swahili traders, who outbid the Portuguese for trade. ### Significant Travel Accounts 9. **Baptista's Journey (1806)**: - João Baptista, an Ovimbundu trader, documented his journey through the Lunda capital and Kazembe, providing insights into trade practices. - His accounts revealed the thriving trade environment and the stability of routes within the Lunda Empire. 10. **Said's Journey (1844)**: - Said bin Habib, a Swahili trader, completed a journey from Bagamoyo to Luanda, detailing his experiences and the economic conditions of Kazembe. - He noted the prosperity of the region, the governance of Kazembe, and the trade dynamics that favored ivory over slavery. ### Decline of the Lunda Empire 11. **Fragmentation in the Late 19th Century**: - The central authority of the Lunda diminished due to internal succession disputes and the rise of mercenary Chokwe traders. - The Yeke kingdom emerged post-Lunda, expanding trade networks and fostering regional economic transformations. ### Conclusion - The Lunda Empire was instrumental in establishing a trans-continental trade network that connected Central Africa with global markets. - Contrary to previous narratives portraying Central Africa as an isolated region, the Lunda's strategic trade initiatives and relationships with neighboring states were significant in shaping economic and political dynamics in the region. - The legacy of the Lunda's trade networks and the contributions of African traders illustrate the complexity and interconnectedness of pre-colonial African economies.

Revealing African spatial concepts in external documents: How the Hausalands became "cartographically visible".

Interpreting an 18th century Hausa scholar's map of his Homeland.

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Revealing African spatial concepts in external documents: How the Hausalands became "cartographically visible". =============================================================================================================== ### Interpreting an 18th century Hausa scholar's map of his Homeland. ( Jun 26, 2022 8 During the mid-14th century, the globe-trotter Ibn Battuta set himself on a journey through west Africa, into the region from where many his peers —the early scholars, merchants and travelers of west-Africa who crisscrossed Mediterranean world— originated. Battuta described various west African states and regions using local ethnonyms and toponyms that he derived from his west African guests, providing important first-hand information that made much of west Africa “cartographically visible” on external maps, except for one region; the Hausalands. The Hausalands only appear suddenly and vividly in external accounts beginning with Leo Africanus in the early 16th century, and by the 18th century, an astonishing cartographic depiction of the Hausalands with all its endonyms for its states and rivers was made by one of the region’s scholars for a foreign geographer. The stark contrast between the apparently invisibility of the region during Ibn Batutta’s time versus its cartographic visibility after Leo Africanus’ time was the product of a process in which the Language (_Hausa_), People (_Hausawa_) and Land (_Kasar Hausa_) acquired a distinct character derived from local concepts of geographic space. This article sketches the process through which the Hausa became cartographically visible, from the formation of local traditions of autochthony, to the physical transformation of Land through cultivation and construction, and to the political and intellectual process that culminated with the drawing of one of the oldest extant maps of Africa made by an African. _**21st century Map of the Hausalands by Paul Lovejoy, shown as they were during the 18th century.**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Traditions of autochthony fixing the language and People onto the Land: on the creation of ‘Hausa’ and ‘Hausawa’.** **Foreign origin?** There are a number of traditions that relate the origin of the Hausa language and its speakers. The most popular tradition is the legend of Bayajidda (or the Daura chronicle) which is documented in internal accounts with various versions written in the 19th century, recounting how a foreign hero from the north-east (either Bornu or Iraq) intermarried with local ruling queen of Daura) and from his progeny emerged the founders of the dynasties of the main Hausa states.( In attempting to historicize the Bayajidda myths of origin, historians have for long recognized the the limitations of the legend's various and almost contradictory accounts, they thus regard the different variations of the legend as reflecting the exegencies of regions rulers and elite who composed them at the time (ie; Sokoto’s sultan Muhammad Bello in 1813 and the Sokoto scholar Dan Tafa in 1824) who were in their origin, external to the subjects they were writing about.( (the Sokoto state subsumed the various Hausa states in the 19th century) **Indigenous origin.** Conversely, political and ethnic myths of origin related by Hausa scholars and oral history tended to emphasize autochthony, by utilizing themes such as the hunter-ancestor figure and emergence of the first/new/original man from “holes in ground”, both of which are themes that are featured commonly among other African tradition myths of origin.( There are a number of oral traditions that have been recorded from some Hausa settlements in Zamfara, Katsina, and southern Azbin saying that the ancestors of the Hausa people in those localities had emerged from "holes in the ground".( In the 19th century account of the foundation of the Hausa states of Zamfara and Yawuri written by the Hausa scholar Umaru al-Kanawi ; he writes that a “new man” (Hausa: _**mazan fara**_) came from the “bush” (_**daji**_) as a hunter selling his game meat, and gradually grew his settlement and from which emerged Zamfara, Umaru then adds that in Yawuri, hunters that lived in the forest conquered the area and established themselves. In Umaru’s version of the Bayajidda legend, the man who intermarried with the Daura queen is left unnamed and his origin is left unknown, while the Queen's rule and her attributes are all emphasized.( In all his accounts of Hausa origins, Umaru considers “hunters” and "new men/first men” from the “bush" as as pioneers in establishing the Hausa settlements. Similarly, in the “song of Bagauda”, which is an oral account in the form of a poem recorded among Hausa speakers in Kano and is reputed to be a repository of the region's political history, the poem’s king-list begins with the hunter figure of Bagauda without mentioning his origin —in a manner similar to how Umaru introduces his "new men" and hunter figures— the poem also adds more information revolving around themes that feature in Hausa concepts of geographic space. with the hunters transforming into cultivators and clearers of land, and the cleared settlements eventually turning into a large towns. "_**Bagauda made the first clearing in the Kano bush. It was then uninhabited jungle, He was a mighty hunter, a slayer of wild beasts**_". The poem continues, recounting how his settlement attracted many people who then became farmers; "_**The encampment became extensive, They cut down the forest and chopped it up, They cultivated guinea-corn and bulrush millet such as had not been seen before**_".( These accounts contain faint echoes about the formative stages of Hausa society and could thus be supplemented by linguistic and archeological research into the expansion of the Hausa language and its speakers from the western marches of the lake chad region into what is now northern Nigeria and southern Niger.( These early Hausa communities were originally hunters who later became farmers( , and they established settlements surrounded by their farms, which then grew into large towns and cities encompassed by wall fences (_**birni**_) which then became a characteristic part of the settlement hierarchy and the nucleus of the emerging Hausa polities centered in cities.( _**Gold earrings, pendant, and ring from the grave of a high status Woman Durbi Takusheyi, Katsina State, Nigeria**_ This process by which the people who speak Hausa and the land in which they settled was developed through farming, the construction of urban settlements and establishment of state systems inorder to acquire a distinct identity is referred to as Hauzaisation.( * * * **Transforming the Land: an ecological and cultural process to create ‘Kasar Hausa’** The emergence of Hausa as distinct identity across the Hausalnds can thus be viewed ecologically; it involved the Hausaization of the land, the conversion of bush and woodlands into parkland farms and open savanna, with a marked reduction of the tsetse-infested areas, and the increasingly intensive exploitation of the land for seasonal grain cultivation and a fair degree of cattle-keeping. The largest of the nucleic Hausa communities often established themselves at the hill bases of the region's granite inselbergs, which were traditionally revered as places of the most ancient settlement and religious importance that served as centers of powerful cultural attraction. These inselberg settlements featured stone circles, grinding and pounding stones, pounding hollows, and terraced stone field walls which stresses their primarily agricultural, sedentary character.( _**the Dalla hill of Kano, considered a scared site**_ From these inselbergs with their commonly fertile bases such as the flat-topped, iron-bearing mesas of Dalla and Gorondutse in Kano, as well as Kufena and Turunku in Zaria, that there developed a new system of moving into and clearing the plains to grow millet and sorghum by relying on the annual rains of May to September, and by using the large Hausa hoe manufactured using local and regional iron, in breaking the hard soil of the plains to create the extensive farmlands that came to characterize the region’s landscape.( In many rural Hausa traditions, the legendary figure Bagauda is the culture-hero of the field through his planting of crops and he is symbolized as a hoe thus signifying strength, skill, and ritualistic power.( _**Farming outside the Hausa town of Batagarawa in Katsina, photo from the 1960s**_ Beside its intensive grain cultivation, Hausaland is suited to livestock, the region's extent of grassland and the confinement of tsetse to its southern most extremities are doubtless partly the result of agricultural land-clearance and the pasturing cattle. It was thanks to this agro-pastoral economy that Hausaland, which may have been sparsely inhabited in the first millennium, later came to support relatively dense populations It's within this process of cultivation, herding and settlement that further Hausa notions of geographical space emerged with their distinction between the city (_**birni**_) with its surrounding farmland (_**karkara**_) on one hand, and the “bush” on the one hand. Concepts which were central in the establishment of early state systems with the symbiotic and antagonistic relationship between the inhabitants of both spheres which came to be recognized as two distinct political domains, with the city state emerging as the primary political unit of the Hausalands ( _**the city of Kano (foreground) and its farmlands an bush (background), photo from the 1930s**_ The process of state formation thus begun in the nuclear region of Daura, Hadejia and Kano in the early 2nd millennium, followed by Zazzau and Katsina in the early to mid second millennium, and later expanded through the plains of Zamfara and Kebbi in the 15th century.( These are the states that would from then on appear in external accounts as the most dominant political entities of the Hausalands. * * * **Political and Physical construction of a society: Rulers, cities and Walls.** The 15th century is seen as a 'watershed' in Hausa state formation with the emergence of substantial city-states in eastern Hausaland such as Kano, Katsina and Zazzau, significant cultural, commercial and political developments and expansion of external contacts, followed by an increase in the degree of cultural and commercial incorporation into a wider world (less orthodox pg The political economy of Hausaland—merchants and their caravans, city-based rulers and their cavalry—was planted and grew in the urban settlements and their surrounding farmlands whereas the countryside/bush retained settlements which seem not to be conventionally Hausa in form but could nevertheless support and interact with the urban centers as part of a wider, receptive system.( The Hausa cities were economic centers with professionalized markets, town walls and royal palaces. These cities were planned and constructed, houses were renovated, and town walls extended, like in much of west africa, urban design in the Hausalands was total. Hausa cities, which were planned geometrically and ritually inspired, often carried a semiotic basis derived from Hausa concepts of geographic space; urbanity in the Hausalands was thus determined by local exigencies and influenced by Islamic principles.( The Friday Mosque, the Court Building, and the Palace of the Emir were built in the very center of the walled towns. Around the urban political and religious center, the cities were divided into wards, each with its own neighborhood mosque and the residence of the ward head , the urban built-environment and its surrounding farmlands developed a specific character.( _**Zaria mosque built in the early 19th century.**_ Hausa urban spaces were usually limited by city walls, which turned a settlement linguistically into a town/city. These walls were originally built following the contours of the landscape, the walls at Turunku were constructed to surround a group of inselbergs, while the walls at Kufena and Dumbi are built close to the foot of inselbergs, enclosing them.( In Kano, the series of fortifications cover an area around 20km in circumference, extend to heights of upto 9 meters, and were surrounded by a 15-meter deep ditch. The walls of Zaria, were about 6 meters high and covered a circumference of 16 km. In both cities, as with the rest of Hausa urban settlements, the city walls enclose agricultural and residential land, and they were originally constructed in the 12th century, afterwhich they were expanded in the 15th and 17th century.( _**city walls and ditch of Kano**_ The city walls and their enclosed inselbergs were clearly imposing expressions of power, designed to be seen from afar, their guarded gates, naturally also served to keep inhabitants in. Thus internal and external accounts of Hausa cities usually reported about the constitution of the wall, as well as the names, numbers and locations of the city gates. _**Gates of Bauchi**_ * * * **Locating ‘Hausa’ (the language), ‘Hausawa’ (the people) and ‘Kasar Hausa’ (the lands) in external cartography.** The first explicit external account of the Hausa lands was made by Leo Africanus' "Description of Africa" written in 1526 , and it goes into vivid detail on the political, economic and social character of the city-states in stark contrast to the cities' relative cartographic invisibility prior. Leo’s vivid account of the Hausalands which most scholars agree was second-hand information received while he was in the city of Gao( , was the result of the political and intellectual integration of the Hausalands into the larger west African networks which initially led to external scholars moving into the Hausalands, and later, Hausa scholars moving outside the Hausalands and thus transmitting more accurate information about their home country. _**detail from Leo Africanus’ 16th century map of Africa showing atleast 4 of the 6 Hausa cities he described; Cano (Kano), Zanfara (Zamfara), Casena (Katsina) and Guangara (unidentified Hausa city southeast of Katsina).**_ ( By the late 15th century, a series of political and commercial innovations made the Hausalands a magnet of west African and north African scholars who then increased external knowledge about the Hausalands. These include the Timbuktu scholar Aqit al-Timbukti who taught in Kano in the late 1480s( , the maghrebian scholar Al-Maghili who passed through Kano and Katsina in 1492( , the maghrebian scholar Makhluf al-Balbali who taught in Kano and Katsina in the early 1500s.( Leo’s lengthy account of the Hausa city-states features the most visible outward markers of Hausaization including the architecture, walls, farmlands, crafts industry and trade, he describes the "_**cloth weavers and leather workers**_" of Gobir, the "_**artisans and merchants**_" of Kano, as well as the "_**abundant grain, rice, millet, and cotton**_" of Zamfara, but the most importantly, he notes defensive walls of the cities; describing Kano that "_**It has a surrounding wall made of beams and clay**_".( It was these features of defensive walls and extensive cultivation, (as well as trade and handicraft industry) that became the most visible cartographic markers of the Hausa city-states, transforming them into cartographically visible polities in external accounts. Around 1573-82, the geographer Giovanni Lorenzo d'Anania, who obtained his information about the Hausalands from a Ragusan merchant who had spent some years in the African interior, listed Kano with “_**its large stone walls**_”, as one of three principal cities of Africa alongside Fez and Cairo.( The late 16th century and mid 17th century west African chronicles of; _**Ghazawat Barnu (**_chronicles of Bornu_**), Tarikh al-Sudan (**_chronicle of the sudan_**)**_ and _**Tarikh al-Fattash (**_chronicle of the researcher_**)**_ which were written in Ngazargamu, Timbuktu and Dendi (ie: outside the Hausalands) make detailed descriptions of the Hausa city-states such as Katsina, Kebbi and Kano. The cities’ are often introduced within the context of the wars with the Bornu and Songhay empire, and the west African networks of scholarship and trade, showing that they were doubtless written for a west African audience already relatively familiar with the region. The Hausalands’ inclusion in the chronicles is significant in affirming the urban, mercantile character of the Hausa states.( By the 18th century, external descriptions of the region now explicitly included the names of the language (Hausa), the people (Hausawa/Hausa), and their land (Kasar Hausa/Hausalands). While the cities were by then fairly well known in external accounts, most of these accounts referred to the Language of the region, the People living within it and the Lands they controlled, using exonyms derived from the empire of Bornu (which was for long the suzerain of several Hausa city-states), eg in the mid 18th century, the German cartographer Carsten Niebuhr was informed by a Hausa servant living in Tripoli about the lands of “Afnu and Bernu”, the servant’s language is also called Afnu —the word for Hausa in Bornu— rather than Hausa.( However the use of such exonyms in external accounts immediately gave way to more accurate endomys once the Hausa begun defining their own region to external writers. In an account written by the German traveler Frederick Horneman based on information given to him by a travelling Hausa scholar, as well as his own travels in west Africa during 1797, he writes that: "_**Eastward from Tombuctoo lies Soudan, Haussa, or Asna: the first is the Arabic, the second is the name used in the country, and the last is the Bornuan name**_" This introduces for to readers the first explicit use of the ethnonym Hausa in external texts. Horneman then continues describing the people, language and states of the Hausa that were doubtlessly given to him by the Hausa scholar, writing that; “_**As to what the inhabitants themselves call Hausa, I had as I think, very certain information. One of them, Marabut (**_scholar_**), gave me a drawing of the situation of the different regions bordering on each other, which I here give as I received it.**_"( The map is a very valuable source representing how Hausa travelers mapped their home countries, and is arguably the oldest extant map drawn by a west African about his homeland. The states of Bornu, Asben (Air sultanate), and Katsina are depicted as the largest empires. Around Katsina, minor Hausa states are arranged: _**Gobir**_ (“Guber”), _**Zamfara, Daura, Kano**_ (“Cano”), Sofan, Noro (These were likely part of Zaria , _**Nupe**_ (“Nyffe”), _**Kebbi**_ (“Cabi”). The map is oriented northwards and all Hausa states are drawn together forming a circular area and the entire region is labeled “Hausa” (ie; Hausalands) ; to the north, the east and the west Hausa is bordered by other states; to the south the “Joliba” (Niger and Benue) make up the natural boundary. Beyond this, no states are added.( comparing the Hausa scholar’s 18th century map with Paul Lovejoy’s 21st century map of the Hausalands. * * * **conclusion: On Africans defining their geographic space.** Tracing the emergence and descriptions of African regions in external texts reveals their use of indigenous African concepts of geographical space as well as the physical and intellectual process through which African land was transformed by cultivation, and construction, as well as the active participation of African scholars and travelers in the intellectual process of mapping their Land as it appears in external documents. The use of locally derived names (endonyms) for the language, people and lands shows how spatial concepts and cartographic markers on the African continent were often dictated by the African groups whose lands they were describing. The 18th century map of the Hausalands was a culmination of the physical and intellectual process of transforming the region occupied by Hausa speakers into a cartographically visible region with a distinct Language, People and HomeLand. * * * _** to my Patreon and Download books on nearly 2,000 African scholars from the 11th-19th century , and Books on Hausa Geography and cartography.**_ ( * * * **Huge thanks to ‘HAUSA HACKATHON AFRICA’ which contributed to this research**. ( Some considerations relating to the formation of states in Hausaland by A. Smith 335 ( Origins of the Hausa: From Baghdad Royals to Bornu Slaves pg 172-179 in “A Geography of Jihad” by Stephanie Zehnle, Some considerations relating to the formation of states in Hausaland by A. Smith 336-337) ( General History of Africa volume 4: Africa from the 12th to the 16th Century pg 268) ( The Hausa and the other Peoples of Northern Nigeria 1200 – 1600 by M. Amadu ( A Geography of Jihad” by Stephanie Zehnle pg 180) ( The 'Song of Bagauda': a Hausa king list and homily in verse—II by M Hiskett pg 113-114) ( Towards a Less Orthodox History of Hausaland by JEG Sutton pg 181-183 ( Being and becoming Hausa by Anne Haour, Benedetta Rossi pg 174) ( Being and becoming Hausa by Anne Haour, Benedetta Rossi pg 155). ( Hausa as a process in time and space by Sutton pg 279–298 ( Some considerations relating to the formation of states in Hausaland by A. Smith, The walls of Zaria and Kufena by Sutton ( Early Kano: the Santolo-Fangwai settlement system by M. Last ( The 'Song of Bagauda': a Hausa king list and homily in verse—II by M Hiskett 114–115) ( Being and becoming Hausa by Anne Haour, Benedetta Rossi pg 66) ( Towards a Less Orthodox History of Hausaland by JEG Sutton pg 183) ( Towards a Less Orthodox History of Hausaland by JEG Sutton pg 184) ( Ross, Eric: Sufi City. Urban Design and Archetypes in Touba, Rochester 2006, p. 23 ( Hausa Architecture by (Moughtin, J.C.: p. 4.) ( The walls of Zaria and Kufena by j. Sutton, Kufena and its archaeology by J. Sutton ( The Oxford Handbook of Islamic Archaeology pg 495), The Archaeology of Islam in Sub-Saharan Africa by Timothy Insoll pg 298) ( Timbuktu and Songhay by J. Hunwick pg 272 ( The map was digitized ( (see 8th photo in viewer) ( Timbuktu and Songhay by J. Hunwick pg 52 ( Islam in africa by N. Levtzion, pg 379 ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 55-56 ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 284-288) ( History of West Africa - Volume 1 by J F A Ajayi - Page 334 ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg xli, History of the First Twelve Years of the Reign of Mai Idris Alooma of Bornu ( The Life of a Text: Carsten Niebuhr andʿAbd al-Raḥmān Aġa’s Das innere von Afrika by Camille Lefebvre 286,293 ( The Journal of Frederick Horneman's Travels from Cairo to Mourzouk By Frederick Horneman pg 111) ( pre-sokoto Zaria had vassal states of Kauru, Kajuru and Fatika that were relatively semi-autonomous unlike the more centralized nature of control its Hausa peers such as Kano and Katsina exerted over their vassals (see MG smith’s Government in Zazzau pg 78-79) ( A Geography of Jihad” by Stephanie Zehnle pg 124-125.

## Title: Revealing African Spatial Concepts in External Documents: How the Hausalands Became "Cartographically Visible" ### Description: Interpreting an 18th Century Hausa Scholar's Map of His Homeland ### Step 1: Historical Context - Ibn Battuta, a 14th-century traveler, documented his journey through West Africa, providing valuable ethnographic insights. However, he did not mention the Hausalands, a region that later became prominent in external accounts. - The Hausalands first became visible in external texts through the work of Leo Africanus in the early 16th century, with comprehensive details emerging by the 18th century. ### Step 2: Emergence of the Hausalands in External Accounts - The transition from invisibility to visibility involved the development of local identities (Language as Hausa, People as Hausawa, and Land as Kasar Hausa) shaped by unique spatial concepts. - The 18th-century Hausa scholar produced one of the oldest extant maps of Africa for a foreign geographer, marking a significant moment in the cartographic representation of the region. ### Step 3: Traditions of Origin - The origin of the Hausa language and people is debated, with two primary narratives: - **Foreign Origin:** The Bayajidda legend describes a foreign hero's intermarriage with a local queen, leading to the establishment of dynasties. Scholars recognize inconsistencies in this narrative, attributing variations to local political influences. - **Indigenous Origin:** Oral traditions emphasize autochthony, depicting ancestors emerging from the earth. Such themes highlight the hunters as foundational figures in Hausa society, transforming settlements from hunting grounds into agricultural hubs. ### Step 4: Transformation of Land - The process of "Hausaization" involved ecological changes, converting wooded areas into farms and thus altering the landscape to support a growing population. - Significant settlements arose near granite inselbergs, sites of cultural reverence and agricultural activity, leading to the development of extensive farmlands characterized by millet and sorghum cultivation. ### Step 5: Political and Urban Development - The rise of Hausa city-states in the 15th century marked a pivotal point in political and cultural development, facilitated by trade and external contacts. - Cities like Kano, Zazzau, and Katsina became economic hubs, featuring planned urban designs, walls for defense, and centers for political and religious activities. ### Step 6: Cartographic Visibility - Leo Africanus' work in 1526 provided the first detailed external account of the Hausalands, noting urban characteristics and economic activities, solidifying their place in external geographical discourse. - By the late 15th century, influxes of scholars and traders increased external knowledge of the Hausalands, leading to richer cartographic details. ### Step 7: Emergence of Ethnonyms and Geographic Concepts - The 18th century saw a shift towards using accurate local terms (endonyms) for the Hausa people and lands in external texts. - Frederick Horneman’s account from 1797 marked the first use of the term “Hausa” in external descriptions, reflecting the region's self-definition and cartographic representation. ### Step 8: Conclusion - The transformation of the Hausalands from a region of invisibility to cartographic visibility illustrates the active engagement of African scholars and the significance of indigenous spatial concepts. - The 18th-century map by a Hausa scholar represents a culmination of these developments, showcasing the identity of the Hausa language, people, and land within external cartography. ### Additional Note: - The study of the Hausalands emphasizes the importance of recognizing local narratives and spatial markers in understanding African history and geography, highlighting how African societies defined their environments and identities through both physical and intellectual endeavors.

Women Writing Africa: a catalogue of women scholars across the African continent from antiquity until the 19th century

A catalogue of 33 scholars in 5 countries.

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Women Writing Africa: a catalogue of women scholars across the African continent from antiquity until the 19th century ====================================================================================================================== ### A catalogue of 33 scholars in 5 countries. ( Jun 19, 2022 15 Women contributed greatly to Africa's intellectual history, but given the nascent nature of studies on the continent's intellectual past, the writings of African women scholars have often been overlooked and the translation and interpretation of the documents written by individual women scholars is scarce. Fortunately, there are number of remarkable women scholars whose intellectual reputation was well established and is preserved in internal accounts as well as the scholar's own writings. These women scholars included not just royal and elite women, but also independent writers, religious figures, teachers and students. Their compositions covered a wide range of subjects including history, religion, statecraft, society and cultural norms. A particular field Women scholars excelled at was poetry, which is one of the most popular forms of literature on the continent and is one of the most attested among the collections of African manuscripts, as such, many that appear on this list composed works of poetry alongside other forms of literature. This article is a short catalogue listing some of the best known African Women scholars until the 19th century, including their published works as well as links to collections of their manuscripts online. * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Women scholars from ancient Kush and medieval Ethiopia.** The ancient Kingdom of Kush and the medieval empire of Ethiopia possesses some of Africa's oldest writing traditions and it's from these that some of the oldest extant works written by women have been documented. **Women writing Kush.** Kush during the Meroitic era (300BC-360AD) produced a voluminous literary corpus of royal inscriptions, donation records, funerary texts, inventory lists, royal daybooks, and annals that are preserved as inscriptions on stone tablets and temple graffito (as well as a now vanished documentation on papyrus-paper).( Despite this however, few individual scribes (authors) are known by name; partly because the scribes were often (unnamed) learned priests (who also included women), that were educated and active in archives attached to the principal Kushite temples( , but also because the meroitic script has only been partially deciphered.( Modern researchers propose that the royal inscriptions in particular were often fully authored or co-authored by the same royals who commissioned them( , and given the expansion of the literate class during the meroitic era to include a large "middle class" including the non-royal elite, the provincial elite, the priesthood of all ranks, local administrators, their wives and children"( , as well as the ascendance of Women sovereigns who composed their own royal inscriptions, its likely that the royal inscriptions attributed to Kushite women were fully or partially authored by them. These documents include; the various monumental stelae of **Queen Amanirenas** and **Queen Amanishakheto** written in the 1st century BC( _**victory stela of Queen Amanirenas and Akinidad from the Kushite city of Hamadab, sudan recounting several battles won against their enemies**_ ( no. EA1650, British Museum) _**commemorative stela of queen Amanishaketo found in the Kushite city of Naga, Sudan**_ **Women writing Ethiopia.** In Ethiopia women were part of the laity( , they owned property and could issue land grants, a number of these land grants issued by women are documented from as early as the 14th century (although the exact authorship is unknown)( . As members of the laity, Ethiopian women received elementary education could also be part of the däbtära( , the latter was a literate ecclesiastical class which attained its education from ethiopia’s monastic school system and served in prominent positions of ethiopian society( . Their inclusion among the dabtara explains why several internal and external accounts refer to the presence of educated Ethiopian women (often royals) especially during the 16th-17th century gondarine period when literate women were active in resisting Portuguese attempts at undermining the Ethiopian church.( Two prominent figures among the royal women scholars were **Queen Eleni** (d. 1524) and **Queen Mentewab**. Eleni authored atleast two hymn collections including; _**“Ḫoḫtä Bərhan”**_ (Gate of Light) and the _**“Enzira Səbḥat”**_ (Lyre of Praise) in the early 16th century, although neither of these is extant( . Mentwewab reigned with almost complete authority during the regency of her son Iyasu II( r 1730-1755) and grandson Iyoas (r 1755-1769), and was also assisted by several prominent women in government and she is known to have issued many land grants.( Atleast one extant work is reputed to have been co-authored by a woman. The hagiography “_**Gädlä Wälättä Pəṭros”**_ (The Life and Struggles of Wälättä Peṭros) written in 1671 about the 17th century ethiopian woman and saint Walatta Petros (b. 1593–d. 1643), was co-authored **Eḫətä Krəstos**, an associate of Walata, she is know to have assisted the main author Gälawdewos.( _**folios from “Gädlä Wälättä Pəṭros”**_ (from private collection * * * **Women scholars of the East African coast: the Swahili city-states of Lamu and Siyu** The Swahili scholarly tradition possesses some of the oldest known works from the continent written by female authors. Included in the Swahili curriculum was poetry and grammar, and compared to their peers, the Swahili produced a far greater volume of secular poetry than of homiletic verse.( The Swahili’s remarkable heritage of poetry has shaped its intellectual culture with poems from the 17th to 19th century comprising some of the oldest manuscripts recovered from eastern africa. Swahili poetry, often referred to as the 'Utenzi genre is defined as an extended narrative poem of defined metre that often assumes an epical form and function and covers a wide range subjects that require extensive articulation including; history, warfare, theology and cultural norms and thus retains a distinctive Swahili prosodic system.( Swahili women intellectuals wrote poems and taught elementary education in their homes often to other women but also to their children and preserved their intellectual legacy as custodians of many of the best manuscripts from the region. Swahili poetry served as a channel of expression that covered a wide range of political and social functions. The earliest poem by a Swahili woman was titled _**"Siri al-asari”**_ (The secret of the secrets) composed in 1663 by **Mwana Mwarabu bint Shekhe**. In 1807, **Mwana Said Amini** composed a poem titled _**“Mwana Fatuma”**_ (The Epic of princess Fatuma), In 1858, **Mwana Kupon bint Msham** (b. 1810- d.1860), the wife of Bwana Mataka of Siyu composed _**“Utendi wa Mwana Kupona”**_ (Mwana Kupona's poem) for her daughter Mwana Hashima bint Shaykh, which is now one of the best known poems from the Utenzi genre.( Swahili royal women were also highly literate and their position in the governance structure of the Swahili city-states enabled them to correspond with foreign allies in writing, an example of this are the early 18th century letters sent by Queen of Kilwa **Mfalme Fatima** and her daughter **Mwana Nakisa** to the Portuguese at Goa (India) in 1711. _**Mwana Kupona’s swahili poem; “Utendi wa Mwana Kupona”**_ (Berlin state Library _**letters by Kilwa’s queen Mfalme Fatima and princess Mwana Nakisa written in 1711**_ (goa archive, SOAS london * * * **Women scholars from the Horn of Africa: Brava and Harar** A number of prominent women scholars in the Horn of Africa attained significant popularity and visibility among the intellectual communities in the region especially during the 19th century where we find remarkable traces of pious and holy women. The city of Brava which is the northern-most city of the Swahili civilization, was the center of an old intellectual tradition which was at its height in the 19th century and produced a number of poets who composed works in the Swahili Utenzi genre (known locally in Brava as 'Steenzi'). Among the prominent scholars of Brava was **Mana Siti Habib Jamaluddin** (b.1804–d 1919) (also called ‘Dada Masiti’), she is known to have composed several poems mostly in the late 19th century although most the surviving works are copies by her students, and perhaps only one of them from the first decade of the 20th century is exact in its original form. The poems attributed to her include; “_**Sayyid Jamaladiini Sayyid Jamāl al-Dīn**_"; "_**Ya Rabbi ya Muṯaʾaali**_"; "_**Sharru ḻ-bilaadi**_" (on the italian colonization of Brava); "_**Ya Rabbi ya Rahmaani**_"; "_**Mowḻaana Muhyidiini**_"; "_**Aḻḻaahu Akbar**_", and "_**Sayiidi yiitu Siṯeeni**_". But her most popular work was “_**Badi ya hayy ni mowṯi**_” (After life comes death), which she composed before the year 1909 for an important sheikh named Nureni when he was on his deathbed, it populary recited stanzas include; "_**The world is deceitful. Do not let its pleasures tempt you**_ _**How many mighty as princes, I saw congregate and then disperse and depart,**_ _**though many were full of vitality and wealthy, They left their wealth behind and their aspirations are no more.**_ _**What they left behind is no longer theirs, for it will be inherited by the living.**_ _**If you look at the living and at those who are bereft of speech and voice,**_ _**you will realize that after life comes death. This is a certainty I never forget**_"( _**Dada Masiti’s “After life comes death”**_ (photo from private collection) In the city of Harar which was a prominent intellectual hub in the region, women ascended to the highest ranks of the city-state’s socio-religious order and spiritual hierarchy.( One of the better known scholars was **Ay Amatullāh** (b. 1851– d. 1893), she was the daughter of the qāḍī of Harar, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān bin Muḥammad. She was a zāhid, a pious woman, was given the title of kabīr, which was normally granted to learned men. Ay Amatullāh studied with the same teachers as her brothers, thereby receiving a high level of education, and she became one of the pre-eminent scholars of her time. She studied Fiqh (law), Ḥadīṯ Exegesis, Tawḥīd (theology), among other subjects and became a faqīh (a scholar of law) in the city and became a teacher of men and women alike. Atleast five works that she wrote survived and are kept in private collections of her descendants, these include a 2876-page, four-volume work of her own commentaries and copies of; “_**Tuḥfat al Muḥtag Bisarḥal Minhāg**_”, “_**Ḥikam**_” (wisdom), ‘_**Ṣalawat**_”, and a 116-page untitled work that she composed for her own classes.( * * * **Women scholars of Sudan: From Funj kingdom to the Mahdiyya** The "eastern Sudan" (ie: modern Sudan) had a rich intellectual tradition and a number of prominent women are known from the 17th and 18th century with several notable Women scholars whose works are extant. The early scholarly class of the eastern Sudanic kingdoms of Funj and Darfur during the 16th century was dominated by a few 'Holy men' (or rather; 'Holy families') whose established scholarly communities within which the tradition of learning was continued by their students and descendants. The most prominent among these scholarly founders was Abd Al-Rahman Jabir, whose descendants (the ‘Awlad Jabir’) produced several of the notable scholars in the Funj kingdom, among whom was **Fatima bint Jabir**, who was Jabir’s daughter. Fatima bint Jabir flourished in the early 17th century in the Funj kingdom and is known to have made a pilgrimage. It was through her the tradition of learning of the Awlad Jabir was transmitted to her daughters and descendants, these included her daughter **Amina bint Fatima bint Jabir** a scholar in her own right, who in turn transmitted the learning tradition through her daughter **Quta**.( Among the Women scholars of the 19th century were several poets including **Meheara bint Aboad, Shaghba al-Marghumbiya, Bint Masimas, Satna Bint Kanuna** and **Mahira bint Abbud** and **Wad Amina**, most of their works aren't extant in their original form, but were recited and copied down by their students later.( There are at least two women scholars form the 19th century eastern Sudan whose works are extant; the first is **Bint al-Makkawi**, she was from a prominent family among the Ulama of the Mahdiyya state and wrote several works of poetry in praise of Mahdi.( The other prominent was **Umm Misaymis** whose subjects of poetry included praise of various Mahdist commanders, as well as eulogies of important figures in the region.( * * * **Women scholars from West Africa:** In the western sudan (ie: west africa), the region’s old and vast scholarly tradition produced what were arguably the most prolific Women scholars on the continent. Education in west africa was available for both Men and Women upto the elementary level especially because women were often responsible for providing fundamental education to their sons and daughters and for educating other women.( Higher education on the other hand, was mostly pursued by elite or royal women, or as one teacher of an all-Women class in Bandiagara in Mali put it, the class was comprised of “daughters of bureaucrats, marabouts, or rich families.” (this quote from the early 20th century is discussed in the context of the gender ratio where traditional schools still enrolled more women than colonial schools)( . In some parts of west africa during the late 18th/early 19th century however, there was a significant increase in the education of women from across all social classes, as the clerical rulers of the revolutionary era states such as the Sokoto caliphate and Futa Toro imamate, actively encouraged the instruction of women, partly because their own kinswomen had been fairly well educated, and thus gave further impetus to the emergence of several prolific Women scholars( From the works of the founders of Sokoto; Uthman Fodio and Abdallahi Fodio, we can infer their attitudes towards Women's education. Uthman’s writings like "_Nir al-albab_" (which lists some blameworthy practices in the region, including failure to allow women to receive religious instruction).( and Abdallah’s "_Qasa’id naniyya_” (that was written in response to an attack by a scholar who criticized Uthman Fodio for allowing women to attend his teaching).( both show the ruler’s active encouragement of women’s inclusion in the region’s education systems. Its in this inclusive intellectual milieu that several Women scholars emerged including; **\-Fatima bint Uthman** (d. 1838) who wrote several works in Fulfude (her native language) including; "_**Qasa’id fi-man balagha**_" and "_**Qasa’id fi fada’il**_"( **\-Maryam bint Uthman** (b. 1810 - d. 1880). she studied with her better known sister Nana Asmau, and is known to have started a school in the Kano palace, where she had became influential in state affairs, before she later returned to Sokoto. she co-authored a book on traditional medicine with Asmau. And was qualified as a waliyya.( Her works include; _**“Qasa’id mimiyya” (**_written nefore 1880 on the battles between Sokoto and Gobir), “_**Wathiqa ilā amir Kanū fi amr al-mahdī**_” (‘Treatise on the exodus’ written before 1880 ), “_**Tariq al-hijra ila ’l-Sadan**_” (poem in fulfude on the Hijra), she also wrote works in Hausa such as “_**Lokacin da Sudaniyya za ta Tashi**_” (The Time when the people of the Sudan will migrate) and “_**Faɗar Shehu Kan Watsewar Hausa”**_ (What the šayḫ said on the dispersal of the Hausa), and “_**Risāla laibniha**_” (whose content is similar to ‘Wathiqa’ above) _**Maryam Bint Shehu’s “Treatise on the exodus” (**_from a private library in Maiwurno, Sudan( _**)**_ **\-Goggo Zaytuna** (b. 1880- d. 1950), She studied with her parents and other local leaders in Adamawa (Nigeria) , She had an unusual command of Fulfulde, and wrote a number of religious poems in the language.( **\-Khadija bint Uthman** ( d. 1856) who was a prominent scholar and also undertook the pilgrimage. She composed several works in Fulfude of which a number were cited by her peers but aren’t extant; these include "_**Qasa’id al-du‘a’ li-qaryat Wurnii**_", "_**Qasa’id fi birr al-walidayn**_", "_**Qasa’id fi dhikr**_ _**‘alamat zuhir al-mahdi**_", "_**Qasa’id fi ’l-figh**_", "_**Qasa’id fi ritha’ zawjiha al-‘alim al-Mustafa**_" and "_**Qasa’id fi ’l-nahw**_".( **\-Asmau bint Uthman** (b. 1794 d. 1864), also known as Nana Asma’u. She studied under her elder sister Khadija bint Uthman, and her elder brother Muhammad Bello (caliph of Sokoto). She published dozens of her own works and also collaborated with Maryam and Bello in projects of scholarly writing. In addition to her works in Arabic she wrote a great deal of poetry in both Hausa (for her classes and the wider masses) and Fulfulde (her native language) she is also described as a waliyya (‘Holy woman’), She was fluent in Fulfude (her native language), Hausa (the lingua franca of the region), Arabic and Tamasheq. She established a school for women in Sokoto and a network of Women scholars called “_**Yan Taru**_” that remained a model for women’s education long after she had passed away. ( The following is a small sample of her over 80 works which include a variety of topics such as statecraft, history, victory poems, theology, elegies and praise songs. There are atleast 66 of Asmau’s works that have been translated and printed in Jean Boyd’s book (which i have uploaded on my patreon along with other books) “_**Bi Yalli**_” written in 1863, its composition in fuflfude critiquing of the style of government of the Sarkin Kebbi —Bi Yalli, who was removed from office in the same year.( “_**Wa’azi**_” (‘A warning’), a composition in both Fulfude and Hausa instructing her women student class.( “_**Kitab al-Nasiha**_” (Book of Women) written in 1837, lists several of her highly educated peers that like her, were prominent Women scholars in their own right, including; **Joda Kawuuri**, **Yar Hindu, Amina Lubel, Aisha** and **Habiba**, all of whom she included short descriptions of their activities and reputation as scholars although being too brief to mention their works.( it was also translated by her into Fulfude with the title “_**Tindinore labbe**_” and in Hausa with the title “_**Tawassuli ga mata masu albarka**_”( _**Fa'inna ma'al Asur Yasuran (**_So Verily_**),**_ its a composition in Fulfude written in 1822 about the conflicts between Sokoto, Gobir and the Tuareg.( “_**Sunago**_”; its a composition in fulfude written in 1829 about a list of the verses to be recited for blessing.( “_**Gikku Bello**_”; its a composition written in fulfude written in 1838 about the character of her brother Muhammad Bello “_**Qasa’id ta’iyya**_”; its a composition in Arabic written in 1839, essentially a praise poem. **Fulfude and Arabic works of Nana Asmau**; '_**kitab al-nasiha**_' c. 1837AD and '_**Fa'inna ma'al Asur yasuran**_' written in 1822AD (now at SOAS london) _**Fulfude works of Nana Asmau ; “Sunago” written in 1829 and “Gikku Bello” written in 1838**_ (fl; 49 and 53-54, arabe 6112, Bibliothèque nationale de France )( _**Arabic work of Nana Asmau; “Qasa’id ta’iyya” written in 1839**_ (folio 52, arabe 6112, Bibliothèque nationale de France )( * * * **Conclusion: On African Intellectual Women’s apparent invisibility** The 33 women scholars listed above with some of their over 100 published works should not be viewed as exceptional cases; rather, they represent the best-known examples of a broader phenomenon. The legacy of Women scholars, especially in the 19th century Nigeria, Sudan, Ethiopia, Somalia and Kenya was carried on by their students, descendants and followers. Their education networks continue to serve as model for contemporary women's education, their political poetry inspired the rise of charismatic women who were anti-colonial figures, and their memory was crystalized in shrines, mosques and churches dedicated to many important women scholars most of whom were active during the 19th century. The apparent invisibility of women in the intellectual productions of Africa is only function of the limited research focused on uncovering their work, or as one scholar put it “it would be a mistake to leave them in the dark merely because we aren’t able to shine a light on their stories”( . Hopefully, the recent efforts in digitizing pre-colonial African manuscript collections and libraries will help uncover more contributions of Africa’s women scholars. * * * _** to my Patreon account and Download books on African Women scholars**_ ( * * * **HUGE thanks to my Patreon subscribers for your support** ( Kingdom of Kush by L. Torok pg 57-67) ( Kingdom of Kush by L. Torok pg 343) ( language and writing in the kingdom of Meroe by C. Rilly pg 660-667 ( Kingdom of Kush by L. Torok pg 162-3) ( Kingdom of Kush by L. Torok pg 442-443) ( discussions of these stela in “The Image of the Ordered World in Ancient Nubian Art” By László Török and “Les interprétations historiques des stèles méroïtiques d’Akinidad à la lumière des récentes découvertes” by Claude Rilly ( Land and Society in the Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia by Donald Crummey pg 174) ( Land and Society in the Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia by Donald Crummey pg 43) ( A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea by Samantha Kelly pg 369) ( The Cambridge History of Africa: From c. 500 B.C. to A.D. 1050 pg 158 ( Sisters debating the jesuits by WL Belcher pg 133) ( The Life and Struggles of Our Mother Walatta Petros by Galawdewos pg 21, A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea by Samantha Kelly pg 392) ( Land and Society in the Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia by Donald Crummey pg 94-99 ( The Life and Struggles of Our Mother Walatta Petros by Galawdewos pg 18-21) ( ( ( Faces of Islam in African Literature by Kenneth W. Harrow pg 42) ( The Swahili: Idiom and Identity of an African People by Alamin Mazrui pg 16-17) ( Islamic Scholarship in Africa: New Directions and Global Contexts by Abdulkadir Hashim, pg 387) ( (pdf, go to page 74 ( ) ( ( ( ) ( Stringing Coral Beads': The Religious Poetry of Brava (c. 1890-1975) by pg 22- 23, 31, 251-353) ( Negotiating Social and Spiritual Worlds by C Gibb pg 27) ( Gender Issues in the Diwan and Sijil of the City of Harar During the 19th Century by Muna Abubeker pg 55-59 ( Arabic Literature of Africa, Volume 1. Writings of Eastern Sudanic Africa to c. 1900 by J. Hunwick pg 27-29) ( Arab Women Writers: A Critical Reference Guide, pg 164, The Role of Oral Poetry in Reshaping and Constructing Sudanese History (1820-1956) by Baqie Badawi Muhammad) ( Arabic Literature of Africa, Volume 1. Writings of Eastern Sudanic Africa to c. 1900 by J. Hunwick pg 83 ( Arabic Literature of Africa, Volume 1. Writings of Eastern Sudanic Africa to c. 1900 by J. Hunwick pg 87, Sudan Arabic Texts by S. Hillelson pg 130-132 ( The meanings of timbuktu by J Shamil pg 141, 166-8), ( The walking quran Rudolph T. Ware pg 176) ( Caliph's sister by Jean Boyd pg 4-6) ( Arabic Literature of Africa, Vol. II: The Writings of Central Sudanic Africa by J. Hunwick pg 67, 74) ( Arabic Literature of Africa, Vol. II: The Writings of Central Sudanic Africa by J. Hunwick pg 103) ( Arabic Literature of Africa, Vol. II: The Writings of Central Sudanic Africa by J. Hunwick pg 154) ( Arabic Literature of Africa, Vol. II: The Writings of Central Sudanic Africa by J. Hunwick pg 175-176) ( (pdf ( with translation) ( Arabic Literature of Africa, Vol. II: The Writings of Central Sudanic Africa pg 437-438) ( Arabic Literature of Africa, Vol. II: The Writings of Central Sudanic Africa by J. Hunwick pg 161) ( Arabic Literature of Africa, Vol. II: The Writings of Central Sudanic Africa by J. Hunwick pg 162-172), Educating Muslim Women: The West African Legacy of Nana Asma u 1793-1864 By Beverley Mack, Jean Boyd ( collected works of Nana asmau by J. Boyd pg 272-277 ( collected works of Nana asmau by J. Boyd pg 57-59 ( collected works of Nana asmau by J. Boyd pg 81 ( Arabic Literature of Africa, Vol. II: The Writings of Central Sudanic Africa by J. Hunwick pg 169 ( collected works of Nana asmau by J. Boyd pg 28-31 ( collected works of Nana asmau by J. Boyd pg 38-43 Islam and Gender in Colonial Northeast Africa by Silvia Bruzzi pg 64.

# Women Writing Africa: A Catalogue of Women Scholars from Antiquity Until the 19th Century ## Overview - The catalogue includes 33 notable women scholars from 5 African countries, highlighting their contributions to the continent's intellectual history from antiquity until the 19th century. - Women played a significant role in Africa's intellectual development, though their contributions have often been overlooked due to limited studies and scarce translations of their works. ## Historical Context - The catalog lists women from various backgrounds, including royalty, religious figures, and independent writers, whose writings encompass diverse subjects such as history, religion, statecraft, and poetry. ## Ancient Kush 1. **Kushite Contributions**: - The Kingdom of Kush (300 BC - 360 AD) had a rich literary tradition, primarily evident in royal inscriptions and other forms of documentation. - Notable women, such as **Queen Amanirenas** and **Queen Amanishakheto**, authored significant inscriptions, including victory stelae detailing military victories. ## Medieval Ethiopia 1. **Women’s Roles**: - Ethiopian women, particularly in the 14th to 17th centuries, engaged in land ownership and education. - **Queen Eleni** (d. 1524) authored hymn collections, while **Queen Mentewab** played a prominent role during her son's regency. - The hagiography "Gädlä Wälättä Pəṭros," co-authored by **Eḫətä Krəstos**, illustrated the collaboration between women in literary endeavors. ## East African Coast 1. **Swahili City-States**: - The Swahili literary tradition is marked by female poets who excelled in the Utenzi genre, a form of narrative poetry. - **Mwana Mwarabu bint Shekhe** authored "Siri al-asari" in 1663, and **Mwana Kupon bint Msham** composed "Utendi wa Mwana Kupona," which remains a celebrated work. ## Horn of Africa 1. **Prominent Scholars**: - **Dada Masiti** (Mana Siti Habib Jamaluddin) from Brava produced many poems influential in her community. - **Ay Amatullāh** of Harar was an esteemed scholar known for her religious writings and education of both men and women. ## Sudan 1. **Funj Kingdom to Mahdiyya**: - The 17th and 18th centuries saw several notable women scholars, including **Fatima bint Jabir**, who propagated the scholarly traditions of her family. - Extant works from women like **Bint al-Makkawi** and **Umm Misaymis** signify the rich intellectual discourse in this region. ## West Africa 1. **Education and Scholarship**: - The Sokoto Caliphate's push for women's education led to the emergence of prolific scholars such as **Nana Asmau** and her sister **Maryam bint Uthman**. - Asmau established a network for women's education and authored numerous works in Hausa and Fulfulde, contributing significantly to the intellectual landscape of West Africa. ## Conclusion - The catalogue not only highlights the contributions of these women but also emphasizes the broader phenomenon of their scholarly legacy, which was often overshadowed by gender biases. - The preservation and recognition of their works are vital for understanding African intellectual history and continuing efforts to recover and digitize historical manuscripts will aid in acknowledging their roles.

The creation of an African lingua franca: the Hausa trading diaspora in West Africa. (1700-1900)

Trade networks beyond ethnicity.

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The creation of an African lingua franca: the Hausa trading diaspora in West Africa. (1700-1900) ================================================================================================ ### Trade networks beyond ethnicity. ( Jun 12, 2022 17 Africa is a continent of extreme linguistic diversity. The continents’ multiplicity of languages and ethnicities, created a cultural labyrinth whose dynamic networks of interaction encouraged the proliferation of diasporic communities which enhanced cross-cultural exchanges and trade, from which common languages (lingua franca) such as Hausa emerged; a language that is used by over 60 million people and is one of Africa’s most spoken languages. Hausa is a linguistic rather than ethnic term that refers to people who speak Hausa by birth.( The notion of ethnicity itself has been subjected to considerable debate in African studies, most of which are now critical of cultural approaches to ethnicity that interpret through the lens of the interaction between firmly bounded ‘races’, ‘tribes’, or ‘ethnic groups’( . Ethnicity is a social-cultural construct determined by specific historical circumstances, it is fluid, multilayered, and evolutionary, and its denoted by cultural markers such as ‘who one is’ at any one moment in time; also ‘what one does’.( The Hausa’s relatively inclusivist culture, and their participation in long distance trade, enabled the creation of diasporic communities and subsequently, the spread of the Hausa language as a lingua franca across much of west Africa. This article sketches the history the Hausa diaspora’s expansion in West Africa, and looks at the role of long distance trade in the emergence of Hausa as a lingua franca _**Map of west Africa showing the geographical extent of the Hausa language**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Brief background on Hausa society** The main internal sources dealing with early Hausa history include several 19th century chronicles such as, the Kano Chronicle, the Daura Chronicle, Wakar Bagauda, Mawsufat al-sudan and ‘Rawdat al-afkar’ (by Sokoto scholar Dan Tafa), and the description of Hausalands (by Hausa scholar Umar al-Kanawi). All contain the political myth of origin of the Hausa states, which sought to describe the emergence, installation and modification of political systems and dynasties alongside other innovations including religion, trade and architecture, they also include the arrival of separate groups of immigrants from the west (Wangara); east (Kanuri); north (Berber/Arab); and south (Jukun), and their acculturation to the Hausa societies.( The Kano chronicle relates a fairly detailed account of the history of Kano and a few of the Hausa city-states through each reign of the Kano kings from the 10th to the 19th century.( The Daura chronicle, Wakar Bagauda, Umar’s description of the Hausalands, and Dan Tafa’s works also include these meta-stories of origin that relate to how the different city-states were established and combine themes of autochthony and foreignness.( _**‘Rawdat al-afkar’ (The Sweet Meadows of Contemplation) written in 1824; and ‘Mawsufat al-sudan’ (Description of the black lands) written in 1864; by the west african Historian/Geographer/Philosopher Dan Tafa. (read more about Dan Tafa ( and see Umar’s works ( )**_ **Hausa linguistic history: From Afro-Asiatic to Chadic.** Hausa historiography also relies on linguistics to shed light on the early history of the Hausa, through the reconstruction of linguistic borrowings from the neighboring languages (especially Kanuri), provides important insights into social and cultural histories of the region. ( Hausa belongs to the Chadic branch of languages within the larger Afro-Asiatic group of languages (other branches within Afro-asiatic include Semitic languages such as Aramaic, Arabic and Tigrinya, as well as 'Cushitic' languages such as Beja). After the split-up of the Proto-Afroasiatic group, the ancestral core of Chadic spread westwards across the Lake Chad basin around 6,000BP.( Historically Chadic languages were spoken in the regions west and south of Lake chad (in what is now northwest Nigeria and Chad), and over time some were replaced by Hausa in the west, and by Kanuri and to the east. From its core in the western shores of lake chad, Hausa spread west into what is now north-western Nigeria and southern Niger, and then to the south east into what is now central Nigeria across the early second millennium in the region that is referred to as the Hausalands. The relatively minor dialectical differences among Hausa speakers across west Africa outside the Hausalands “core”, indicates the language's relatively recent expansion over the last three centuries.( _**Map of Afro-Asiatic languages showing the ‘ancestral afro-asiatic core’ about 10-15,000BP (in western Ethiopia), and the ‘ancestral chadic core’ around 6,000BP (in the lake chad region)**_ "Hausa" is itself an exonymous term as the Hausa referred to themselves by the city-states where they hailed (eg Kanawa from Kano, Gobirawa from Gobir, Katsinawa from Katsina, etc). The term ‘Hausa’ first appears in the extant literature in the 17th century as a result of the interaction of two major west African trading networks that separated the Wangara (who dominated the region west of the Niger river), from the region east of the Niger river; which was dominated by a languages that the Wangara referred to as Hausa.( The trading towns of the Hausaland were cosmopolitan and their rulers, residents, merchants and other itinerant groups spoke Hausa as well as their local language. **Political history of the Hausa states and ‘**_**Hausaization’.**_ The political systems of the Hausa city-states were informed by a high degree of syncretism and internal heterogeneity, the governance structure took on a form of contrapuntal paramountcy involving power-sharing between the traditional groups (often located in the countryside) and Muslim groups (located in the cities).( In order to foster their political interests and promote royal cults, Hausa rulers implemented liberal immigration policies that encouraged people from various parts of west Africa and north Africa to move into the cities, a process which ultimately contributed to the incorporation of diverse groups into Hausa ethnicity( . The interplay between the city and the countryside, with its religious implications, is central to Hausa culture and social structures and the construction of Hausa identity (_**Hausaization**_).( _**Areal view of Kano in 1930 (cc: Walter Mittelholzer), showing the contrast between the walled city (in the foreground) and the countryside (background)**_ Hausaization was a cultural and ecological process in which the Hausalands and Hausa states developed a distinct Hausa identity; it appears as a centripetal force, strongest in the urban poles with monumental walled settlements where Islamic codes of conduct and worldviews are dominant, and weakest in the countryside, but it also maintained complex dynamic of interaction in which the countryside supported and interact with the urban centers.( Hausaization is also reflected in the internal diversity of the Hausa world which was accentuated by its inclusivist nature; integration into Hausa had always been easier compared to the majority of its more exclusivist neighbors. Throughout history, various social classes and groups from other parts of Africa, including rulers, traders, immigrants and enslaved persons, identified themselves as Hausa by acculturating themselves into Hausa culture.( A recurring dichotomy among Hausa societies is that between ‘Azna’/Maguzawa group (often described as non-Muslim), and the Muslim Hausa (sometimes called ‘dynastic’ Hausa). Azna spiritualism is negotiated by clan-based groups through divination, sacrifice, ritual offerings, possession (bori), and magic, in attempts to influence human affairs and natural processes( . The Azna and Maguzawa also used to be characterized by particular types of facial and abdominal markings called zani, by the preference of living in rural areas rather than in walled towns.( The ‘Dynastic Hausa’ comprised the bulk of the urban population in the walled towns and the diaspora communities. The Hausa’s adoption of Islam was marked by accommodation and syncretism, and shaped by the agency of individuals, and the religion was fairly influential across all spheres of social and political life in most of the major Hausa centers since at least the 11th-15th century. Its the cosmopolitan, mercantile and urban Hausa who were therefore more engaged in the long distance trade networks from which the diasporic communities emerged.( * * * **Long-distance trade and the creation of a Hausa Diaspora.** The Hausaland underwent a period of economic expansion beginning in the 15th century largely due to the city-state’s participation in long distance trade. A significant textile and leather industry emerged in the cities of Kano, Zaria and Katsina where indigo-dyed cloth, leather bookcases, footwear, quilted armour and horse-equipment were manufactured and sold across west Africa and north Africa. By the 17th century, Kano's signature dyed cloth was the preferred secondary currency of the region, finding market in the states of Bornu and the Tuareg sultanate of Agadez( . However, the majority of this trade involved the travel of itinerant merchants to the Hausalands to purchase the trade items, and rarely involved the Hausa merchants themselves travelling outside to find markets for their products.( This pattern of exchange shifted with the growth of the Kola-nut trade that saw Hausa merchants venturing into markets outside the Hausalands, and in the process spreading the Hausa language and culture in regions outside the Hausalands creating what is often termed a trading diaspora. Trade diasporas are described as groups of socially interdependent, but spatially dispersed communities who have asserted their cultural distinctiveness within their host societies in order to maintain trading networks spread across a vast geography.( The creation of a trade diaspora involved the establishment of networks of merchants that controlled the external trade of Hausa states through their interaction with the dispersed trade centers across the region. These merchants primarily used Hausa as a language of commerce and outwardly adopted aspects of Hausa culture including religion, dress and customs.( It was in this diaspora that the fluidity of Hausa identity and its easy of social mobility enabled the expansion of the Hausa communities as different groups acculturated themselves to become Hausa, making Hausa-ness a 'bridge' across the ethnic labyrinth of West Africa. The Hausa diaspora in the Volta basin of Ghana for example, also included originally non-Hausa groups who traced their origins to Agadez (Tuareg), Nupe (Yoruba), Bornu (Kanuri), and elsewhere in the Central Sudan, but who came to identify themselves as Hausa.( The Hausa trading diaspora joined other older established diasporas in the region especially the Dyuula/Juula/Jakhanke (attimes also considered Wangara)( , whose trade was mostly oriented to the regions west of the Niger river (from Timbuktu to Djenne, to the Sene-gambia), to form an interlocking grid of commercial networks, each covering a distinct geographical area and responding to separate market demands, despite extensive overlap. In time, Hausa came to displace Juula as the primary lingua franca in most regions of the Volta basin.( Kola-nut is a caffeinated stimulant whose plant is native to the west-African forest region especially in the River volta basin (now found in the Ivory coast, Burkina Faso, Ghana, Togo and Benin) and the region was politically dominated by several states including Dagbon, Gonja, Wa, Gyaman, Mamprusi (all of which later came under Asante suzerainty in the 18th century), as well as Borgu and northern Dahomey. The earliest account of Kola-nut trade in the Hausalands comes from the reign of Sarki Abdullahi Burja of Kano (r. 1438-1452) when the trade route to the Gonja kingdom for Kola was first opened.( _**19th century manuscript from northern Nigeria identifying the types of Kola and their medicinal and recreational uses. (**Ms. Or. 6880, ff 276v-277v British Library_( _**)**_ But the most significant influx of Hausa merchants begins in the period between the late 17th century and the mid-18th century with the establishment of Kamshegu in Dagbon (northern Ghana) by Muhammad al-Katsinawı( . Hausa merchants arrived in Mamprusi (also in northern Ghana) in the early 18th century where they served as the first four imams of the capital's mosque. In Gonja, they settled at the town of Kafaba (northern Ghana) where a significant Hausa community was in place by the 1780s, In northern Dahomey they settled in the town of Djougou (northern Benin) which grew into a significant commercial capital. ( While the majority of these Hausa diasporas were established by itinerant merchants, the social classes that comprised the diaspora community were extremely varied and included scholars, mercenaries, craftsmen, and other groups. The term “trading diaspora” should therefore not be taken in the strictest sense to describe the commercial activities of the merchant community alone but in reference to the social complexity of the diaspora community.( _**Hausa barber at a market in Bali, Cameroon (c. 1933 Basel Mission Archives)**_ In the early 19th century, the consolidation of the Asante state's northern provinces, and the establishment of the Sokoto caliphate (which subsumed the Hausalands), gave further impetus to the expansion of the Hausa diaspora and entailed major demographic and commercial changes. The effects of the both political movements in Asante and Hausalands were two-fold, first was the expansion of the already-existing Hausa diaspora in the Volta river Basin, and second; was the creation of new Hausa diasporas in the region of what is now north-western Cameroon and later in Sudan. _**West-Africa’s political landscape in the mid 19th century showing the two dominant states of Asante and Sokoto (including the latter’s province of Adamawa)**_ The Asante kingdom centralized the Kola-nut trade through royal agents and northern merchants (that included the Hausa), and developed Salaga into the principal metropolis which connected the Kola-nut producing region then fully under Asante control, with the Hausalands.( The rapid expansion of the Kola-nut trade between Asante and Sokoto, resulted in the establishment of trade towns across the northern provinces of Asante and the emergence of the Hausa network as the dominant commercial system throughout Borgu and the Volta basin and the adoption of the Hausa language as the lingua franca in all the towns and cities along the trade routes. _**the Kola-nut producing regions within Asante and the trading towns and the trade routes between Asante and Sokoto**_( several Hausa merchant-scholars are attested in the Volta region, such as Malam Chediya from Katsina, who established himself at Salaga in the early 19th century where he became a prominent landowner.( By the 1820s, the city of Salaga and Gameji (in north-western Nigeria) were reportedly larger than Kumasi the Asante capital due to the influx of trading diasporas such as the Hausa.( In the town of Yendi, Hausa scholars such as Khalid al-Kashinawi (b. 1871) from Katsina established schools in the town and composed writings on the region's history among other literary works. ( another was Malam Ma'azu from the city of Hadejia who established himself at the town of Wenchi in the mid 19th century( , The Hausa diaspora grew cross the central and southern Asante domains in Ghana, these communities were often called ‘zongo’( and from them, emerged prominent Hausa who were included in the Asante central government (often with the office title ‘Sarkin’ which is derived from Hausa aristocratic titles) and most were employed in making amulets.( and by the late 19th century, a Hausa diaspora had been established in coastal Ghana including in the forts of Accra and cape-coast, with prominent Hausa merchant-scholars such as Malam Idris Nenu who came from Katsina and established a Hausa community in Accra( _**Malam Musa, the Sarkin Zongo of Kumasi, Ghana from 1933-1945, (**c. 1936 Af,A15.4 british museum) the ‘Sarkin Zongo’ was one of several offices in Asante but both words are derived from Hausa and were often occupied by Hausa title-holders continuing into the colonial era and independent ghana_( _**a Hausa doctor in cape-coast, Ghana** ( c. 1921 Basel Mission Archives)_ In northern Togo, the Hausa settlement at kete-Kratchi was established following the decline of Salaga after the Anglo-Asante war of 1874, and by 1894 Kete had a large market described by the explorer Heinrich Klose "_**all goods a heart could wish for are offered here, besides the european materials from the coast, the most important are the Hausa cloths coming from inland., often one can see the busy Hausa tailor sewing his goods on the spot. The beautiful and strong blue and white striped african materials are brought by the caravans from far Hausa lands**_". Kete was also home to the Hausa scholar Umar al-Kanawi (b. 1856) his extensive writings about Hausa societies, history and poetry did much to establish Hausa, definitively, as a literary language in much of the Greater Voltaic Region. ( _**photo from 1902 showing a rural mosque under construction at Kete-Krachi in Ghana (then Kete-Krakye in German Togo), Basel Mission archives**_ * * * **The Hausa Diaspora in Cameroon and Sudan: the Kingdoms of Adamawa and Bamum.** In Cameroon, both trade (in Kola-nut and Ivory) and proselytization encouraged the expansion of Hausa trading diaspora into the region in the decades following the establishment of the Adamawa province by the Sokoto rulers in 1809. Before the 19th century, the region of what is now north-western Cameroon had been ruled by loosely united confederacies of Kwararafa and Mbum, both of which had been in contact with the Hausa since the 15th century,( and had adopted certain aspects of Hausa culture including architecture and dressing, in a gradual process of acculturation and syncretism which continued after the Sokoto conquest of the region.( By 1840, Hausa traders had established themselves in south-central and northern Cameroon where there were major kola-nut markets( , and had formed a significant merchant community in Adamawa's capital Yola by the 1850s( (Yola is now within Nigeria not far from the Cameroon border). By the 1870s, the Hausa quarter in Yola included scholars, architects (such as Buba Jirum), craftsmen, mercenaries and doctors.( The Hausa connected the regions’ two main caravan trade routes; the one from Yola to Sokoto, with the one from Yola to the Yorubalands (in what is now south-central Nigeria), where the Niger Company factories were located at Lakoja.( becoming the dominant merchant class along these main routes. By the late 19th century, Hausa merchants and scholars were established in the Bamum kingdom's capital of Fumban. The first group of itinerant Hausa merchants came to Bamum during the reign of King Nsangu (r. 1865-1885) to whom they sold books, and textiles( . More Hausa groups settled in Fumban and established a fairly large diasporic community, especially after the invitation of the King Njoya following Adamawa's assistance in suppressing a local rebellion in Bamum. Njoya had been impressed with the Adamawa forces' performance in battle and chose to adopt elements of their culture including the adoption of Islam (that was taught to him by a Hausa Malam), and Njoya’s eventual innovation of a unique writing system; the Bamum script, that was partly derived from the Ajami and Arabic scripts used by his Hausa entourage.( _**Hausa musician in Fumban, Hausa teacher in Fumban** ( c. 1911, 1943, Basel Mission Archives)_ Islam had for long provided the dispersed commercial centers with a unity crucial in maintaining the autonomy of individual settlements and in allowing the absorption of other groups.( By 1900s, there was a significant level of syncretism between the Bamum and Hausa culture particularly in language, dressing and religion, and Hausa merchants handled a significant share of Bamum's external trade; as one Christian mission wrote in 1906 "_**When we entered Bamum, it was just market \. We saw well above two hundred people. The soul of these markets are of course the Hausa. One can simply buy everything in this market, cloth, Hausa garments, shoes, leather, then all kinds of foods, also fresh beef, rancid butter, firewood, and shells which take the place of money, and much more**_".( While the Hausa language’s relatively recent introduction in western Cameroon didn’t enable it to became the sole lingua franca of the region, the trade networks augmented by the Hausa merchants eventually made Hausa an important trade language in the region. _**a small party of Hausa traders in north-west cameroon with their donkeys. (c. 1925, BMI archives)** the long-distance caravans usually had over 1,000 people and an equal number of pack animals, smaller trading parties such as this one were mostly engaged in regional trade**.**_ **The Hausa Diaspora in Sudan.** A similar (but relatively recent) Hausa diaspora was established in Sudan beginning in the late 19th century in the towns of el-Fashir and Mai-Wurno, This Hausa diaspora in Sudan was the product of the use of the old Pilgrimage route through Sudan, as well as the Anglo-Sokoto colonial wars of the early 20th century which forced some Hausa to move to Mai-Wurno along with the Sokoto elite. a number of Hausa scholars were employed in the Darfur kingdom of Ali Dinar (r. 1898 -1916 ) shortly before it fell to the British, however, most Hausa arrived in the Sudan when it was already under British occupation. The Hausa Diaspora in Sudan is thus the eastern-most Hausa community from the pre-colonial era.( _**‘Hausa at prayer’ in Bamum, Cameroon (c. 1896 Basel Mission archives)**_ * * * **Conclusion: the role of the Hausa diaspora in creating a west African lingua franca.** The relatively vast geographical extent of the Hausa language is a product of the dynamic nature of the Hausa diasporic communities and culture. Trade diasporas such as the Hausa’s, are a core concept in African history particularly in west Africa where spatial propinquity and ethnic diversity necessitated and facilitated the development of common linguistic and cultural codes. ( The Hausa diaspora presents an example of a relatively recent but arguably more successful model of a dispersed community in West Africa. The nature of the Hausa states’ political systems which encouraged the acculturation of diverse cultural groups into assuming a Hausa identity, and their participation in long distance trade, encouraged the emergence of robust diasporic communities, and ultimately enabled the rapid spread of Hausa language into becoming one of the most attested languages in Africa. * * * _** to my Patreon account for more on African history and Free books on the Hausa Diaspora**_ ( * * * **Huge thanks to ‘HAUSA HACKATHON AFRICA’ which contributed to this research.** ( Rural Hausa: A Village and a Setting By Polly Hil pg 3 ( Planta Slavery in the Sokoto Caliphate: A Historical and Comparative Study By Mohammed Bashir Salau pg 33 ( Being and Becoming Hausa by Anne Haour pg 3 ( Some considerations relating to the formation of states in Hausaland' by A. Smith ( A Historical 'Whodunit' by JO Hunwick ( A Geography of Jihad by Stephanie Zehnle pg 179-180) ( Towards a Less Orthodox History of Hausaland by J. E. G. Sutton pg 182 ( Being and Becoming Hausa by Anne Haour pg 47 ( Being and Becoming Hausa by Anne Haour pg 38-48, 47 ) ( Being and Becoming Hausa by Anne Haour pg 67-69) ( A Reconsideration of Hausa History before the Jihad by Finn Fuglestad pg 338-339, Government In Kano, 1350-1950 by M. G. Smith pg 154 ( Plantation Slavery in the Sokoto Caliphate: A Historical and Comparative Study By Mohammed Bashir Salau pg 34 ( Being and Becoming Hausa by Anne Haour pg 18 ( Towards a Less Orthodox History of Hausaland by J. E. G. Sutton by 184 ( Being and Becoming Hausa by Anne Haour pg 6) ( Histoire Mawri by M. H. Piault pg 46–47) ( Islam and clan organization amongst the Hausa by J Greenberg 1947 pg 19565) ( Caravans of Kola: The Hausa Kola Trade 1700-1900 by P.E. Lovejoy pg 39-40 ( The Desert-Side Economy of the Central Sudan by Paul E. Lovejoy and Stephen Baier pg 555-556 ( Government In Kano, 1350-1950 by M. G. Smith pg 22-24 ( “Cultural Strategies in the Organization of Trading Diasporas,” by (Abner Cohen, ( Caravans of Kola: The Hausa Kola Trade 1700-1900 by P.E. Lovejoy pg 31) ( The Formation of a Specialized Group of Hausa Kola Traders in the Nineteenth Century by P. Lovejoy pg 634). ( The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion Pg 94 ( Caravans of Kola: The Hausa Kola Trade 1700-1900 by P.E. Lovejoy pg 33-34) ( Government In Kano, 1350-1950 by MG. Smith pg 124) ( ( ( Arabic Literature of Africa, Volume 4 by J. Hunwick pg 541 ( Caravans of Kola: The Hausa Kola Trade 1700-1900 by P.E. Lovejoy pg 36) ( The Hausa Factor in West African History by Mahdi Adamu pg 15-17 ( Caravans of Kola: The Hausa Kola Trade 1700-1900 by P.E. Lovejoy pg 18-19) ( Caravans of Kola pg 16 ( Caravans of Kola: The Hausa Kola Trade 1700-1900 by P.E. Lovejoy pg 38) ( Caravans of Kola: The Hausa Kola Trade 1700-1900 by P.E. Lovejoy pg 39) ( Arabic Literature of Africa, Volume 4 by J. Hunwick pg 59 ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century by I Wilks pg 297 ( People of the zongo by Enid Schildkrout ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 230-270 ( Landlords and Lodgers: Socio-Spatial Organization in an Accra Community By Deborah Pellow pg 47-48 ( Islam and identity in the Kumase Zongo by Kramer, R.S, pgs 287-296, in “The cloth of many colored silks: Papers on history and society, Ghanaian and Islamic in honor of Ivor Wilks” ( Nineteenth Century Hausaland: Being a Description by Imam Imoru of the Land, Economy and Society of His People by Douglas Edwin Ferguson pg 20-23) ( Beyond the World of Commerce: Rethinking Hausa Diaspora History through Marriage, Distance, and Legal Testimony by H O'Rourke pg 148) ( Conquest and Construction by Mark DeLancey pg 19-21) ( African Crossroads: Intersections Between History and Anthropology in Cameroon by Ian Fowler, David Zeitlyn pg 135) ( Fulani hegemony in Yola (Old Adamawa) 1809-1902 by M. Z. Njeuma pg 120-121) ( Fulani hegemony in Yola (Old Adamawa) 1809-1902 by M. Z. Njeuma pg 60) ( Fulani hegemony in Yola (Old Adamawa) 1809-1902 by M. Z. Njeuma pg 139) ( The Assumption of Tradition: Creating, Collecting, and Conserving Cultural Artifacts in the Cameroon Grassfields (West Africa) by Alice Euretta Horner pg 176) ( African Crossroads: Intersections Between History and Anthropology in Cameroon by Ian Fowler, David Zeitlyn pg 144) ( Caravans of Kola: The Hausa Kola Trade 1700-1900 by P.E. Lovejoy pg 39) ( African Crossroads: Intersections Between History and Anthropology in Cameroon by Ian Fowler, David Zeitlyn pg 170) ( Hausa in the Sudan: Process of Adaptation to Arabic by Al-Amin Abu-Manga ( see chapter: ‘Strangers, Traders’ in “Outsiders and Strangers: An Archaeology of Liminality in West Africa” By Anne Haour.

### Title: The Creation of an African Lingua Franca: The Hausa Trading Diaspora in West Africa (1700-1900) ### Description: Trade Networks Beyond Ethnicity ### Introduction 1. **Linguistic Diversity in Africa**: Africa is characterized by extreme linguistic diversity, leading to complex cultural interactions and the formation of diasporic communities. 2. **Emergence of Hausa as a Lingua Franca**: The Hausa language, spoken by over 60 million people, evolved as a lingua franca due to the inclusive nature of Hausa culture and the role of long-distance trade. ### Understanding Ethnicity and Hausa Identity 3. **Ethnicity as a Social Construct**: Ethnicity is fluid and shaped by historical contexts, not strictly defined by race or tribal affiliations. 4. **Inclusivism in Hausa Culture**: Hausa culture's inclusivity facilitated the emergence of diasporic communities, promoting the spread of the Hausa language across West Africa. ### Historical Background of Hausa Society 5. **Sources of Early Hausa History**: Key historical texts, including the Kano Chronicle and others, document the origins and evolution of Hausa states, detailing the interactions with various immigrant groups. 6. **Political Narratives**: Chronicles describe the rise of city-states, their political systems, and the impact of trade and religion on Hausa identity. ### Linguistic Development of Hausa 7. **Linguistic Classification**: Hausa belongs to the Chadic branch of the Afro-Asiatic language family, evolving from earlier languages spoken around Lake Chad. 8. **Spread of the Language**: Hausa expanded from its core in the Lake Chad region into Northwestern Nigeria and Southern Niger between the 10th and 19th centuries. ### Political History and the Concept of "Hausaization" 9. **Political Structure**: Hausa city-states exhibited syncretic governance, blending traditional and Islamic practices. 10. **Hausaization Process**: This refers to the cultural assimilation and identity formation within Hausa states, integrating various ethnic groups into a cohesive Hausa identity. ### The Role of Long-Distance Trade 11. **Economic Expansion**: Beginning in the 15th century, the Hausa states benefited from participation in long-distance trade networks, establishing themselves as central trading hubs in West Africa. 12. **Kola-Nut Trade**: The Kola-nut trade marked a significant shift where Hausa merchants expanded their reach beyond traditional boundaries, facilitating cultural exchange and language dissemination. ### Formation of the Hausa Trading Diaspora 13. **Definition of Trading Diaspora**: Hausa trading diasporas were established through networks of merchants who maintained their cultural identity while engaging in trade across West Africa. 14. **Acculturation**: Non-Hausa groups participating in these networks often identified as Hausa, illustrating the language's role as a unifying force across diverse ethnicities. ### Expansion of Hausa Diaspora 15. **Geographical Spread**: Hausa presence expanded into regions such as the Volta basin, Ghana, and northern Benin, often alongside established trading networks. 16. **Cultural Integration**: Hausa communities established in new regions included a mix of merchants, scholars, and craftsmen who contributed to local economies while spreading Hausa culture and language. ### Impact of Political Changes in the 19th Century 17. **Asante and Sokoto Caliphate Influence**: The consolidation of the Asante state and the establishment of the Sokoto Caliphate led to demographic shifts, further expanding the Hausa diaspora. 18. **Trade under New Political Systems**: The Asante kingdom's control over Kola-nut trade facilitated the integration of Hausa merchants into new trade towns, reinforcing Hausa as a lingua franca. ### Hausa Diaspora in Cameroon and Sudan 19. **Expansion into Cameroon**: The establishment of the Adamawa province by Sokoto rulers led to significant Hausa trading communities in Cameroon. 20. **Influence in Sudan**: A Hausa diaspora emerged in Sudan due to historical trade routes and colonial conflicts, establishing a presence in the towns of El-Fashir and Mai-Wurno. ### Conclusion: The Role of Hausa Diaspora in Creating a West African Lingua Franca 21. **Cultural and Linguistic Impact**: The Hausa diaspora demonstrates the successful integration of diverse groups under a common linguistic and cultural framework, establishing Hausa as an important lingua franca in West African trade and social networks. 22. **Legacy of Hausa Influence**: The establishment of robust diasporic communities and trade networks facilitated the widespread use of the Hausa language, cementing its role in the region's history.

The Art of early Atlantic contacts: Sapi ivory artists and Portuguese buyers in Sierra Leone (1490-1540)

On African Art influences.

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The Art of early Atlantic contacts: Sapi ivory artists and Portuguese buyers in Sierra Leone (1490-1540) ======================================================================================================== ### On African Art influences. ( Jun 05, 2022 7 Among the most sophisticated sculptural traditions in Africa were the ivory artworks made by the Sapi people during the 16th century in the Upper Guinea region of modern Sierra Leone, their high quality carvings found ready market across Europe, brought by Portuguese traders who purchased hundreds of them as luxury items. The historiography about the nature of their manufacture is however contested, and marred by the dichotomous discourses common in African Art history that tend to overstate foreign influences and understate local contexts. African creativity and intellectual achievements have often been put aside in Western scholarship in favor of a claimed European participation in processes of building African skills. Most scholars emphasize hybridity through the hypothesis of a European destination, and the objects, themes and scenes depicted on Sapi artworks have often been solely identified as icons and influences from Europe. The received wisdom concerning the art history of the Sapi sculptural tradition is that it was a largely ephemeral tradition that emerged in the mid-15th century under Portuguese impetus solely for export, and that it vanished by the mid 16th century due to the political upheavals that followed the invasions of various groups from the interior, and so the argument goes, that its for this reason that there are few resemblances between the Sapi ivories and the more recent artworks from the region. But this belief is ill-founded as more recent discoveries of; local pre-European soapstone carvings; ivory and wood carvings from the last three centuries; and the widespread use of motifs that appear on the 16th century Sapi ivories and the local artworks, provides firm evidence that the Sapi ivories were neither isolated nor an ephemeral art tradition but part of a larger indigenous corpus of artworks whose production both pre-dated and persisted after the era of European contact. This article explorers the Art History of the Sapi, comparing the 16th century Ivory carvings with the wider corpus of stone, ivory and wood artworks in the region in order to interpret the Sapi art tradition in its local context, and show its continuity from the early Atlantic era to the recent past. _**Map of modern Sierra Leone and Guinea language groups showing the distribution of the Sapi ((Mel-language family)**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * The Sapi were a Mel-speaking group who were autochthonous in the region between Guinea-­Bissau and Sierra Leone in what is often called the Upper Guinea coast region, and their linguistic descendants include the Baga, Temne, Kissi among other languages. The region later came under the control of "Mani" states from the 15-16th century founded by madinka/mende speakers from the southern fringes of the Mali empire and the Soso kingdom.( The latter were initially living in the region as communities of scholars and traders but over time managed to acquire a level of political hegemony over the Sapi groups during the upheavals of the 16th and 17th century, although the process of consolidating their rule was protracted( . Ivory was prized in royal iconography among both the Sapi and Mani groups, and Sapi sculptors, who also produced sophisticated soap-stone and wood carvings, were employed in making intricately carved ivory objects for local elites. Documentary evidence attests to the export of African ivories made by Sapi artists as early as the second half of the 15th century. These ivory works included ivory salt-cellars, oliphants (trumpets/hunting horns) and spoons as well as un-carved ivory tusks.( _**16th century side-blown ivory horn made for an African ruler by a sapi artist** (no. 71.1933.6.4 D Quai Branly Museum)_ The raw material, the sculptor, the workshop, and the resources applied in the production were of African origin. The artisans could exercise their creativity and evoke either local or foreign references, in dialogue with the expansion of global borders. The indigenous Sapi sculptural tradition of carving ivory, stone and wood objects, their distinctive motifs and art forms, ultimately dictated the forms of ivory objects that were made for Portuguese traders —whose first contact with the Sapi was in the 1460s— and were part of a larger corpus of artworks whose production continued for several centuries after the period of first contact.( The Sapi artisans were highly specialized and could work on demand, as noted by several Portuguese traders active in the region, and the ordering of a number pieces to be sent to Portugal. The Portuguese chronicler Valentim Fernandes wrote in his 1510 book ‘Description of the West African coast south of the Senegal River’ that; “_**they (**_the Sapi_**) make subtle works of ivory like spoons, salt-cellars and manillas. The men of this region are highly skilled Blacks in the manual arts, which is to say, making ivory salt cellars and spoons, and anything that you draw for them, they can carve in ivory”.**_( _**ivory spoons made by sapi artists with figures of crocodiles, birds, goats and monkeys**_ ( Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden) The comparison of the iconography in some of the pieces, with Portuguese heraldry symbols from the same time, has allowed art historians to date the production of one set of ivories to the period between c. 1490 and c. 1540. That the Sapi ivories were eventually bought by Portuguese traders does not necessarily imply they had all been ordered by them, the Sapi ivories —including the ‘hybrid’ types— are far more African than Portuguese( . The majority of Sapi pieces were primarily produced with a focus on the immediate local market, as well as the export market, and they were bought by the Portuguese due to the exotic appeal of those objects to these buyers.( The Sapi’s excellence in carving wasn't spontaneous but was rather the result of many years of training and experience, artists who were commissioned to carve in ivory for the Mani elites and the Portuguese were thus already highly trained and experienced sculptors, carving for indigenous patronage. They carved spoons, trumpets, bowls, snuff containers, staffs, ritual masks, wood figures, and stone figures for their own kings, chiefs, and other people of means, carving whatever was asked of them, in any form desired by the patron.( And contrary to the long held notion that the ivory works were solely for export, recent research based on various 17th century sources has presented strong evidence for domestic consumption as well, in which the trumpets, bowls, ivory spoons and salt cellars were retained by local elites as an index of prestige and social differentiation.( _**Oliphant from sierra leone made for a mende chief by a Sapi artist, early 20th century**_ (no. 2011.70.45, Minneapolis Institute of Arts) In written sources from the 15th to the 17th century, this Upper guinea coast region, appears as a site of important workshops. In a description written between 1507 and 1510, based on information provided by a Portuguese captain named Alvaro Velho do Barreiro, who lived on the Senegambian coast for eight years, the chronicler Valentim Fernandes, in describing the ivory production of the region, wrote that _**"in Sierra Leone, the men are very skillful and very ingenious, they make wonderful ivory works of all kinds of the things one tells them to do. Some make spoons, other saltcellars, others hilts for daggers and any other Subtlety".**_( * * * **Carving soap-stone** The oldest attested art tradition among the Sapi was the carving of soap-stone into objects for ceremonial and ritual use beginning in the 10th century.( Many of the motifs used on the soap-stone figures, give evidence that the carvers of ivory for the Portuguese were translating imagery from Sapi culture directly from the stone carving tradition, likely from their own work.( Stone carves combined various anthropomorphic and zoomorphic features derived from indigenous conceptions of the natural and spiritual world as related in the totemic animal ancestor of each clan. The stone carvings, called ‘nomolis’, include depict animals such as elephants, cats, and birds with human figures standing on top of them, next to them or enaging with them. These depictions were often visual metaphors rather than literal juxtapositions, and they represented hieratic relationships and faunal symbols of royalty. Motiffs such as mounted figures, which appear in stone, also appear in ivory including the elephant (representing strength) and the leopard (for its aggression) while the human would refer to the legitimacy of royal prerogative.( Another common motif was the image of the sitting figures, these are often shown in a squatting position and holding their hands in various gestures such as holding them to their chins, crossing them, or placed behind their bodies; the seated figures appear on both stone and ivory carvings, the other less common motif is one depicting heads surrounding a warrior figure, this appears on stone carvings and salt cellars and represents a funerary tradition for high ranking Sapi warriors and kings who were at times interned with the trophies of the enemy warriors killed in battle.( The motif of the crocodile also features prominently in stone and ivory carvings, its at times shown climbing the human figures, swarming next to the human figure or swallowing them. The interplay between the figures and crocodiles fits into indigenous concepts of the transformation of spiritually powerful human beings into crocodiles for the purpose of executing justice, the human figures (often women) who are shown controlling the crocodiles, held extraordinary ritual powers.( Snakes and Dogs also appear frequently in Sapi art, the former are associated with the expression of spiritual power, while the latter were seen as royal emblems and were central to many religious rituals.( In general, the stone and ivory carvers of the Sapi shared a mutual worldview that was perpetuated by the Sapi’s savant elite including the artists who expressed the elite's sacred concepts in various mediums.( left to right by pair; _**Nomoli statue of seated figure with a crocodile**_ (african arts gallery), _**16th century sapi salt-cellar with seated figure surrounded by crocodiles**_ (No. 68.10.10 a, b, Seattle art museum); _**Nomoli statue of a Warrior figure holding a shield in one hand an a weapon in another, surrounded by several heads**_ (no 70.2013.33.1 at Quai Branly), _**16th century sapi salt cellar with warrior figure holding a shield and a weapon, and surrounded by several heads**_ (no 104079 Museo delle Civiltà) _**Nomoli Figure Riding on an Elephant**_ (2006.51.412 Yale university art gallery) _**16th century Saltcellar with Male Figure Riding on an Elephant**_ (No. 118.609 welt museum vienna) _**Nomili stature of two opposite facing heads, and a 16th century lid of an ivory salt cellar with opposite facing heads**_ (both at British museum Af1947,18.3 and Af1952,18.1.a ) * * * **Ivory Salt-cellars** Sapi salt-cellars generally fall in two groups of shapes; those in which the bowl of the saltcellar rests on a platform supported by a ring of caryatid human figures; and those that are shaped roughly like a stemmed cup. For the first group; there are several wooden caryatid stools and drums carved in the form similar to the substructure of these saltcellars have been found among the Baga in Guinea.( Besides the above mentioned motifs appearing on stone and wooden sculptures, there are a number of motifs that are more frequently depicted on the medium of ivory due to its malleability compared to stone. Ivory sculptors paid closer attention to the human figures on most of the saltcellars are depicted with features typical of the regional groups' physiognomy with an elongated, diagonal face with a prominent nose whose nasal bridge begins between the eyes, full lips, and oversized eyes that framed by a raised line indicating the lid and the lower edge.( The clothing and hairstyles of the figures appearing on the salt cellars, are also more elaborately depicted and include; men wearing robes, hats, footwear and the knee-length trousers/shorts, as well as women wearing neck beads and waist-level robes , all of which were described by as common attire in the region by a number of external writers in the 16th century including André Álvares de Almada.( Despite earlier confusion in the exact identity of the figures depicted in most of the salt cellars that had some scholars postulating that the men were European (by virtue of their dressing) and that the women were African (by virtue of their partial nudity), a closer analysis of the faces of both male and female figures, reveals that they are of the same phenotype (as in most of the Sapi’s corpus), making it unlikely that the skilled sculptors who carved lots of different forms of animals, humans, and objects, and also unquestionably European figures on some of the the ivory horns discussed below, could conflate different physiognomies on the same objects.( Similar representations of the gender dichotomy in the attire of Sapi figures can also be found on wooden drums whose caryatid figures depict men in various forms of attire while females wear a robe over the lower half of their bodies. The caryatid element in the Sapi saltcellars is itself generally accepted, in the absence of any plausible Portuguese models, to be an indigenous African one, derived from objects that Africans were making for themselves on this part of the Upper Guinea coast in the late 15th century.( _**16th century carved ivory salt-cellars with caryatid substructures (**_No. Af.5117.a British museum; 14.2010.3 The Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art; Af.170 British museum_**)**_ _**drum made by the Baga of Guinea with caryatid male and female figures with different types of clothing,**_ early 20th century (private collection) ; _**stool made by the Baga in Liberia with female figures,**_ early 20th century (no. 2006.51.423 Yale university gallery) Saltcellars of the second group also feature vignettes that include African fauna that are important in regional concepts of royal and ritual power including crocodiles, monkeys, serpents, represent elements of local culture such as the scarification ceremonies in which a 17th century writer described the sierra Leoneans had covered "_**the body, face and limbs decorated with a thousand different paintings of snakes, lizards, howler monkeys, birds, etc**_".( A recurring motif in Sapi saltcellars of this type is that the knop or node in the middle of the stem is decorated with coiling snakes whose heads project downward to confront face-to-face the raised heads of crouching animals (lizards, crocodiles, dogs) sculpted in high relief on the sloping surface of the base. While the form of the salt-cellar mimics a Portuguese chalice, this use of crocodile and serpent figures has no parallel in Europe for this medium but was a distinctively Sapi decorative feature and appears in other carved objects produced in the region including ceremonial masks.( 16th century sapi salt-cellars with exclusively local motifs; _**salt-cellar with seated figures, serpents and a seated figure at the top smoking a pipe**_ (no. 63468 welt museum); _**salt-cellar with crouching crocodiles at the bottom confronting serpents, and seated female figure at the top**_ (no. C 4886 a,b Ethnologisches Museum Berlin) _**salt-cellar with seated figures at the bottom surrounded by crocodiles, coiling serpents around the stem and at the top (**_C 4888 a,b Ethnologisches Museum Berlin) _**salt-cellar with seated male and female figures and swarming crocodiles**_ (no. Af1867,0325.1b. British museum) 16th century sapi salt-cellars combining local and foreign motiffs; _**salt-cellar with mythical beasts at the bottom and an armillary sphere with latin inscriptions**_ (no 17036 a,b Ethnologisches Museum Berlin); _**salt-cellar with madonna and child at the top, the youths in the fiery furnace, serpents, and daniel in the lions’ den**_ (no Af1981,35.1.a-b british museum) Sapi artists also carved elaborate vignettes on salt-cellars that included scenes of human and faunal figures in countryside, the interpretation of these vignettes is facilitated by contemporary documentation of local practices,( representations of figures holding books or papers which emphasizes the importance attributed to writing within the region, whose long contact with the Senegambia scholarly networks and itinerant communities of marabouts (teachers; mostly from the Senegambia and Mali regions) encouraged the adoption of literacy especially writing boards/tablets and written amulets/gris-gris; the latter of which were popular among non-Muslim groups. This tradition that was further promoted by the increased importation of European paper from Portuguese traders.( 16th century Sapi salt cellars with vignettes of local scenes; _**bottom half of a salt-cellar with male figures holding tablet/book/papers, female figures, crocodiles, birds, monkeys and local flora**_ (C 168 Ethnologisches Museum Berlin), _**salt-cellar with human figures, crocodiles and plants at base, and serpent curled around the stem (**_Af1949,46.177 British museum); _**salt-cellar with male and female figures holding various objects against a background of plants, and crouching dogs confronting serpents (**_1991.435a, b met museum_**)**_ * * * **Ivory Oliphants** Ceremonial side-blown horns were important objects in Sapi society prior to their contact with the Portuguese, these unique devices often had a small stop-hole at the end (for moderating sound) that was covered with an animal finial, and were later adopted by the Sapi's Mani overlords in the 16th century who continued to commission the carving of side-blown horns well into the 19th century.( However, unlike the side-blown horns made by Sapi artists (and most African artists), the ones made specifically for export were end-blown in a manner which was more familiar with their intended Portuguese buyers. The Sapi artists transformed the sound-moderation stop-hole into an open-ended hole, and also closed the side-blown holes, inorder to make the horn into one more familiar with their intended European customers.( On top of this transformation, some of the sapi carvers included hunting scenes, Christian figures, and mythical beasts on a few of the ivory horns, using images inspired by illustrated engravings in the so-called "book of hours" prayer books that were completed in the early years of the 16th century( , and were possessed by some of the Portuguese traders active in the region, and it is for the latter reason that makes it possible that a select few of the horns, such as those with Portuguese insignia, may have been carved on the cape-Verde islands by Sapi artists.( _**16th century end-blown Ivory Olifant carved by the Sapi in Sierra Leone, depicting various hunting scenes and the Portuguese court of arms and armillary sphere**_. (no. 10 Musei Reali di Torino, Armeria Reale) _**16th century end-blown Ivory Oliphants from sierra Leone depicting hunting scenes with human and animal figures, and Portuguese armillary sphere**_ (no. 108828 Luigi Pigorini, Rome) and (no. Af1979,01.3156 british museum) Documentary references to the import of Sapi ivory horns by Portuguese traders are contained in the inventories of the possessions of several Portuguese mariners, including three oliphants commissioned in 1490 bearing the court of arms of Portugal and Castille to support the principle that D. Afonso should be heir to the throne, and several other Sapi ivory horns were re-exported through the Portuguese-controlled Indian port of Calecut and thus mislabeled geographically.( Yet despite the inclusion of Portuguese figures and symbols, the latter’s influence was confined to the subject of the engraved scenes and not on the process or quality of the engraved artworks itself, because commissioners of works of art are not themselves artists and cannot infuse into the objects they commission artistic qualities that they themselves do not possess.( _**16th century Sapi oliphant populated with various hunting scenes arranged in five zones separated by rings decorated with interlacing, twists or beaded motifs, animals shown include; a lion and dragon; deer attacked by a pack of dogs, clashing dragons, unicorn, elephant.**_ (no 71.1933.6.1 D Quai branly), _**oliphant with various hunting scenes slightly similar to the one above**_ (no 2006.51.192 Yale university) _**16th century ivory Oliphant made by a Sapi artist in sierra leone for export, depicting a hunting scene, various latin inscriptions, and the heraldic shields of Manuel of Portugal.**_ (no. 2005-6-9 Smithsonian museum) * * * **“End” of a tradition?** The Sapi had long been in contact with the various groups from the interior in both the Senegambia region and in the southern reaches of the Mali empire, from where a few groups had during the 15th century, moved into parts of the coastal regions that had been predominated by the Sapi , and it is most likely that the depiction of men carrying books and tablets is a manifestation of local culture associated with the Mali-Senegambia Muslim culture( . While Portuguese trading records indicate that the importation of these ivories formally ended by the mid­-16th century when their attention turned other regions especially in west central Africa( , the carving of ivory by the Sapi continued through the late 17th century and local uses of oliphants carved in ivories by Africans are presented in various mid-16th­ and 17th­ century sources, long after both the Portuguese had ceased ivory imports and the Mani had invaded the region.( Manuel Álvares, in 1615 in his discussion of the Sapi people of the Upper Guinea coast, writes that “_**Because of their ability and intelligence some of them have the gift of artistic imagination… The variety of their handicrafts is due to their artistry. They make… spoons made of ivory, beautifully finished, the handles carved in entertaining shapes, such as the heads of animals, birds or their corofis (idols), all done with such perfection that it has to be seen to be believed; betes or rachons, which are round and are used as low seats, and are made in curious shapes to resemble lizards and other small creatures. In sum, they are, in their own way, skilled at handicrafts**_.” The decorative seats with figures of lizards or crocodiles he mentions were still being made by the Baga in the early 20th century( . another source: André Donelha, in 1625, reported a great trade in ivory at the Ribe River, a tributary to the Sierra Leone Estuary. And he mentioned a Sapi group under the control of Mani overlords who used ivory trumpets in war. Francisco de Lemos Coelho, in 1669, mentioned “_**many curiosities that the negroes make from ivory**_” in the town of Mitombo (Port Loko). He also specified the carving of human figures in ivory to represent the Temne “corofim” (aŋ­kǝrfi), or spiritual beings, for indigenous ritual, not for sale to the Europeans. ( While the "Mani" incursions altered some of the social and political structures of the environment in which the Sapi artists lived, the drawn-out process of political consolidation, acculturation and conflict between the Mani, the Sapi and other more recent groups meant that the art tradition didn't vanish suddenly in the 16th century when the incursions are said to have occurred but continued in a modified form in the centuries that followed, and Sapi carvers continued to work with ivory, wood and stone to fashion them into the sophisticated objects of art which were widely appreciated. ( * * * **Conclusion: the Sapi as a local art tradition.** The iconography of the Sapi ivories reflects local cultural practices, incorporating references to religious concepts and rituals, and decorations of vignettes that embody temporal authority, as well as references to specific prerogatives that defined elevated social status. While some of the imagery depicted on the Sapi ivories is of undeniably Portuguese/European origin, The vast majority of Sapi motifs, and iconography is derived from local concepts of power and ritual. Quantitatively, its easy to perceive that the Portuguese influence upon the Sapi stone figures is small but significant due to the tastes of the Portuguese buyers for whom it was intended, But the Sapi content is on the other hand, very certain and pervasive across virtually all the local and exported corpus of artworks. _A continuing tradition; Ivory artworks from the Sierra Leone National Museum made in the early 20th century._ * * * **Read and Download books on African history on my Patreon** ( * * * \*prg means paragraph while \*pg means page ( Unmasking the State: Making Guinea Modern By Mike McGovern 31-36) ( Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century by Unesco pg 380) ( Afro-Portuguese Olifants with hunting scenes (c. 1490- c. 1540) by by LU Afonso pg 80) ( Afro-Portuguese Echoes in the Art of Upper Guinea by William A. Hart pg 157) ( Afro-Portuguese Olifants with hunting scenes (c. 1490- c. 1540) by by LU Afonso pg 81). ( African Meanings and European-African Discourse by Peter Mark pg 239 ( The Ivory Saltcellars: A contribution to the history of Islamic expansion in Greater Senegambia during the 16th and 17th centuries Thiago H. Mota prg 41, 64) ( Ivory and Stone: Direct Connections between Sculptural Media along the Coast of Sierra Leone, 15th– 16th Centuries, Frederick John Lamp prg 72) ( The Ivory Saltcellars: A contribution to the history of Islamic expansion in Greater Senegambia during the 16th and 17th centuries prg 43-44) ( The Ivory Saltcellars: A contribution to the history of Islamic expansion in Greater Senegambia during the 16th and 17th centuries prg 40) ( Ivory and Stone: Direct Connections between Sculptural Media along the Coast of Sierra Leone, 15th– 16th Centuries, Frederick John Lamp prg 10) ( Ivory and Stone: Direct Connections between Sculptural Media along the Coast of Sierra Leone, 15th– 16th Centuries, Frederick John Lamp pg 30) ( The Ivory Saltcellars: A contribution to the history of Islamic expansion in Greater Senegambia during the 16th and 17th centuries prg 44) ( The Ivory Saltcellars: A contribution to the history of Islamic expansion in Greater Senegambia during the 16th and 17th centuries prg 41) ( The Ivory Saltcellars: A contribution to the history of Islamic expansion in Greater Senegambia during the 16th and 17th centuries pg 47) ( African Meanings and European-African Discourse by Peter Mark pg 249 ( The Ivory Saltcellars: A contribution to the history of Islamic expansion in Greater Senegambia during the 16th and 17th centuries prg 47-46) ( Afro-Portuguese Echoes in the Art of Upper Guinea by William A. Hart pg 82) ( The Ivory Saltcellars: A contribution to the history of Islamic expansion in Greater Senegambia during the 16th and 17th centuries prg 56) ( The Ivory Saltcellars: A contribution to the history of Islamic expansion in Greater Senegambia during the 16th and 17th centuries prg 57) ( The Ivory Saltcellars: A contribution to the history of Islamic expansion in Greater Senegambia during the 16th and 17th centuries prg 10 ( Afro-Portuguese Echoes in the Art of Upper Guinea by William A. Hart pg 83) ( The Ivory Saltcellars: A contribution to the history of Islamic expansion in Greater Senegambia during the 16th and 17th centuries prg 57-58) ( Afro-Portuguese Echoes in the Art of Upper Guinea by William A. Hart pg 84-85) ( Finding provenance, seeking context by Peter Mark prg 19) ( The Ivory Saltcellars: A contribution to the history of Islamic expansion in Greater Senegambia during the 16th and 17th centuries prg 49-54) ( Afro-Portuguese Echoes in the Art of Upper Guinea by William A. Hart pg 79-80) ( Afro-Portuguese Echoes in the Art of Upper Guinea by William A. Hart pg 80) ( Afro-Portuguese Echoes in the Art of Upper Guinea by William A. Hart pg 88-90) ( Where were the Afro-Portuguese ivories made by William A. Hart pg 14-15) ( Afro-Portuguese Olifants with hunting scenes (c. 1490- c. 1540) by by LU Afonso pg 83-84) ( Where were the Afro-Portuguese ivories made by William A. Hart pg 4) ( The Ivory Saltcellars: A contribution to the history of Islamic expansion in Greater Senegambia during the 16th and 17th centuries prg 64) ( Ivory and Stone: Direct Connections between Sculptural Media along the Coast of Sierra Leone, 15th– 16th Centuries, Frederick John Lamp prg 13) ( The Ivory Saltcellars: A contribution to the history of Islamic expansion in Greater Senegambia during the 16th and 17th centuries prg 42) ( Ivory and Stone: Direct Connections between Sculptural Media along the Coast of Sierra Leone, 15th– 16th Centuries, Frederick John Lamp prg 15) ( Ivory and Stone: Direct Connections between Sculptural Media along the Coast of Sierra Leone, 15th– 16th Centuries, Frederick John Lamp prg 14) ( Finding provenance, seeking context by Peter Mark prg 11-12).

**Title: The Art of Early Atlantic Contacts: Sapi Ivory Artists and Portuguese Buyers in Sierra Leone (1490-1540)** **Introduction** - The Sapi people in the Upper Guinea region of modern Sierra Leone developed sophisticated ivory artworks during the 16th century. - These ivory carvings were highly valued luxury items purchased by Portuguese traders, who brought them to Europe. **Historiography and Controversy** - Historical scholarship often argues that the Sapi sculptural tradition was significantly influenced by Portuguese contact, suggesting that it was largely ephemeral and focused on export. - This view downplays local African creativity and continuity, asserting that Sapi ivory art emerged primarily due to foreign demand and subsequently faded due to political turmoil. **Counterarguments** - Recent findings contradict the idea of a weakened local artistic tradition: - Evidence of pre-European local carvings in soapstone, ivory, and wood indicates a deep-rooted artistic culture among the Sapi. - The motifs used in Sapi ivory artworks show clear connections to indigenous artistic practices that predate European contact and continued thereafter. **Artistic Context and Development** - The Sapi were part of the Mel-language family, and their region experienced political changes as new groups, such as the Mani states, gained power. - Despite these upheavals, Sapi ivory and other artworks remained vital for local elites and were used in various ceremonies. **Artisan Skill and Production** - Sapi artisans were highly skilled, with specializations in ivory, wood, and soapstone carving. Their creations included salt-cellars, spoons, and oliphants. - Portuguese chroniclers, such as Valentim Fernandes, documented the high skill level of Sapi artists, noting their ability to carve intricate designs upon request. **Local Versus Foreign Influences** - While some Sapi ivory pieces contained motifs reflecting Portuguese heraldry, the majority were designed primarily for local markets. - Sapi artworks, even those influenced by foreign trends, retained strong ties to local culture and religious practices, evident in their iconography. **Continuity of Artistic Tradition** - Throughout the 15th to the 17th centuries, the Sapi maintained their artistic practices, creating significant works for both local use and export. - Documentary sources reveal that the production of ivory and other goods continued in local contexts despite Portuguese trading pressures. **Materials and Motifs** - The primary materials for Sapi artworks were locally sourced, and artisans drew deeply from local traditions in their designs: - Stone carvings, known as 'nomolis,' show a blend of anthropomorphic and zoomorphic imagery derived from cultural beliefs. - Common motifs in Sapi art included representations of local fauna, figures in ritual stances, and symbolic animals like crocodiles, which were tied to spiritual narratives. **Comparison of Art Forms** - Sapi salt-cellars exhibit specific shapes and motifs that were distinctively African, with examples of human figures and local animals. - The craftsmanship in ivory was marked by intricate attention to detail and reflection of regional identities, contrasting with European styles. **Conclusion** - Sapi ivory artworks represent a rich and enduring local art tradition, integrating both indigenous and foreign elements. - While Portuguese influence existed, it was limited compared to the pervasive local cultural and artistic expressions. The continuity of Sapi artistic practices into later centuries affirms the importance of local traditions in the context of early Atlantic trade and interaction. **Significance of the Study** - This analysis highlights the importance of recognizing African art as a product of local innovation and creativity, challenging narratives of dependency on foreign influence. **Call to Action** - Encourage further research and engagement with African art histories to better understand the complexities of cultural exchanges and artistic production in the context of global contact.

A network of African scholarship and a culture of Education: The intellectual history of west Africa through the biography of Hausa scholar Umaru al-Kanawi (1857-1934)

The school systems of precolonial Africa.

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers A network of African scholarship and a culture of Education: The intellectual history of west Africa through the biography of Hausa scholar Umaru al-Kanawi (1857-1934) ======================================================================================================================================================================= ### The school systems of precolonial Africa. ( May 29, 2022 20 Research on Africa's intellectual history over the last few decades has uncovered the comprehensiveness of Africa's writing traditions across several societies; "There are at least eighty indigenous African writing traditions and up to ninety-five or more indigenous African writing traditions which belong to a major writing tradition attested to all over the continent". Africa has been moved from "continent without writing" to a continent whose written traditions are yet to be studied, and following the digitization of many archival libraries across the continent, there have been growing calls for a re-evaluation of African history using the writings of African scholars.( West African has long been recognized as one of the regions of the continent with an old intellectual heritage, and its discursive traditions have often been favorably compared with the wider Muslim world of which they were part. (West Africa integrated itself into the Muslim world through external trade and the adoption of Islam, in the same way Europe adopted Christianity from Palestine and eastern Asia adopted Buddhism from India during the medieval era). West African intellectual productions are thus localized and peculiar to the region, its education tradition developed within its local west African context, and its scholars created various ‘Ajami’ scripts for their languages to render sounds unknown in classical Arabic. These scholars travelled across several intellectual centers within the region, creating an influential social class that countered the power of the ruling elite and the wealthy, making African social institutions more equitable. This article explores the education system of pre-colonial west Africa, and an overview of the region's intellectual network through the biography of the Hausa scholar Umaru al-Kanawi, whose career straddled both the pre-colonial and colonial period, and provides an accurate account of both eras of the African past. _**Map of the intellectual network of 19th century westAfrica through which Umaru travelled**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **West Africa’s intellectual tradition: its Position in world history, its Education process, and the social class of Scholars.** The political, economic and social milieu in which Islam was adopted across several west African states resulted in the incorporation of its aspects into pre-existing social structures, one of these aspects was the tradition of Islamic scholarship that flourished across several west African cities beginning in the 11th century. The quality of west African scholarship and its extent is well attested in several external and internal accounts. As early as the 12th century, a west African scholar named Yaqub al-Kanemi (“of Kanem”) who had been educated in west African schools became a celebrated grammarian and poet of the Moroccan and Andalusian (Spanish) courts ( , in the 14th century, an Arab scholar accompanying Mansa Musa on his return trip from mecca realized his education was less than that of the resident west African scholars and was forced to take more lessons in order for him to become a qualified teacher in Timbuktu.( Several external writers, including; Ibn Battuta in the 14th century, Leo Africanus in the 16th century, Mungo Park in the 18th century, and colonial governors in the 19th and 20th century, testified to the erudition of west African scholars, with French and English colonial officers observing that there were more west Africans that could read and write in Arabic than French and English peasants that could write in Latin( . The terms "universities of Timbuktu" or "university of Sankore", despite their anachronism, are a reflection of the the advanced nature of scholarship in the region’s intellectual capitals. _**painting of 'Timbuctoo' in 1852, by Johann Martin Bernatz, based on explorer H. Barth’s sketches; the three mosques of Sankore, Sidi Yahya and Djinguereber are visible.**_ **Education process in west africa: teaching, tuition and subjects** The scholarly tradition of west Africa was for much of its history individualized rather than institutionalized or centralized, with the mosques only serving as the locus for teaching classes on an adhoc basis, while most of the day-to-day teaching processes took place in scholar's houses using the scholar's own private libraries.( The teacher, who was a highly learned scholar with a well established reputation, chose the individual subjects to teach over a period of time; ranging from a few months to several years depending on the level of the subject's complexity. The students were often in school for four days a week from Saturday to Tuesday (or upto Wednesday for advanced levels), setting off Wednesdays to work for their teachers, while Thursday and Friday are for rest and worship. By the 19th century, individual students paid their teachers a tuition of 30,000-10,000 cowries( every few months, to cover the materials used (paper, ink, writing boards, etc), and for the expenses the teacher incurs while housing the students, and the teachers also redistributed some of their earnings in their societies as alms.( _**Hausa writing boards from the 20th century, Nigeria, (Minneapolis institute of arts, fine arts museum san francisco)**_ Elementary school involved writing, grammar, and memorizing the Quran, and often took 3-5 years. Advanced level schooling was where several subjects are introduced, for the core curriculum of most west African schools, these included; law/Jurisprudence (sources, schools, didactic texts, legal ̣ precepts and legal cases/opinions), Quranic Sciences, Theology, Sufism, Arabic language (literature, morphology, rhetoric, lexicons), studies about the the Prophet (history of early Islam, devotional poetry, hadiths)( . The more advanced educated added dozens of subjects included; Medicine, Arithmetic, Astronomy, Astrology, Physics, Geography, and Philosophy among others.( At the end of their studies, the student was awarded with an _**ijazah**_ by their teacher, this was a certificate that authorized the student to teach a subject, and thus linked the student to their teacher and earlier scholars of that subject.( More often than not, a highly learned student would at this stage compose an autobiography, listing the subjects they have studied from each teacher. _**19th century manuscript by the philosopher Dan Tafa from Sokoto (Nigeria) listing the subjects he studied from various teachers (see ( ). Astronomical manuscript from Gao, (Mali) written in 1731.**_ **Creating an intellectual network and growing a scholarly class: the Ulama versus the rulers, and the Ulama as the rulers.** A common feature of west African teaching tradition (and in the wider Muslim world) was the preference by advanced-level students to travel across many scholarly centers to study different subjects from the most qualified scholar, rather than acquire them from one teacher (even if the teacher was familiar with many subjects).( Upon completing their studies, the students would often set out to establish their own schools. This "itinerant" form of schooling at an advanced level —which was especially prevalent in west African scholarly communities that didn't often practice the endowment of "fixed" colleges/madrassas( —, offered several advantages; besides greatly reducing the cost of establishing schools. The most visible advantage was the challenge faced by west African rulers in their attempts at bringing the scholarly class (Ulama) under central authority, this created the long-standing antagonistic dynamic between the Ulama and the ruling elites which served as a check on the authority of the latter —since the latter's legitimacy partly rested on concepts of power derived from the former— and resulted in both scholars and rulers maintaining a delicate equilibrium of power.( The Ulama were incorporated as one of the several "castes" in west Africa's social structures and were thus often excluded from direct political power despite their close interaction with rulers( . This also meant the Ulama were not unaccustomed to condemning the excesses of the rulers as well as the wealthy merchant-elite, an example of this were the longstanding disputes between the scholars based in Timbuktu and Djenne, and the ruling class of the Songhai empire; eg when the djenne scholar Maḥmūd Baghayughu criticized the double taxation of Songhai emperor Askia Isḥāq Bēr (r. 1539-1549), the latter managed to short-circuit this challenge of his authority by appointing Baghayughu in the local government of Djenne putting him in charge of the very same taxation he was criticizing, Ishaq was employing the same political stratagem which his predecessors had used to curb the power of the Timbuktu-based Ulama( . A similar antagonism between rulers and scholars prevailed in the Bornu empire, where the scholar Harjami (d. 1746) composed a lengthy work condemning the corruption, bribery and selfishness of Bornu's rulers, judges and wealthy elite.( Harjami’s text became popular across west Africa and Egypt and was used by later scholars such as Sokoto founder Uthman Fodio in their critique of their own ruling elites( . The influence a scholar like Harjami had that enabled him to openly challenge authority is best summarized by Umaru who writes that; "_**this type of Malam (teacher/scholar) has nothing to do with the ruler and the ruler has nothing to do with his, he is feared by the ruler**_".( Nevertheless, Bornu’s rulers also found ways to counter the challenge presented by such scholars, they granted some of the Ulama charters of privilege, generous tax advantages and land grants, which led to the emergence of official/state chroniclers such as Ibn Furṭū who wrote accounts of their patron's reigns.( _**a critique of Bornu’s corruption by the 18th century Kanuri scholar Harjami in Gazargamu, Bornu (Nigeria)**_ _**copies of the 16th century chronicles of Bornu, written by state chronicler Ahmad Ibn Furtu in Gazargamu, Nigeria (now at SOAS london)**_ By the 18th and 19th century, some among the Ulama were no longer seated on the political sidelines but overthrew the established authorities and founded various forms of "clerical" governments in what were later termed revolution states( . Because of the necessities of governing, these clerical rulers left their itinerant tradition to became sedentary, establishing themselves in their capitals such as Sokoto, Hamdallaye, which became major centers of scholarship producing some of the largest corpus of works made in west african languages (rather than arabic). These clerical rulers’ radical shift away from itinerant tradition of education (and trade) to a settled life in centers of power, was such that despite their well-deserved reputation as highly educated with expertise on many subjects, few of them made the customary Hajj pilgrimage( . On the other hand, the majority of west African scholars chose to remain outside the corridors of power, especially those engaged in long distance trade which put them in close interaction with non-Muslim states eg in the region of what is now ivory coast and ghana. Most of these scholars followed an established philosophy from the 15th century west African scholar Salim Suwari whose dicta outlined principles of co-existence between the Ulama in non-Muslim states and their rulers.( These scholars therefore continued practicing the itinerant form of schooling and teaching, they established schools in different towns and remained critical of the ruling elite (including the later colonial governments). The biography of the Hausa scholar Umaru al-Kanawi (b.1858 – d.1934) embodies all these qualities. _**photo of alHaji Umaru in the early 20th century.**_ * * * **Short biography of Umaru: from Education in Kano (Nigeria), to trade in Salaga (Ghana) and to settlement in Kete (Togo)** Umaru was born in the Kano in 1857( (Kano was/is a large city in the ‘Hausalands’ region of what is now northern Nigeria, and was in the 19th century under the Sokoto empire). He begun his elementary studies in the city of Kano at the age of 7, and had completed them at the age of 12. He immediately continued to advanced level studies in 1870 and had completed them by 1891. In between his advanced-level studies, he would accompany his father on trading trips to the city of Salaga in what is now northern Ghana (an important city connected to the Hausalands whose primary trade was kolanuts), from where he would occasionally take a detour away from the trading party to find local teachers and read their libraries. Umaru composed his first work in Kano in 1877; it was a comprehensive letter writing manual titled "'_al-Sarha al-wariqa fi'ilm al-wathiqa_" (_The thornless leafy tree concerning the knowledge of letterwriting_).( He wrote it as a request of his friends in Kano who wanted standard letters to follow in their correspondence. The epistolary style and formulae used in his work outlined standard letter writing between merchants of long-distance trade, letter writing to sovereigns, and letter writing for travelers on long distances.( _**Umaru’s first work in 1877 (at the age pf 20); a 20-page letter writing manual; now at Kaduna National Archives, Nigeria (no. L/AR20/1)**_( After his father passed away in 1883, Umaru moved to Sokoto for further studies, as well as to the cities of Gwandu and Argungu where he spent the majority of his time. Umaru also travelled to the lands of Dendi-Songhai, Mossi and Gurunsi for further studies between the years 1883 and 1891. Umaru completed his studies in 1891 at the age of 34 and was awarded his certificate by the teacher Sheikh Uthman who told him "_**you are a very learned man and it is time that you go and teach**_". During and after his studies, Umaru composed hundreds of books of which several dozen survive, most of them were written in Hausa and some in Arabic. Umaru decided to leave the Hausalands to settle in Salaga in 1891, a city which was familiar to him and where his relatives were already established.( He arrived at Salaga when it —and much of northern Ghana— was in the process of being colonized by the British and the Germans, and the Anglo-German rivalry for the domination of the region continued until world war I. In Salaga, Umaru had many students including among his Hausa merchant community and the residents of the city, one of Umaru's students was the German linguist Gottlob Krause (d. 1938), an unusual figure among the crop of European explorers at the time, his interests appear to have been solely scientific, he was opposed to both colonial powers and lived off trade to support his research in Hausa history and language, he spoke Hausa fluently (the region’s lingua franca) and took on the name Malam musa, he studied under Umaru for a year until he left the town in 1894.( Umaru also left Salaga shortly after, as the Asante kingdom’s withdraw from the town following the British defeat in 1874 had left the area volatile, leading to a ruinous civil war in 1891-1892 from which it didn’t recover its former prominence. _**Umar’s birthplace; The city of Kano, Nigeria. photo from the mid 20th century**_ Umaru moved to Kete-Krachi in 1896, in what was by the German colony of Togo, who had just seized the town in 1894.( It was at Kete that he composed many of his works on west African history and society. Umaru had several students at Kete and when a dispute arose over the choice of an imam, the newly appointed German administrator of Kete in 1900, named Adam Mischlich, resolved it by asking the rival contenders to read the famous Arabic dictionary _**al-Qāmūs**_ by Firuzabadi (d. 1414) which Umaru was familiar with. Adam then became a student of Umaru, studying everything he could from him about the history and society of the Hausalands region (this was a personal interest since the Hausalands were firmly under British occupation with the only other contenders being the French). Adam wrote of his studies under Umaru as such; "_**… the intelligent and very gifted Imam Umoru from Kano, who having travelled through Hausaland and the Sudan, lived in Salaga, and had finally come to Kete, In Togo, He was in possession of a very well stocked library … Imam Umaru had seen and come to know a great part of africa, had broadened extraordinarily his intellectual horizon and could give information on any matter. He knew exactly the history of his country**_".( **Umaru’s written works with critiques of the rulers of Sokoto and Salaga, and his anti-colonial writings against the British, French and Germans.** Umaru’s works were often critical of the established governments in the places he lived and moved to; he strove to maintain a distance from the ruling authorities despite interacting with them, and his compositions of west African history reflect his mostly independent status outside the political apparatus. He was critical of the clerical rulers of Sokoto (that dominated the Hausalands) despite his identification with their religious aims.( Writing that the rulers of Sokoto "_**came into Kebbi and they were office-holders. The former (**_Sokoto rulers_**) who were non-powerful, now conquered much, but they were not careful with their conquest. When they wanted to lodge at a house, they would tie the harnesses (**_of the horses_**) in the courtyard (**_it was not supposed for animals to enter it_**). There was no speaker (for the Kebbi people)**_".( In another work ‘_**Tanbih al-ikhwān fi dhikr al-akhzān**_’ written in 1904, Umaru criticized the rulers of Salaga and the Muslim community there for their part in the civil war (as they had broken their non-participation custom to back one of the rivaling rulers who ultimately lost). he wrote that “_**The people followed their whims and became corrupt, they gathered money and were overproud. They created enmity among themselves, hatred and distasteful cheating; In their town there was much snatching: salt, meat, alum, and cowries were taken from the market; clothing likewise. The rulers acted so tyrannically in public that they made their village like a cadaver on which they sat like vultures.**_"( **Umaru’s anti-colonial works:** Despite the presence of a colonial administrator as one of his students, Umaru's writing was unsurprisingly critical of colonialism, he composed three works in 1899, 1900 and 1903 that were wholly negative of the colonial government. One of his works in particular, titled ‘_**Wakar Nasara’**_ (Song of the Europeans) coolly summarizes the process of colonization of west Africa. He used the term _Nasara_ (translated: Christian/European/Whiteman) to mean British, French and German colonial officers.( "_**At first we are here in our land, our world.**_ _**Soon it was said, "there is no kola" and people said there was warfare between the Asante and the whiteman. Still later it was said, "Oh Asante is finished! their land, all of it, has been seized by the whiteman!"**_ _**As time went on, people said, Samory has come. He says that he will not run from the whiteman! He has his warriors and troops an other things he will use against the white man" Oh, lies were being told by the people, for the whiteman was able to drive him from his town and seize it!**_ _**Samory is seeking to lead but he was behind, looking over his shoulder to see if the whiteman was coming! As time went on, Prempeh got the news. Prempeh heard of Malam Samory who hated the whiteman. Immediately he sent messengers to him: "let us bring our heads together and route the white man!"**_ _**But the whiteman got wind of the news, and with cunningness seized Prempeh. Then they begun to march on Samory; the French, the English, both whitemen. Then Samory found himself caught in their hands: caught and taken to the town of the whiteman”**_ (This is a reference to the British-Asante war of 1874, the attempted alliance between Samory Ture and the Asante king Prempeh in 1895, and the subsequent British occupation of Asante in 1896 and exile of Samory in 1898; read more about it in ( ) he continues … _**“Amhadu of Segu was an important ruler. At Segu, the whiteman descended upon him. His brother Akibu was responsible for that, for he called the whiteman. Amhadu was driven from the town and went as Kabi, for he was angry having been driven out. It was there that he died, may God bless his soul.**_ _**When they came to the land of Nupe, our Abu Bakr refused to follow the whiteman. Circumstances forced him to set out and leave his home: he was running being chased by the whitemen. They were racing, Abu Bakr and the whitemen; the whitemen were in pursuit, until they grabbed him.**_ _**And in Zinder, Jinjiri made the costly mistake, he killed a white man; He caught hell, having killed the leader of the French, Sagarafa (white man) came at top speed with the soldiers; jinjiri confronted them; There is destruction on meeting the whiteman. It was there that Jinjiri was killed on the spot, along with his people. Oh, cruel whiteman. And then the whiteman ruled Zinder"**_( (These verses refer to several wars between the French and the Tukulor empire under Amhadu Tall in the 1890s, the war between the British and the Nupe under Abubakar in 1897, the 1898 assassination of Cazemajou, the leader of the French invading force, and the subsequent French occupation of Zinder in 1899) **Umaru against wealth inequality:** Umaru drew students from across the region, and these inturn became scholars of their own right, He occasionally travelled from Kete such as in 1912 when he went for pilgrimage, returning in 1918 to find that the British had taken over the Togo colony. He composed other works and over 120 poems, and wrote other works on Hausa society including one titled ‘_**Wakar Talauci da wadata**_’ (Song of poverty and of wealth) that was written in the 1890s, and decried the wealth inequality in Hausa communities. excerpt: "_**If a self-respecting man becomes impoverished, people call him immoral; but that is unfounded. The poor man does not say a word at a gathering; his advice is kept in his heart. If he makes a statement on his own right, they say to him, "Lies, we refuse to listen!" They muddle up his statements, mix-up what he says; he is considered foolish, the object of laughter**_".( Umaru passed away in 1934 after completing a new mosque in Kete, in which he was later buried. On the day of his burial, a student eulogized him in a poem; "_**God created the sun and the moon, today the two have vanished**_" _**photo from 1902 showing a rural mosque under construction at Kete-Krachi in Ghana (then Kete-Krakye in German Togo), Basel Mission archives**_ * * * **Conclusion: Re-evaluating African history using the writings of Africans.** The legacy of Umaru’s intellectual contribution looms large in west African historiography. His very comprehensive 224-page description of pre-colonial Hausa society that covered everything from industry to agriculture, kinship, education, religion, child rearing, recreation, etc, is one of the richest primary accounts composed by an African writer( , and his history books on the various kingdoms of the "central Sudan" (in what is now Nigeria and Niger) are an invaluable resource for reconstructing the region's history.( Scholars like Umaru were however not a rarity, but a product of the 1,000 year old West African scholarly tradition and intellectual network, which created a social class of scholars that checked the excesses of rulers and the wealthy elite, and wrote impartial accounts of African societies that were unadulterated by the biases of external and colonial writers. The writings of Umaru enable us to re-evaluate our understanding of African societies, revealing the complex nature in which power was negotiated, history was remembered and an intellectual culture flourished. In his writings, Umaru paints a fairly accurate portrait of Africa as seen by Africans. * * * read about **African ‘explorers’ in 19th century Russia and northern Europe,** and books on Africa’s intellectual history on my **Patreon** ( * * * (you can download these books listed below from my patreon) ( The Arabic Script in Africa: Understudied Literacy by Meikal Mumin pg 41-76 ( Arabic literature of africa Vol. 2 by J. Hunwick pg 18-19 ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 73-74) ( Beyond timbuktu by Ousmane Oumar Kane pg 7-8) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg lviii-lix) ( these are 19th century figures, equal to about the cost of an expensive garmet, or roughly £3 in 1850, a class with a few dozen students could thus provide enough sustenance for the teacher (see pg 98 of Cloth in West African History By Colleen E. Kriger) ( Nineteenth Century Hausaland: Being a Description by Imam Imoru of the Land, Economy and Society of His People by Douglas Edwin Ferguson pg 260-265) ( The Trans-Saharan Book Trade by Graziano Krätli pg 109-152) ( Philosophical Sufism in the Sokoto Caliphate: The Case of Shaykh Dan Tafa by Oludamini Ogunnaike pg 144-147) ( Nineteenth Century Hausaland by Douglas Edwin Ferguson pg 9) ( The SAGE Handbook of Islamic Studies by Akbar S Ahmed pg 10-11) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg lix) ( African dominion by Michael A. Gomez pg 193-207) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by M. Nobili pg 18) ( African Dominion by M. Gomez pg 265-279 ( The Kanuri in Diaspora by Kalli Alkali Yusuf Gazali , pg 43 ( Arabic Literature of Africa, Volume 2 by J. Hunwick pg 39-41 ( Nineteenth Century Hausaland by Douglas Edwin Ferguson pg 265) ( (Aḥmad b. Furṭū, homme de cour, observateur du monde in Du lac Tchad à la Mecque by Rémi Dewière) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by M. Nobili pg 13-19) ( Geography of jihad Stephanie Zehnle 198-208) ( The History of Islam in Africa by N. Levtzion pg 97-99) ( Arabic Literature of Africa, Volume 2 by J. Hunwick pg 586 ( Arabic Literature of Africa, Volume 2 by J. Hunwick pg 590) ( Nineteenth Century Hausaland by Douglas Edwin Ferguson pg 32) ( digitized ( ( Nineteenth Century Hausaland by Douglas Edwin Ferguson pg 8-13) ( Nineteenth Century Hausaland by Douglas Edwin Ferguson 19th pg 17-18) ( Nineteenth Century Hausaland by Douglas Edwin Ferguson pg 20) ( Nineteenth Century Hausaland by Douglas Edwin Ferguson pg 26-27) ( Imam Umaru's account of the origins of the Ilorin emirate by Stefan Reichmuth 159) ( Geography of jihad Stephanie Zehnle pg 285-290) ( “Salaga a trading town in Ghana” by Nehemiah Levtzion in ‘Asian and African Studies: Vol. 2’ pg 239, Nineteenth Century Hausaland by Douglas Edwin Ferguson pg 15-16 ( Hausaland Divided: Colonialism and Independence in Nigeria and Niger By William F. S. Miles pg 100-103 ( Nineteenth Century Hausaland by Douglas Edwin Ferguson pg 29-30) ( Nineteenth Century Hausaland by Douglas Edwin Ferguson pg 34) ( see a full translation of his magnu opus in “Nineteenth Century Hausaland” by Douglas Edwin Ferguson ( see “Imam Umaru's Account of the Origin of the Ilorin Emirate” by S Reichmuth, Northern Nigeria; historical notes on certain emirates and tribes by J A Burdon, and more excerpts in “A Geography of Jihad” by Stephanie Zehnle.

### Title: A Network of African Scholarship and a Culture of Education: The Intellectual History of West Africa through the Biography of Hausa Scholar Umaru al-Kanawi (1857-1934) ### Description: The School Systems of Precolonial Africa --- ### Step 1: Historical Context of African Scholarship - **Indigenous Writing Traditions**: Research indicates that Africa has at least eighty indigenous writing traditions, dispelling the notion of it being a "continent without writing." This shift emphasizes the need to study African historical writings. - **West Africa's Intellectual Heritage**: West Africa has a long-standing intellectual history, integrating into the Muslim world through trade and the adoption of Islam, comparable to how Europe adopted Christianity. ### Step 2: The Educational Practices in Precolonial West Africa - **Localization of Scholarship**: The educational tradition developed distinctively within West African contexts, using 'Ajami' scripts to articulate local sounds not represented in classical Arabic. - **Role of Scholars**: Scholars established a powerful intellectual network that challenged local authorities, creating more equitable social institutions. ### Step 3: Umaru al-Kanawi's Educational Journey - **Early Life**: Umaru al-Kanawi was born in Kano in 1857 and began his elementary education at age 7, completing it by 12. He pursued advanced studies until 1891. - **Educational Influence**: His studies included travel to various intellectual centers, which enriched his scholarship and enabled him to compose significant literary and educational works. ### Step 4: Structure of Education - **Individualized Learning**: Education was primarily conducted in scholars’ homes rather than centralized institutions. Most classes were informal and ad-hoc. - **Curriculum and Subjects**: The education system included grammar, Quranic studies, jurisprudence, and advanced subjects like medicine and astronomy. Students received an _ijazah_ certificate to certify their competence to teach. ### Step 5: Socio-Political Dynamics - **Ulama and Rulers**: The dynamic between scholars (Ulama) and rulers was characterized by a mutual check on authority. Scholars often criticized rulers and the elite, which led to tension. - **Centers of Learning**: The cities of Timbuktu and Djenne served as major hubs for scholarship, reflecting a complex interplay of power and knowledge. ### Step 6: Umaru's Contributions - **Educational Works**: Umaru’s writings included a letter-writing manual and critiques of the ruling class. He maintained independence from political authority, allowing him to document history and social issues freely. - **Anti-Colonial Sentiments**: Umaru produced works critical of colonialism, articulating the gradual loss of local autonomy due to European powers’ encroachment. ### Step 7: Impact on Society - **Wealth Inequality**: His critiques extended to social inequalities, highlighting the struggles of the impoverished in Hausa communities. - **Legacy**: Umaru’s extensive body of work provides significant insight into pre-colonial Hausa society, including governance, kinship, and social structures. ### Step 8: Conclusion - **Reevaluation of African History**: Umaru al-Kanawi's scholarly contributions reflect the need to reassess African history through African perspectives. His work stands as a testament to the rich intellectual tradition of West Africa that fosters a deeper understanding of African societies and their complexities. This structured narrative highlights the factual accuracy and logical progression of events and ideas related to the intellectual history of West Africa and the life of Umaru al-Kanawi.

An African anti-Colonial alliance of convenience: Ethiopia and Sudan in the 19th century

From conflict to co-operation

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers An African anti-Colonial alliance of convenience: Ethiopia and Sudan in the 19th century ======================================================================================== ### From conflict to co-operation ( May 22, 2022 12 Among the recurring themes in the historiography of the “scramble for Africa” is the notion that there was no co-operation between African states in the face of the advancing colonial powers. African rulers and their states are often implicated in the advance of European interests due to their supposedly myopic “internecine rivalries” and “tribal hostilities” which were said to have been exploited by the Colonial powers to “divide and conquer”. Besides the inaccuracies of the anachronism and moralism of hindsight underlying such discourses which disregard African political realities, there are a number of well-documented cases of African states entering into ententes, or “alliances of convenience” against the approaching invaders, while some of these alliances were ephemeral given the pre-existing ideological and political differences between the various African states, a number of them were relatively genuine cooperations between African rulers and were tending towards formal political alliances of solidarity against colonialism. In the last decades of the 19th century, the Ethiopian empire and the Mahdiyya state of Sudan —which had been at war with each other over their own internal interests— entered into an entente against the Italian and British colonial armies. This article explores the history of Ethiopia and the Mahdiyya in the 19th century until the formation of their anti-colonial pact. _**Map of North-eastern africa in the late 19th century showing the Madiyya and Ethiopian empires, as well as the british advance (in red) and the sites of Mahdiyya-Ethiopia conflict (in green).**_ * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The Ethiopian re-unification; From Tewodros and the British to Yohannes’ defeat of Ottoman-Egypt** A century of regionalism in Ethiopia ended in 1855 with the ascension of Tewodros II and the restoration of imperial authority. The empire had since its disintegration in the 1770s, been faced with formidable political challenges, its national institutions had collapsed, provincial nobles had fully eclipsed the royal court and church, just as external powers (ottoman-Egypt and the Europeans) were appearing on the scene. Tewodros’ charismatic character and his ambition to reform and modernize the state institutions, initially won him many victories over the provincial nobles whom he reduced to tributary vassals after a series of battles resulted in him controlling much of central and northern Ethiopia by 1861.( This allowed him to briefly focus on the foreign threat presented by the expansionist Ottoman-Egypt led by Pasha Muhammad Ali (r. 1805-1848) who had since 1821 colonized much of Sudan and was expanding along the red sea coast; threatening to isolate Ethiopia. Tewodros had faced of with the Ottoman-Egyptians earlier in his career in 1837 and 1848, but once enthroned, he couldn't commit fully to the threat their western presence posed before pacifying a dissenting provincial noble in the region.( He nevertheless and appreciated the need to modernize his military systems, and attempted to acquire more modern rifles from the european traders within the region such as the French and the British but was frustrated by their alliance with Egypt( . Repeated rebellions by his vassals (including the future emperors; Menelik in Shewa province, Yohannes in Tigray province and Giyorgis in Lasta province) reverted the empire’s earlier centralizing attempts back to the preexisting regionalism and reduced Tewodros’ army from 80,000 to 10,000 soldiers.( His attempt at forcefully utilizing the disparate European missions within Ethiopia for his modernization efforts in arms and transport, coupled with the detention of foreign envoys in his royal camp, soured his relationship with the British who invaded Ethiopia in 1868, defeating his greatly reduced army at Magdala, looting the region and carrying off some of his relatives.( Takla Giyorgis (r. 1868-1871) succeeded Tewodros shortly after his demise, the former shored up his imperial legitimacy by restoring Gondar's churches and castles( and attempted to consolidate his control over the powerful provincial rulers through a proposed alliance with Menelik and through his marriage with Yohannes' sister, but the latter's assertion of his own power in the northern province of Tigray led to a clash between their armies in 1871 in which Yohannes emerged victorious.( Yohannes IV (1872–89), now emperor of Ethiopia, pursued the imperial unification of the state that had been initiated by his Tewodros but rather than adopting the uncompromising centralization of the latter, he opted for a policy of “controlled regionalism”, which relieved his forces from provincial conflicts that had challenged both of his predecessors, to instead focus on the foreign threats facing Ethiopia, particularly the Ottoman Egyptians who were especially concerning to Yohannes whose powerbase in Tigray was the most vulnerable to a foreign advance from the red sea( . _**british expedition camp approaching maqdala (No. 71906, Victoria & Albert Museum)**_ _**photographs of Prince Alemayehu, Tewodros’ son who was captured by the British at Maqdala and passed away in England (Royal collection, British Museum)**_ _**Yohannes IV's palace in mekelle built in 1882**_ **Yohannes’ war with the Ottoman-Egyptians** Yohannes’ contemporary and ruler of Ottoman-Egypt was Khedive Isma‘il (r. 1863-1879) who was Muhammad Ali’s grandson. He continued Egypt’s development through borrowing extensively from European creditors, he hired European and American military officers, adventurers, and geographers to overhaul the armed forces and administration, and the Red Sea coast upto Somalia became a target for Egyptian expansionism especially following the completion of the suez canal in the late 1860s. In 1865, he increased his interest in the provinces of Sudan subsumed by Pasha Ali in the 1820s, and thus requested and renewed the Ottoman authority over the red-sea ports of Massawa and Suakin which had since reverted to local control. Then, beginning in 1870, after the suez canal was opened, the entire Somali Red Sea coast, from Zeila to Cape Guardafui, was captured by Egyptian military missions, who completed the conquest by capturing Harar in 1875, taking over the historical capital of Ethiopia's old Muslim foe; the Adal empire. By then, Ottoman-Egypt was at the peak of its imperial power, ready to connect the Red Sea with the Sudan and stabilize a whole new empire. But then Egypt collided with Ethiopia.( Ottoman-Egyptian troops had moved into keren region (in eritrea, just north of Tigray) a few months after Yohannes was crowned in 1871 and had subsequently occupied it. Yohannes had sent envoys to Europeans; France and Britain, requesting them to press Egypt to withdraw but they were reluctant to get involved, and tactically sanctioned the Egyptian advance, with the British Queen Victoria writing to Yohannes that it was her impression the Khedive was only pursuing bandits.( In 1875, Four Egyptian missions penetrated Ethiopian territory. The first group occupied Harar but didn’t advance further inland, another was delayed on the Somali coast( , but two groups managed to enter the Ethiopian interior; A small force of 400 soldiers, headed by the Swiss general Munzinger, was to reach Menelik’s province of Shewa and bribe him in destroying Yohannes, en-route however, the group was annihilated by in Awsa, its arms and gifts captured( . A second force of 3,000 soldiers set out from the port of Massawa, this force met with Yohannes’ army in Gundet and was virtually wiped out. When the news reached Cairo, Isma‘il tried to suppress the disaster and prepared for a full-scale war.( Plans by the Khedive to ally with Menelik against Yohannes were thwarted when the former offered some of his troops to increase Yohannes’ imperial army( . The invading force of 50,000 (with 15,000 soldiers), under the command of Ratib Pasha and US confederate general General W. Loring, returned to Eritrea. On March 1876 they were maneuvered out of their fortifications at Gura by Yohannes’s generals led by the general Ras Alula and overwhelmingly defeated, An estimated 14,000 Egyptian soldiers were killed in both battles( , Those who escaped the massacre (including Isma‘il’s son) were taken prisoner and released only after negotiations were conducted and a treaty signed in which the Egyptians agreed not to re-enter the ethiopian highlands. The “_**well-drilled military machined armed with Remington rifles, Gatling machine-guns and Krupp artillery- the epitome of a modern colonial army**_” was all but annihilated by Yohannes’ relatively poorly equipped force of just 15,000 fighting men.( The Egyptians conducted a war of attrition using the services of the warlord Wolde Mikail, forcing Yohannes to send his general Ras Alula to pacify the region and expel the Egyptians, a task which he accomplished from his headquarters at Asmara and forced Wolde to surrender in 1878( , but couldn’t fully eject them from their fortifications.( Negotiations between Yohannes and the Khedive’s envoys continued through the latter’s British officers but reached a stalemate that wasn’t broken until the Mahdist movement in Sudan had overthrown the Egyptian government and threatened to annihilate the Anglo-Egyptian garrisons in Sudan forcing the British to agree to Yohannes’s terms.( But the vacuum left by the Egyptian retreat was gradually filled by the advance of France and Italy from the Somali coast, who gradually came to control a number of strategic ports along the red sea, restricting the emperor's arms supplies, and keeping him pre-occupied his northern base, while loosening his control over his vassals such as Menelik who had trading with both.( _**map of the Ottoman-Egyptian invasion from the red sea regions**_ **Ramifications of the Ethiopian victory: British occupation of Egypt and Ethiopia’s neighbor the Mahdiyya.** The Gura defeat was arguably one of the most important events in the history of modern Egypt , the Ethiopians foiled the Egyptians’ goal of connecting their Red Sea ports to the Sudan, and while the Egyptians had all the resources and international legitimacy in 1876 to build a regional empire, the immediate financial losses caused by the Gura defeat worsened an already deteriorating balance of payments and ushered in the beginning of direct European interference in Egyptian affairs. In 1876 Isma'Il was forced by impending bankruptcy to give his European creditors oversight of his debt service, and to accept an Anglo-French 'dual control' of his current finance, and a series of natural disasters in 1877 and 1878 exacerbated the already dire situation in Egypt and its debt crisis, by 1879, Isami'il was deposed by the Ottoman sultan on European pressure in favour of a puppet Tawfiq, whose regime fell to the Urabi movement that sought to rid Egypt of the foreign domination.( The Gura defeat had triggered a wave of Egyptian nationalism; leading the veterans of the Khedive’s Ethiopian campaign (such as Ali al-Rubi, Ahmad ‘Abd al-Ghafar, and ‘Ali Fahmi) to join with the nationalist leader Ahmad ‘Urabi (who had witnessed the defeat), to launch the anti-western Urabi revolt with the slogan “_**Egypt to the Egyptians**_.”( The ensuing upheaval and overthrow of Tawfiq’s puppet government instigated a British military invasion and occupation of Egypt in 1882, further loosening the Egyptian control of Sudan which was rapidly falling to the Mahdist movement.( The Gura victory also altered Yohannes' foreign and domestic policy towards his Muslim neighbors and vassals, while he used a fairly flexible policy during his early rein, including marrying a Muslim woman (who passed on in 1871) and allying with the predominantly Muslim elite of central Ethiopia.( But this changed the moment Isma‘il's forces set foot on Ethiopian soil and tried to entice local Muslims onto their side. Yohannes’ rallying call to defend Christian Ethiopia was couched in terms of a religious war against invading Muslims, by tapping into the memories of Ethiopia’s wars with the Adal sultanate which in 1529 led to the near-extinguishing of Ethiopia by the Adal armies of Ahmad Gran. As one European witness described it, “_**It was in fact the first time in centuries that the Abyssinians as a whole responded to a call to protect their land and faith, and the clergy were the most potent instruments of propaganda. The popular movement was such that even Menilek, who the previous year had been intriguing with Munzinger, felt he ought to send his complement of troops**_.”( , After the victory, Yohannes' policy became less conciliatory towards not just Ottoman-Egypt, but also against his Muslim vassals. After resolving the internal divisions in the Ethiopian orthodox churches by organizing the council of Boru Meda in 1878, Yohannes compelled all Ethiopian Christians to adhere to the official doctrine, and coerced all Muslims and traditionalists within his realm to embrace Christianity, (many of whom had adopted Islam during the regionalism preceding Tewodros’ ascent), and the ensuing resistance forced a number of Muslim elites to flee to Sudan and join the Mahdiyya( . Yohannes had been so fervent on his mission that Menelik (whose political situation in Shewa required him to take a more conciliatory approach is said to have asked "_**will God be pleased if we exterminate our people by forcing them to take Holy communion**_" to which Yohannes replied "_**I shall avenge the blood of Ethiopia. It was also by the form of sword and fire that**_ (Ahmad) _**Gran Islamized Ethiopia, who will if we do not, found and stregthen the faith of Marqos**_".( It was these Mahdists that would present the greatest threat to Yohannes’ authority for the reminder of his reign. **A brief history of Sudan before the Mahdiyya** **The Funj kingdom and Ethiopia** Much of the Sudanese Nile valley had since the 16th century been dominated by the kingdom of Funj whose capital was at Sennar (near modern Khartoum), the Funj state presided over an essentially feudal government, ruling over dozens of provinces with varying degrees of autonomy and tributary obligation. In 17th century, the Funj were trading extensively with the (Gondarine) empire of Ethiopia, despite a brief period of tense relations in which Ethiopian Emperor Susenyos attempted an invasion of Funj in 1618-19.( By the early 18th century tensions over the borderlands led to the Ethiopian emperor Iyasu II launching an invasion of Funj in 1744 but he was defeated by the armies of the Funj king Badi IV (r. 1724–1762) at Dindar river( . Both iyasu II and Badi IV were coincidentally the last of their respective state's competent rulers, their demise heralded an era of decline in both Ethiopia and Funj as both fell in to a protracted era of disintegration and regionalism that in Funj, would result in the decline of its central government such that when the Ottoman-Egyptian Pasha Muhammad Ali of launched his invasion of Sudan in 1821, the smaller provincial armies didn't pose a formidable military challenge, resulting in Egypt controlling all of Funj's teritories.( **Ottoman-Egypt occupation of Sudan** The period of Ottoman-Egyptian rule, known in Sudan as Turkiyya, was largely resented by the Sudanese who saw the Ottoman-Egyptian administration and its development efforts of exploiting local resources for the treasury, as instruments of oppression and injustice, and alien to most of their traditional religious, moral and cultural concepts( , especially once the Ottoman-Egyptians began to implement their administrative and taxation policies that fundamentally affected the lives of ordinary Sudanese. These taxes were collected by soldiers who were incentivized by their cut to collect more than was required, which itself was already unrealistically high, the most disliked was the saqiya tax, which forced many Sudanese out of the lands that paid the highest taxes near the Nile, and into other professions including trading and mercenary work, but even these evasion efforts were curtailed. A series of tax reforms initiated by Khedive Ismai’l in the 1860s, only exacerbated the problem such that by 1870s, the European administrators whom he’d hired, reported about the deplorable state of the region, writing that because of "_**the ruin this excessive taxation brought on the country. many were reduced to destitution, others had to emigrate, and so much land went out of cultivation that in 1881, in the province of Berber, there were 1,442 abandoned sakiyes, and in Dongola 613**_". Tax enforcement became more violent and intrusive during the economic crisis from 1874-1884, such that when a young Nubian Holy-man named Muḥammad Aḥmad started a revolt under the slogan “_**Kill the Turks and cease to pay taxes**_!”, his revolution immediately attracted a large following across all sections of society.( _**letter from the Mahdī to Gordon dated october 1884 informing the latter of the capture of his forces and warning of his arrival at Omdurman**_ (durham university archives In 1881 , Muḥammad Aḥmad and his second in-command, Abdallāhi defeated several expeditions sent by Rāshid Bey, the Ottoman-Egyptian governor of Fashoda and captured ammunition( , after which Muḥammad Aḥmad openly referred to himself as the Mahdī. The Mahdi is an eschatological figure in Islam, who along with the mujaddid and the 12th caliph, were expected by west African African Muslims during 13th century A.H (1785 –1883) leading to the emergence of various millenarian movements which swept across the region,( including in Sudan where West African scholars had settled in Sudan’s kingdoms of Funj and Darfur since the 18th century and become influencial( . By 1885, the revolt was successful in defeating virtually all the Ottoman-Egyptian forces that had occupied Sudan since 1821 and Mahdi’s army took Khartoum in January 1885. The charisma of Muḥammad Aḥmad, the movement’s founder, and the authority and the legitimacy of his Mahdiyya state, were inextricably linked with Muslim eschatology, and various Sudanese chiefs joined the ranks of the Mahdiyya and his prestige increased throughout Muslim ruled areas. Delegations from the Hijaz, India, Tunisia, and Morroco visited him and heard his teachings.( Despite is correspondence with several Muslim states in West Africa, North-Africa and Arabia and its merchant’s extensive trade through its red-sea ports , the movement didn’t establish any significant foreign relations to increase its military capacity.( In June 1885, the Mahdi passed away and was succeeded by Khalifa Abdallahi. In july 1885, Abdallāhi established Omdurman as his new capital and built the Mahdi’s tomb.( He then took up the task of spreading the message of the Mahdiyya after consolidating his power in the Sudan, beginning in 1887, he sent letters to various foreign leaders requesting that they join his movement, not just to his Muslim peers such as the Ottoman sultan Abd al-Ḥamīd, the Khedive Tawfīq of Egypt, and the rulers of Morocco and the, but also to Christian rulers especially queen Victoria (who was now the effective ruler of the Mahdiyya's northern neighbor egypt) and to Yohannes IV of Ethiopia.( _**General view of Omdurman in the early 20th century, the tunics of the Mahdiyya, silver coinage of Khalifa Abdullahi issued in 1894, Omdurman**_ (British museum) **Conflicts over borderlands and ideology; Ethiopia and the Mahdiyya at war** The Mahdiyya inherited a borderlands dispute with Ethiopia from the Ottoman-Egyptians which ultimately shaped the Khalifa’s policy towards Ethiopia.( In his various letters to Ethiopian rulers Yohannes IV (and his successor Menelik II), the Khalifa reactivated the ambivalent heritage of Muslim–Aksumite contacts in order to legitimize evolving policies toward their Christian neighbor, he abandoned the old tolerant tradition of Muslim states toward Ethiopia (which was itself based on a hadith written later to justify the incapacity of early Muslim empires to conquer Ethiopia, as various Muslim states did invade Aksum in the 7th century and medieval Ethiopia from the 14th century to Ahmad Gran's invasion of the 16th century). While the Khalifa had refrained from involving his forces fully in the border skirmishes with Ethiopia in 1886 that involved a series of raids and counter-raids by vassals of the Mahdi and vassals of Yohannes, by 1887 however he had changed his stance towards Ethiopia.( In their June 1884 treaty with Ethiopia’s Yohannes, Ottoman-Egypt had agreed to retrocede the Keren region to Yohannes in return for his assistance in extricating the Egyptian garrisons in the eastern Sudan, these operations led to incidental clashes between Ethiopian troops and the Mahdists; but Yohannes recognized the Mahdist governor of Gallabat and established diplomatic relations with the Mahdi and an uneasy relationship was maintained with his successor the Khalifa whose policy towards Yohannes was purposefully ambivalent. Initially, the Khalifa refrained from the border disputes and when his ambitious governors confiscated Ethiopian merchants’ goods and launched their own incursions into Ethiopia, they were replaced and even after an Ethiopian governor of Gojjam province near the borderlands launched his own attack in January 1887 (likely without Yohannes’ approval), the Khalifa’s letter to Yohannes only asked the latter to “respect the frontiers”( But by December 1887, the Khalifa’s stance towards Ethiopia changed, likely after weighing Yohannes' strength in the region (whose forces were pre-occupied with Menelik's insubordination and the looming Italian threat), the Mahdiyya, led by the general Abu Anja then launched two incursions into ethiopia In 1889. The first one in January defeated the forces of the province of Gojjam and advanced to old city of Gondar whose churches were sacked and looted, and a second one in June reached deep into the Ethiopian heartland, sacking the lake Tana region but retreated shortly after Menelik’s forces appeared in the region on Yohannes’ orders.( Yohannes responded to Anja's incursion with a letter addressed directly to the later, assuring him that "_**I have no wish to cross my frontiers into your country nor should you desire to cross your frontier into my country. Let us both remain, each in his country within his own limits**_" and included an eloquent plea for peace and co-operation against "_**those who come from Europe and against the Turks and others who wish to govern your country and our country and who are a continual trouble to us both**_".( Abu 'Anja replied, (likely without consulting the Khalifa), in provocative and very insulting terms, calling him “ignorant”, and “lacking intellect”, Yohannes’ peace proposal was interpreted as a sign of weakness (a conception Anja likely based on the internal conflict between Menelik and Yohannes and the looming Italian threat)( . This reply prompted Yohannes, who had mustered a massive army to attack Menelik, to change course and face the Mahdiyya, his forces quickly stormed Gallabat on March 1889 and crushed the Mahdist army, but this resounding victory was transformed into defeat when Yohannes sustained fatal bullet wounds, the disorderly Ethiopian retreat turned into a rout as Mahdist army quickly overran the demoralized forces and captured the emperor's remains, which were sent to Omdurman.( The victory at Gallabat emboldened the Khalifa to launch a full scale conquest of Egypt (then under British occupation), but the campaign had been beset by ill-timing, bad logistics for provisioning it, and many had deserted, such that by the time it reached Tushki in southern Egypt in august 1889, the Mahdist force of about 5,000 led by the general al-Nujumi was crushed by the Anglo-Egyptian armies( A follow-up attack on costal town of Suakin was met with considerable resistance and by 1891, an Anglo-Egyptian force controlled more ports south of suakin.( These setbacks forced the Khalifa to abandon his expansionism and focus on consolidation, and while he had a number of successes in improving the Mahydiyya’s fiscal position( , the international position remained tenuous as the defeats from the Italians in 1893 and loss of the red seaport of Kassala to the same in 1894, and the new threat of the Belgians from their colony of Congo to the south-west, effectively isolated the Mahdist state, enabling the gradual advance of the Anglo-Egyptian colonial forces from the north beginning in 1896. The Khalifa then begun responding more positively to the proposals of Menelik II of Ethiopia for a formal peace on the frontier and co-operation against the Europeans, Ethiopian diplomatic missions were honorably received in Omdurman, the earlier anti-Ethiopian propaganda documents were destroyed.( _**copy letter from the Khalīfah AbdAllāhi to Queen Victoria 1886 May 24 - 1887 May 27**_ _**on the former’s imminent attack on Egypt**_ (Durham university archives) **The Ethiopia-Mahdiyya alliance of convenience: Menelik and the Kahlifa** In Ethiopia, the death of Yohannes led to a brief contest of power that was quickly won by Menelik II, who through shrewd diplomacy and military conquest had been expanding his power from his base in the province of Shewa, at the expense of his overlord Yohannes, and had built up a formidable military enabled by his control of the trade route to the Indian-ocean ports on the Somali coast.( While his activities consolidating his control in Ethiopia are beyond the scope of this article, Menelik's pragmatic approach to the Mahdists provides a blueprint for how he maintained his autonomy during the African colonial upheaval preceding and succeeding his monumental victory at Adwa.( Menelik had maintained fairly cordial relations with the Khalifa despite the circumstances of Yohannes’ death and continued Mahdist skirmishes, and when Menelik heard the news of the Italian occupation of Kassala in 1894 (which had dislodged the Mahdists) he held a council to discuss what steps should be taken. It is reported that some of his counselors pointed out that they should refrain from taking sides, since both (Italians and Mahdists) were proven enemies. Menelik retorted by saying that: “_**the Dervishes only raid and return to their country, whereas the Italians remain, steal the land and occupy the country. It is therefore preferable to side with the Mahdists**_.” he sent several delegations to Omdurman including one in 1895 with a letter "_**When you were in war against Emperor Yohannes, I was also fighting against him; there has never been a war between us…Now, we are confronted by an enemy worse than ever. The enemy has come to enslave both of us. We are of the same color. Therefore, we must-co-operate to get rid of our common enemy**_", The Ethiopian and the Mahdiyya empires thus entered an alliance of convenience.( A similar alliance of convenience against colonial expansionist forces had been created between the Wasulu emperor Samory Ture and the Asante king Prempeh in 1894/1895 faced with the French and British threats around the same time.( In February 1896, the Mahdists advanced near Kassala and were engaged with the Italian forces that had garrisoned in the town, but were repelled by the latter, a few days later, Mahdist envoys were present in Menelik's camp at Adwa on March 1896 when he inflicted his historic defeat on the Italian army.( Despite the Mahdist loss at Kassa versus the Ethiopian victory at Adwa, Menelik didn’t alter his policy towards the Mahdists but rather strengthened it, fearing the intentions of the British who had seized the occasion of the Italian loss to advance into Sudan in march 1896, despite his position of strength Menelik, through his governor addressed the Khalifa in July 1896 as “_**the protector of Islam and the Khalifa of the Mahdi, peace be upon him**_!” in a very radical break from Ethiopia’s past correspondence with the Mahdists (or indeed with any Muslim leader) he informs the Khalifa that he is now anxious “_**to establish good relations with you and to cease friendly relations with the whites”**_, in particular, the British, he also assures the Khalifa “_**your enemy is our enemy and our enemy is your enemy, and we shall stand together as firm allies**_”( . The letter was sent during the earliest phase of the Anglo-Mahdist war when the British had made their initial advance into the northern Mahdiyya territories of Dongola in March 1896, but couldn’t take them until September 1896.( Menelik was alarmed by the British advance into Sudan, he had long suspected them of being in alliance with the Italians during the failed negotiations that preceded the war with Italy, and their northern advance from their colony in Uganda into Ethiopia’s south-western territory further confirmed his fears of encirclement, Menelik continued to send more gestures of alliance to the Khalifa warning the latter not to trust the British, French or Belgians, and informing him of the latter two's movements in southern Sudan, assuring him to "_**be strong lest if the europeans enter our midst a great disaster befall us and our children have no rest**_".( _**1896/1897, Abstract of a despatch from Menilik II, Emperor of Ethiopia to the Khalīfah warning him that the English and al-Ifranj (Belgians or French) were approaching the White Nile from east and west.**_ (Durham University archives) _**contemporary illustration of the Ethiopian-Italian battle at Adwa**_ _**contemporary illustration of the Khalifa leading his army to attack Kassala**_ Hoping to stall the formation of the formalization of this Ethiopian-Mahdist alliance, the British signed a treaty with a reluctant Menelik for the latter to not supply arms to the Mahdist (similar to a threat they imposed on Samory in 1895 to not supply the Asante with arms prior to their invasion of the latter in 1896. To counteract the British, Menelik also signed a treaty with France (who were about to fight the British for Sudan in the Fashoda crisis), in which he promised to partition part of Mahdiyya’s Nile-Sobat confluence in the same year( . But in his dealings with the Khalifa, Menelik simply ignored the European treaties, including the French one that required a military occupation, when the French approached the region, he sent a governor to set up an Ethiopian flag and immediately removed it, begging the Khalifa not to misunderstand his intentions, and despite the Anglo-Mahdist wars leaving a power vacuum in most of the Ethiopia-Sudan borderlands, Menelik chose not to press his military advantage, choosing to send diplomatic missions in most parts for token submission, Menelik strove to maintain good will of the Khalifa continuing a cautious border policy of deference and restrain as late as February 1898.( By September 1898, the invading force had reached Omdurman, the Mahdist army, poorly provisioned and with a limited stock of modern rifles, fell.( From 1896 until the collapse of the Mahdiyya in 1898, Menelik, according to the words of Sudan's Colonial governor Reginald Wingate, had sought to "_**strengthen the Khalifa against the**_ (Colonial) _**government troops, whom he feared as neighbors preferring the dervishes**_(Mahdiyya)"( but with the total collapse of the Mahdiyya, Menelik's policy of restraint became irrelevant and he abandoned it. _**symbol of destruction; the tomb of the Mahdi damaged during the British invasion (photo taken in 1898)**_ * * * **Conclusion: Finding the elusive pre-colonial African solidarity.** The alliance of convenience between Ethiopia and Mahdist Sudan on the eve of colonialism provides an example of co-operation between African states in the face of foreign invasion, an African alliance that was considered concerning enough to the colonial powers that they sought to suppress it before it could be formalized. While the initiative from Menelik to the Khalifa wasn’t immediately reciprocated, this had more to do with the political realities in the Mahdiyya whose army was battling invasions on several fronts, and its these same political realities that prevented a more formal cooperation between the Asante King Prempeh and the Wasulu emperor Samory Ture. Yet despite unfavorable odds, both pairs of African states transcended their ideological differences to unite against the foreign invaders; Wasulu and the Mahdiyya were Muslim states while Ethiopia was Christian, and Asante was traditionalist. The example of Ethiopia and Mahdist Sudan shows that African states’ foreign policy was pragmatic and flexible, and reveals the robustness of African diplomacy and solidarity at the twilight of their power. * * * SPECIAL THANKS TO ALL DONORS AND PATRONS FOR SUPPORTING THIS BLOG * * * ** to my Patreon for Books on African history including Ethiopia and the Mahdiyya** ( ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 5: c. 1790-c. 1870 pg 71-74) ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 5: c. 1790-c. 1870 pg 74) ( The Cross and the River by Haggai Erlich pg 65) ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 5: c. 1790-c. 1870 pg 75) ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 5: c. 1790-c. 1870 pg 79-80) ( Imperial Legitimacy and the Creation of Neo-Solomonic Ideology in 19th-Century Ethiopia by Donald Crummey pg 23) ( Layers of Time by Paul B. Henze pg 146) ( Ethiopia and the Middle East by Haggai Erlich pg 57) ( The Cross and the River by Haggai Erlich pg 66-69) ( Layers of Time by Paul B. Henze pg 147 ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Volume 5 : c. 1790-c. 1870 pg 95 ( Khedive Ismail's Army By John P. Dunn pg 111-112 ( Layers of Time by Paul B. Henze pg 147 ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Volume 5 : c. 1790-c. 1870 pg 96 ( Khedive Ismail's Army By John P. Dunn pg 120 ( Khedive Ismail's Army By John P. Dunn pg 113, 114 ( Khedive Ismail's Army By John P. Dunn pg 152 ( The Cross and the River by Haggai Erlich pg 70) ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Volume 5 : c. 1790-c. 1870 pg 97-99 ( The Cambridge History of Africa: From 1870 to 1905 pg 654) ( The Cambridge History of Africa: From 1870 to 1905 pg 595-601) ( The Cross and the River by Haggai Erlich pg 71) ( The Cambridge History of Africa: From 1870 to 1905 pg 605-608) ( The Cross and the River by Haggai Erlich pg 69) ( The Cross and the River by Haggai Erlich pg 72) ( "Transborder" Exchanges of People, Things, and Representations: Revisiting the Conflict Between Mahdist Sudan and Christian Ethiopia, 1885–1889 by Iris Seri-Hersch pg 5 ( The Other Abyssinians: The Northern Oromo and the Creation of Modern Ethiopia, 1855-1913 by Brian J. Yates pg 69 ( The palgrave handbook of islam by fallou Ngom pg 462-63) ( Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey pg 59-61) ( The kingdoms of sudan pg 90-92) ( The Formation of the Sudanese Mahdist State by Kim Searcy pg 18-19) ( Prelude to the Mahdiyya by Anders Bjørkelo pg 35) ( Prelude to the Mahdiyya by Anders Bjørkelo 108-103) ( ( papers of sir Richard Windgate ( The river war by Winston Churchill pg 29-30 ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith: Aḥmad Lobbo, the Tārīkh al-fattāsh and the Making of an Islamic State in West Africa by M Nobili, pg 109-114, 227 ( The Formation of the Sudanese Mahdist State by Kim Searcy pg 80-88 ( The Formation of the Sudanese Mahdist State by Kim Searcy pg 29-34) ( The Sudanese Mahdia and the outside World: 1881-9 P. M. Holt pg 276-290 ( The Formation of the Sudanese Mahdist State by Kim Searcy pg 107-108, 111-113 ( The Formation of the Sudanese Mahdist State by Kim Searcy pg 131-136) ( "Transborder" Exchanges of People, Things, and Representations by Iris Seri-Hersch ( Confronting a Christian Neighbor: Sudanese Representations of Ethiopia in the Early Mahdist Period by I Seri-Hersch pg 258-259) ( Confronting a Christian Neighbor: Sudanese Representations of Ethiopia in the Early Mahdist Period by I Seri-Hersch pg 259) ( Confronting a Christian Neighbor: Sudanese Representations of Ethiopia in the Early Mahdist Period by I Seri-Hersch pg 251) ( The Battle of Adwa: Reflections on Ethiopia's Historic Victory Against European Colonialism by Paulos Milkias, Getachew Metaferia pg 120) ( Confronting a Christian Neighbor: Sudanese Representations of Ethiopia in the Early Mahdist Period by I Seri-Hersch pg 260) ( The Cambridge History of Africa: From 1870 to 1905 pg pg 654-655) ( A History of the Sudan P. Holt pg 76) ( Lords of the Red Sea by Anthony D'Avray pg 90-161 ( Fiscal and Monetary Systems in the Mahdist Sudan by Yitzhak Nakash pg 365-385 ( The Cambridge History of Africa: From 1870 to 1905 pg 639, Confronting a Christian Neighbor by I Seri-Hersch 252) ( The Cambridge History of Africa: From 1870 to 1905 pg 653) ( Conflict and cooperation between ethiopia and the mahdist state by G. N. Sanderson ( The Battle of Adwa: Reflections on Ethiopia's Historic Victory Against European Colonialism by Paulos Milkias, Getachew Metaferia pg 119) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 301-304 ( The Battle of Adwa: Reflections on Ethiopia's Historic Victory Against European Colonialism by Paulos Milkias, Getachew Metaferia pg 1201-121). ( Conflict and cooperation between ethiopia and the mahdist state by G. N. Sanderson pg 30-31 ( The history of sudan P. holt pg 80 ( Conflict and cooperation between ethiopia and the mahdist state by G. N. Sanderson pg 34) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 310-324) ( Conflict and cooperation between ethiopia and the mahdist state by G. N. Sanderson pg 35-36 ( Conflict and cooperation between ethiopia and the mahdist state by G. N. Sanderson pg-37 ( The history of sudan P. holt pg 82) ( Conflict and cooperation between ethiopia and the mahdist state by G. N. Sanderson pg 33.

### Title: An African Anti-Colonial Alliance of Convenience: Ethiopia and Sudan in the 19th Century ### Description: From Conflict to Cooperation #### Introduction 1. **Historiographical Context**: The prevailing narrative in the historiography of the “scramble for Africa” asserts that there was minimal cooperation among African states against European colonial powers. This narrative suggests that African rulers' rivalries facilitated European colonial expansion. 2. **Counter-Narrative**: Contrary to this view, several documented instances illustrate that African states, including Ethiopia and the Mahdiyya state of Sudan, formed alliances against colonial invaders despite historical conflicts. #### Historical Background 3. **Ethiopian Empire Reunification (1855-1890)**: - **Rise of Tewodros II (1855)**: Tewodros II ascended the throne during a time of disintegration in Ethiopia. His leadership aimed to unify the empire and modernize military capabilities. - **Conflict with Ottoman-Egypt**: Tewodros faced threats from expanding Ottoman-Egyptian forces under Pasha Muhammad Ali, leading to confrontations that limited his ability to focus on external threats until he quelled local dissent. - **Decline and British Invasion (1868)**: Tewodros’ efforts were thwarted by British intervention, resulting in his defeat and death, and the looting of his kingdom. 4. **Yohannes IV and Ottoman-Egyptian Conflict (1871-1889)**: - **Yohannes IV's Strategies**: After Tewodros, Yohannes IV sought to centralize power while contending with Ottoman-Egyptian expansionism, specifically in the Keren region. - **Military Engagements**: Various successful confrontations against Egyptian incursions improved Yohannes' standing and highlighted Ethiopia's military resilience. 5. **Impact of the Gura Victory (1876)**: The Ethiopian victory against the Egyptians at Gura was pivotal in: - **Deterring Ottoman-Egyptian Expansion**: The defeat destabilized the Khedive Isma’il's regime, contributing to a nationalistic movement in Egypt and eventual British occupation. - **Shift in Religious Policy**: Following the victory, Yohannes adopted a more aggressive stance towards Muslims within Ethiopia, rallying the population under a defense of Christian Ethiopia. 6. **Rise of the Mahdiyya Movement in Sudan (1881)**: - **Background of the Mahdist Revolt**: The Mahdist movement arose in response to the oppressive taxation and governance of the Ottoman-Egyptian rule, culminating in Muhammad Ahmad's declaration as the Mahdi and a successful revolt against Egyptian forces. - **Consolidation of Power**: By 1885, the Mahdi captured Khartoum, establishing a theocratic state that challenged both previous Ottoman-Egyptian rule and subsequently, British imperial interests. #### Ethiopia and Mahdiyya Relations 7. **Mutual Hostility to External Threats**: - **Border Disputes**: Initially, the Mahdiyya maintained a cautious stance towards Ethiopia, but tensions grew due to ongoing border skirmishes and differing ideological positions. - **Yohannes IV's Diplomatic Outreach**: Despite provocations, Yohannes made efforts for peace, emphasizing mutual cooperation against external colonial threats. 8. **Post-Yohannes Diplomacy (1890-1896)**: - **Menelik II's Leadership**: Following Yohannes’ death, Menelik II became emperor and strategically engaged with the Mahdists, seeing them as temporary allies against Italian colonial ambitions. - **Formation of an Alliance**: Menelik proposed cooperation against common enemies. His pragmatic approach recognized the Mahdists’ raids were less threatening than permanent colonization efforts by Italy. 9. **Collaboration during the Italian Invasion (1896)**: - **Battle of Adwa**: The Mahdist forces had a presence in Menelik’s camp during the pivotal Battle of Adwa where Ethiopia achieved a significant victory against the Italians. - **Continued Diplomatic Efforts**: Menelik sent communications indicating a desire to maintain amicable relations with the Mahdists while warning of European encroachment. #### Conclusion 10. **Implications of the Alliance**: - **Significance of African Solidarity**: The alliance between Ethiopia and the Mahdist state illustrates an important historical instance of African cooperation against colonial forces. - **Colonial Powers’ Concern**: The emerging relationship between Menelik and the Khalifa was viewed as a threat by colonial powers, leading to concerted efforts to suppress this alliance. - **Enduring Legacy**: This cooperation among diverse African states underscores the complexities of African political dynamics during the colonial period, challenging narratives that emphasize division and conflict among African societies.

Economic growth and cultural syncretism in 19th century East Africa: Trade and Swahili acculturation on the African mainland

On bi-directional exchanges between the east african mainland and coast

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Economic growth and cultural syncretism in 19th century East Africa: Trade and Swahili acculturation on the African mainland ============================================================================================================================ ### On bi-directional exchanges between the east african mainland and coast ( May 15, 2022 10 Much writing about 19th-century East Africa historiography has been distorted by the legacy of post-enlightenment thought and colonial literature, both of which condemned Africa to the periphery of universal history. Descriptions of East-African societies were framed within a contradictory juxtaposition of abolitionist and imperialist concepts that depicted Africa (and east Africa in particular), as a land of despotic Kings ruling over hapless subjects, and whose slaves were laden with ivory and sold to brutal Arabs at the coast. Trade and cultural exchanges between the coast and the mainland were claimed to be unidirectional and exploitative for the latter, and given the era’s “climate of imperialism”, European conquest became in this guise an enlightened campaign for civilization on behalf of an African mainland subjugated by a rapacious Orient; sentiments that were best expressed in the east-African travel account of the American “explorer” Henry Morton Stanley's "_**Through the dark continent**_"( While most of the erroneous literature contained in such travelogues and later colonial history has been discarded by professional historians, some of the old themes about the economic dynamics of the ivory trade, the forms of labor used in east African societies, the nature of cultural syncretism and the form of political control exerted by the Oman sultanate of Zanzibar over the Swahili cities and the coast have been retained, much to the detriment of of any serious analysis of 19th century east African historiography. This article provides an overview of 19th century east African economies, trade, labour and cultural syncretism, summarizing the bidirectional nature of interactions and exchanges through which east Africans integrated themselves into the global economy. _**Map of late 19th century east Africa showing the the caravan routes in and cities mentioned below**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The east African coast in the 19th century; from the classical Swahili era to the Omani era.** Until the 19th century, the Swahili city-states were largely politically autonomous, most of them having peaked in prosperity during their classical era between the 11th and 16th century. The advent of the Portuguese in 1498, who for a century tried to impose themselves over the independent and fiercely competitive Swahili city-states, coincided with a radical shift in the fortunes of some of the cities and the collapse of others. To preserve their autonomy, the Swahili cities forged shifting alliances with various foreign powers including the Ottomans in 1542 and the Omani-Arabs in 1652, the latter of whom were instrumental in expelling the Portuguese in 1698 but who were themselves expelled by the Swahili by the 1720s. It wasn't until the ascendance of the Oman sultan Seyyid Said in 1804 that a concerted effort was made to take over the northern and central Swahili coast; with the capture of; Lamu in 1813, Pemba in 1822, Pate in 1824, and Mombasa in 1837, afterwhich, Seyyid moved his capital from Muscat (in Oman) to Zanzibar in 1840, and expelled the last Kilwa sultan in 1843. The newly established Zanzibar sultanate, doesn't appear to have desired formal political control beyond the coast and islands and doubtless possessed neither the means nor the resources to achieve a true colonization of the coastal cities, let alone of the mainland.( A common feature of coastal economic history during the Sultanate era was the dramatic expansion in trade and coastal agriculture, but with the exception for clove cultivation, most of the elements (such as Ivory trade and extensive plantation agriculture), and indeed the beginnings of this growth were already present and operating in the 18th century Swahili cities, especially at Lamu, Mombasa, Kilwa, Pate. The the establishment of the Sultanate only gave further impetus to this expansion.( Seyyid and his successors were “merchant princes”, who engaged in trade personally and used their profits and customs dues to advance their political interests, Their success lay in commercial reforms that benefited the cities' merchant elites, such as encouraging financiers from Gujarat (India) —who'd been active in Oman and some of the Swahili cities— to settle in Zanzibar, where their population grew from 1,000 in 1840 to 6,000 by the 1860s( , Seyyid also signed treaties with major trading nations (notably the US and UK) which turned Zanzibar into an emporium of international commerce, and the cities of Lamu, Mombasa, also flourished as their older transshipment economic system expanded.( The sultanate’s rapidly evolving consumer culture evidenced the deployment of global symbols in the service of local image-making practices. Sayyed relaxed older status codes and encouraged a culture of consumption more indulgent and ostentatious than that of the classical Swahili city-states and Oman. Coast-based commercial firms, most of which were subsidiaries of Indian financial houses, began offering generous lines of credit to caravan traders and coastal planters, fueling the acquisition of imported consumer goods (such as clothing, jewelry, and household wares ) among coastal residents of all socioeconomic backgrounds, both for personal use and for trade to the African mainland( . Consumer culture became a finely calibrated means of social/identity negotiation in a changing urban environment, offering a concrete set of social references for aspiration, respect, honor, and even freedom, due to the fluctuating forms of status representation. This ushered in an era of unrestrained consumption such that the virtually all the population from the elite to the enslaved were fully engaged in the consumer culture and status-driven expression. symbols of (classical Swahili) patrician status such as umbrellas, kizibaos (embroidered waistcoat), kanzus (white gowns), expensive armory, including swords and pistols, canes and fezz-hats which 16th century observers remarked as status markers for Swahili elites( , were now common among non-elite Swahili and even slaves who used them as symbols of transcending their enslaved status( . the enslaved used their monthly earnings of $3-$10 to purchase such, and they consumed around 22% of all coastal cloth imports in the late 19th century, constituting roughly 10 meters per slave, (a figure higher than the mainland’s cloth import percapita of 2 meters)( . Their status in Zanzibar being similar to that across the continent; "_**the difference between free and slave was defined by their social status more than by the nature of their work or even the means of payment**_"( The acquisition of what were once status markers by the lower classes encouraged the Arab elite and Swahili elite to purchase even more ostentatious symbols of distinction including clocks, books, mirrors, porcelain, and silk cloths. This consumer culture provided a major impetus for extensive trade both into the mainland and across the ocean and even a person of relatively meager means could travel abroad, trade, or otherwise accumulate signs of distinction.( _**Cloth exports to East Africa from the United Kingdom, United States, and Bombay, 1836–1900 (mostly to Zanzibar and related cities, but also Mozambique)**_( _**Interior view of a mansion in Zanzibar, circa 1880s. (Rautenstrauch-Joest-Museum)**_ _**Swahili patricians sitting in state in a richly decorated reception room in Lamu city, Kenya, 1885, ruins of a swahili house in Lamu with Zidaka (wall niches) for holding porcelain, room of a swahili patrician with porcelain display and books.**_ * * * **Cloth, ivory and wage labourers; trade and exchanges between the coast to the mainland.** **Cloth:** Cloth was the primary export item into the mainland since its low weight and relatively high sale price compared to its purchase price made it the most attractive trade item over the long distance routes. For most of the 19th century, the majority of this cloth was _**merikani**_ (American), preferred for its strong weave, sturdy quality and durability as cloth currency, which were all qualities of locally-produced cloths, in whose established exchange system the merikani was integrated, and sold, alongside glass-beads and copper-wire (for making jewelry), all of which were exchanged for ivory from the mainland markets( . The vast majority of imported cloth and locally manufactured cloth stayed at the coast, due to; transport costs (from porters), natural price increase (due to its demand), and resilience of local cloth production in the mainland, all of which served to disincentivize caravan traders from dumping cloth into the mainland despite cloth supply outstripping demand at Zanzibar( . The latter restriction of supply was also mostly to maintain an advantage for the coastal traders and make the trade feasible, eg in 1859, the prices of a 1 meter merikani was at $0.14 at Zanzibar, but cost $0.75 at Tabora (in central Tanzania), and upto $1.00 at Ujiji (on lake Tanganyika), conversely, 16kg of ivory could be bought at Tabora for 40 meters of merekani (worth $3.20 at Zanzibar), then sold to global buyers at Zanzibar for $52.50 (worth 660 meters at Zanzibar).( _**Cloth production in the late 19th century German east africa (Tanzania, Rwanda, Burudi), imported cotton cloths were mostly consumed in cotton-producing regions in the western regions like Ufipa as well as non-cotton producing regions in the northwest.**_ **Porters and highway tribute:** But a significant portion of the profits were spent in the high transport costs of hauling ivory from the mainland, partly due to the heavy tributary payments levied by chiefs along the way (as large centralized states were located deep into the mainland), and the use of head porterage since draught animals couldn't survive the tse-tse fly ridden environment. The latter enterprise of porterage created some of east Africa's earliest wage laborers who were paid $5-$8 per month( or attimes 18-55 meters of cloth per month, and thus consumed upto 20% of Zanzibar's cloth imports.( Criss-crossing the various caravan trade routes and towns, these porters represented one of the most dynamic facets of the coast-mainland trade, without whom, "_**nothing would have moved**_", no trade, no travel and no "exploration" by anyone from the coast —be they Swahili, or Arab, or European— would have been undertaken( . It was these relatively well-paid porters, whose floating population numbered between 20,000-100,000 a month, who carried ivory tusks to Zanzibar and cloth into the mainland markets, that European writers would often intentionally (or mistakenly) identify as slaves and greatly exaggerate the supposed “horrors” of the ivory trade which they presumed was interrelated with slave trade, wrongly surmising that these porters were sold after offloading their tusks at the coast( . These intentionally misidentified porters became the subject of western literature to justify colonial intervention, to remove the presumed African transport “inefficiencies” and exploit the mainland more efficiently, despite both 19th century European explorers, and later colonists being “forced” to rely on these same porters, and arguably expanding the enterprise even as late as the 1920s. These porters were often hired after complex negotiations between merchants and laborers at terminal cities such as Bagamoyo, and they could demand higher wages by striking forcing the caravan leaders to agree to their terms. (the explorer Henry Stanley found out that beating the porters only achieved negative results)( _**Porters encamped outside Bagamoyo city, with bundles of cloth stacked against coconut palms, 1895 illustration by Alexander Le Roy (Au Kilima-ndjaro pg 85)**_ _**Ivory caravan in Bagamoyo, ca. 1889 (Historisk Arkiv, Vendsyssel Historiske Museum, Hjorring, Denmark)**_ **Ivory trade:** It was ivory, above all commodities, that was the most lucrative export of the coastal cities and arguably the main impetus of the Mainland-coastal trade. For most of the 19th century save for the decade between 1878-1888, ivory exports alone nearly equaled all other exports of the east African coast combined; and this includes cloves (for which Zanzibar had cornered 4/5ths of the global production), gum-copal, rubber and leather( . Zanzibar’s export earnings of ivory (sold to US, UK and (british) India), rose from $0.8m in 1871 to $1.9m in 1892, largely due to increasing global prices rather than increased quantity( . In the mid to late 19th century, a growing western middle class began to express a growing demand for the high quality and malleable East African ivory, as ivory-made luxury products and carved figures became one of the symbols of a high standard of living. More demand for East african ivory also came from consumers in India, where ivory-made jewelry was an important part of dowry( . But the ivory demand was never sufficiently met by east african supply and global prices exploded even as imports rose. Elephant populations had been prevalent across much of the east African mainland including near the coast inpart due to low demand for ivory in local crafts industries (most mainland societies preferred copper and wood for ornamentation and art). But the 19th century demand-driven elephant hunting pushed the ivory frontier further inwards, first from Mrima coast near Zanzibar, to Ugogo and Nyamwezi in central Tanzania, then to the western shores of lake Victoria and Rwanda-Burundi, and finally to eastern Congo, and the caravans moved with the advancing frontier( . As the ivory frontier moved inwards, prices of ivory in mainland markets rose and all market actors (from hunters to middlemen to porters to mainland traders to chiefs to final sellers at the coast) devised several methods to mitigate the falling profits, coastal merchants during the 1870s and 1880s began to employ bands of well-armed slaves as ivory hunters, which minimalized commodity currency expenditures and also reduced the access of independent local ivory hunters( . Its important to note that while Ivory was important to Zanzibar’s economy, its trade wasn’t a significant economic activity of the mainland states( , and the cotton cloth for which it was exchanged never constituted the bulk of local textiles nor did it displace local production, even in the large cotton-producing regions like Ufipa in south-western Tanzania which was crossed by the central caravan routes.( _**Share of Ivory exports vs coast-produced exports (cloves, gum-copal, rubber, etc) from East Africa, 1848–1900.**_ _**(these are mostly figures from Zanzibar and its environs, as well as Mozambique)**_( _**two men holding large ivory tusks in zanzibar**_ **Brief note on slave trade in the south routes, and on the status of slavery in the central caravan route.** While the vast majority of laborers crisscrossing the northern and central caravan routes were wage earning workers, there were a number of slaves purchased in the mainland who were either retained internally both for local exchanges with slave-importing mainland kingdoms (which enabled them freed up even more men to become porters, or retained as ivory hunters and armed guards, and thus remained largely unconnected to the coast.( There was a substantial level of slave trade along the southern routes from lake Malawi and from northern Mozambique that terminated at kilwa-kivinje (not the classical kilwa-kisiwani), which is estimated to have absorbed 4/5th of all slaves( . Zanzibar’s slave trade grew in the mid-1850s, and the island’s slave plantations soon came to produce 4/5ths of the world’s cloves( , and while Zanzibar was also a major exporter of Ivory, gum-copal, rubber and leather, it was only cloves that required slave labor often on Arab-owned plantations( . The dynamics of slave trade in the southern region worked just like in the Atlantic, with the bulk of the supply provided by various groups from the mainland who expanded pre-existing supplies to the Portuguese and French , to now include the Omanis, and in this process, it rarely involved caravans moving into the mainland to purchase, let alone “raid” slaves.( The low level of slave trade in the central and northern routes was largely due to the unprofitability of the slave trade outside the southern routes, because the longer distances drastically increased slave mortality, as well as because of the high customs duties by the Zanzibar sultans levied on each slave that didn't come from the south-eastern route, both of which served to disincentivize any significant slave imports from the northern and central routes, explaining why the virtually all of caravans travelling into the region focused on purchasing ivory.( * * * **Identifying the Swahili on the Mainland, and Swahili Arab relations under the Zanzibar sultanate.** Scholars attempting to discern the identities of the coastal people in the mainland of east Africa face two main challenges; the way European writers identified them within their own racialized understanding of ethnic identities (as well as their wider political and religious agenda of; colonization, slave abolition, and Christian proselytization which necessitated moralizing), and the inconsistency of self-identification among the various Swahili classes which were often constantly evolving. The Swahili are speakers of a bantu language related to the Majikenda, Comorians and other African groups, and are thus firmly autochthonous to east-central african region( . Until the 19th century, the primary Swahili self-identification depended on the cities they lived (eg _waPate_ from Pate, _waMvita_ from Mombasa, _waUnguja_ from Zanzibar, etc), the Swahili nobility/ elites referred to themselves as _**waUngwana**_, and referred to their civilization as _**Uungwana**_, and collectively considered themselves as _**waShirazi**_ (of shirazi) denoting a mythical connection to the Persian city which they used to legitimize their Islamic identities. “_**The word uungwana embodied all connotations of exclusiveness of urban life as well as its positive expressions. It specifically referred to African coastal town culture, even to the exclusion of 'Arabness'**_“. The Swahili always "_**asserted the primacy of their language and civilization in the face of Arab pretensions time and time again**_"( , as the 18th century letters from Swahili royals of Kilwa that spoke disparagingly of interloping Omani Arabs made it clear. But this changed drastically in the 19th century as a result of the political and social categories generated by the rise of the Zanzibar Sultanate, which created new ethnic categories that redefined the self-identification among the Swahili elites and commoners vis-a-vis the newcomers (Oman Arab rulers, Indian merchants, mainland allies, porters and slaves) with varying level of stratification depending on each groups’ proximity to power. The old bantu-derived Swahili word for civilization “_**uungwana”**_ was replaced with the arab-derived _**ustaarabu**_ (meaning to become Arab-like), and as the former self-identification saw its value gradually diminished beginning in the 1850s. The influx of freed and enslaved persons, who sought to advance in coastal society by taking on a "Swahili" identity, pushed the Swahili to affirm their "Shirazi" self-identification and individual city identities (waTumbatu, waHadimu, etc. Its therefore unsurprising that the European writers were confused by this complex labyrinth of African identity building. The Omani conquest and ensuing political upheaval resulted in tensions between some of the Swahili elites who resisted and the Arabs seeking to impose their rule, this resulted in the displacement of some Swahili waungwana and caused them to emigrate from island towns to the rural mainland, where they undertook the foundation of new settlements.( In the mainland, the meaning of waungwana changed according to location, underscoring the relative nature of the identity, where in its farthermost reaches in eastern congo, everyone from the coast was called mwungwana as long as they wore the coastal clothing and were muslim. The concept of uungwana became so influential that the Swahili dialect in eastern congo is called _kingwana_. As a group, Swahili and waungwana were influential in the mainland partly because they outnumbered the Arabs despite the latter often leading the larger caravans. The broader category of waungwana influenced mainland linguistic cultural practices more than Arabic practices did, and the swahili were more likely to intermarry and acculturate than their Arab peers. By 1884, a British missionary west of lake Tanganyika lamented the synchretism of Swahili and mainland cultures in eastern congo that; "_**it is a remarkable fact that these zanzibar men have had far more influence on the natives than we have ever had, in many little things they imitate them, they follow their customs, adopt their ideas, imitate their dress, sing their songs, I can only account for this by the fact that the wangwana live amongest them**_".( * * * **Identifying the Swahili on the mainland.** Despite the seeming conflation of the Swahili and the Arabs in the interior, the reality of the relationship between either was starkly different as tensions between both groups of coastal travelers in the mainland were reflected in their contested hierarchies within the moving caravans as well as in the bifurcated settlements in their settlements on the mainland which were “self segregated”. An example of these tensions between the swahili and arabs was displayed in the caravans of Richard Burton and Hannington Speke 1856-1859 which was beset by a dispute arguably bigger than the more famous one between the two explorers. The conflict was between Mwinyi Kidogo, a Swahili patrician who was the head of the caravans’ armed escort, and Said Bin Salim, the Omani caravan leader appointed by the Zanzibari sultan. Kidogo had extensive experience in the mainland, had forged strategic relationships with the rulers along the trade routes and came from an important coastal family, while the latter was generally inexperienced. Throughout the journey, Salim attempted to assert his authority over Kidogo with little success as the latter also asserted his own high-born status, and proved indispensable to everyone due to his experience, being the only leader in the caravan who knew the risks and obligations faced, such as forbidding the Europeans from paying high-tolls because such a precedent would make future caravans unprofitable. Salim was eventually removed by Burton on the return trip and replaced with a man more friendly with Kidogo. The Sultan would later appoint Salim as his representative at Tabora (though he was forced out later by his Arab peers and died on the mainland), while Kidogo continued to lead other caravans into the mainland.( _**Salim’s house in Tabora built in the 1860s, later used by David Livingstone**_ * * * **Opening up the coast to trade; Mainland-Coastal interface in the mid 19th century by the Nyamwezi and Majikenda.** The Swahili city-states had for long interacted with several coastal groups before the 19th century, but from the 13th to 16th century, these exchanges were limited to the southern end of the coast through the port of Sofala in mozambique from which gold dust obtained in great Zimbabwe was brought by shona traders to the coast and transshipped to Kilwa and other cities, this trade was seized by the Portuguese in the 16th century, prompting the emergence of alternative ports (eg Angoche), the appearance of alternative commodities in Swahili exports (eg Ivory), and the appearance of other mainland exporters (eg the Yao). But it wasn't until the early 19th century that large, organized and professional groups of commodity exporters from the mainland such as the Nyamwezi and Majikenda begun funneling commodities into the coastal markets in substantial quantities in response to their burgeoning global demand.( In the central caravan routes, the Nyamwezi groups augmented older, regional trade routes of salt and iron across central Tanzania, linking them directly to the Swahili markets, and from the latter they bought consumer goods, the surplus of which they transferred to mainland markets and in so doing, pioneered routes that were later used by coastal traders( . The Nyamwezi, who remained formidable trading competitors of the Arabs and the Swahili merchants on the mainland, often kept the coastal traders confined to towns such as Tabora and Ujiji, where few Nyamwezi were resident as they carried out regional trade along shorter distances.( The Nyamwezi constituted the bulk of the porters along the central caravan routes, and contrary to the polemical literature of the western writers, they weren't enslaved laborers but wage earners, nor could enslaved laborers substitute them. As the historian Stephen Rockel explains, "_**the inexperienced, demoralized, sick, and feeble captives who frequently absconded were hopelessly inefficient and could not be used by traders for a round-trip**_"( . The northern caravan routes were dominated by the Majikenda who supplied Swahili cities like Mombasa and Lamu with their own produce (ivory, gum copal, grain), But the Swahili (and later Arab) traders resident in Mombasa only occasionally went into the Majikenda hinterland especially when the ivory demand was higher than expected. besides this, the Mijikenda markets traded in relatively bulky goods-goods that were being brought to Mombasa and there was thus little reason to frequent their mainland markets before the mid 19th century.( _**Wage rates for Nyamwezi porters per journey, 1850-1900**_( It was this well-established caravan culture, which was basically Nyamwezi in origin, that provided the foundation for coastal merchants to organise their own and served as the foundation of the multidirectional cultural influences that would result into the spread of Swahili culture into the mainland.( By the 1850s many of the basic characteristics of caravan organization and long-distance porterage were well established including the employment of large corps of professional porters. Trade routes sometimes changed-in response to conflict, refusal of mainland chiefs to allow passage, or general insecurity. In this instances, the outcome of such conflict very much depended on the diplomatic skills of caravan leaders and local chiefs because the balance of power, which-with the exception of very well-armed caravans, usually lay with the peoples of the mainland.( or as one writer put it "_**their safety, once in the interior, depended on their good relations with native chiefs**_”, and there are several examples of caravans and caravan towns which were annihilated or nearly destroyed over minor conflicts with the societies enroute especially with conflicts resulting from food and water provisions( . The latter reason explains why the caravans opted to pay the relatively expensive tributes to numerous minor chiefs along the trade route; the cumulative cost of which, later European explorers —who were unaccustomed to the practice— considered "_**an irritating system of robbery**_"( . Further contrary to what is commonly averred, the guns carried by the caravan's armed party didn't offer them a significant military advantage over the mainland armies nor against warriors from smaller chiefdoms (as the Zanzibar sultan found out when his force of 1,000-3,000 riflemen was defeated by the Nyamwezi chieftain Mirambo and the Arab settlement at Tabora was nearly annihilated); and neither did fire-arms guarantee the military superiority of the mainland states which bought them from the caravans, such as Buganda and Wanga, as its covered below. * * * **From the coast to the mainland: Swahili costal terminals to Swahili settlements, Bagamoyo to Ujiji.** Among the coastal terminals of the ivory trade, which extended from Lamu, Mombasa, Saadani, Panga, to Bagamoyo, it was the last that was the least politically controlled by the Zanzibar sultans but relatively one of the most prosperous. The city of Bagamoyo was established by the Zaramo (from the mainland), in alliance with the Swahili of the shmovi clan, the latter of whom had been displaced from the classical city of Kaole that had been inadvertently destroyed by the Sultan Seyyid in 1844, in an attempt to establish a direct system of administration subordinate to Zanzibar. Bagamoyo however was only nominally under the Sultan’s control and the administration of the city was almost entirely under local authorities after the latter repeatedly asserted their autonomy, something the explorers Henry Stanley and Lovett Cameroon found out while attempting to leverage the Sultan’s authority to outfit their own caravans into the mainland from the city.( Bagamoyo was also the city which exercised the most significant political control over its adjacent hinterland, negotiating with the Zaramo and the Nyamwezi for the supply of ivory, caravans started arriving to the city around 1800 and departing from it into the mainland by the early 19th century, it became one of the most important terminals of the trade and the preferred place of embankment for ivory caravans through the central route. ( Bagamoyo had a floating population of 12,000 ivory porters a week compared to a permanent population of 3,000, its vibrant markets, financial houses and ivory stores led to the emergence of a wealthy elite.( For most of the 19th century, gum copal (from the coastal hinterland) and ivory (from the mainland) were the two main articles of trade from Bagamoyo( . The city's ivory stock was reportedly 140,000 kg in 1888( , compared to Mombasa's ivory exports 8,000kg (in 1887 and Zanzibar's ivory exports of 174,000kg (in 1862 _**Bagamoyo Street scene with stone houses, ca. 1889 (Vendsyssel Historiske Museum), coffee house in Bagamoyo with African patrons, early 1900s (german federal archives)**_ Carravan movement into the northern route of what is today modern Kenya was rather infrequent, In 1861, a coastal trader was found residing 20 miles inland at a large village beyond Kwale, this trader was identified as Nasoro, a Swahili and caravan leader.( It appears the northern route was still dominated by mainland traders moving to the coast rather than coastal caravans moving to the mainland, By the 1850s, coastal influences were spreading among the Segeju of the Vanga-Shimoni area (near the present-day border between Kenya and Tanzania) due to intermarriages with the Vumba Swahili of Wasini Island (south of Mombasa), and the Segeju allowed the Vumba to establish themselves on the mainland peninsula( . These segeju latter hired themselves out as porters much like the Nyamwezi did in the central route but to a lesser extent as the nothern routes were less active. * * * **“Coastal” towns on the Mainland: Tabora, Ujiji and Msene** It was at Tabora, Msene and Ujiji in the central mainland that the largest coastal settlements developed. Tabora, some 180 miles south of Lake Victoria and 200 miles east of Lake Tanganyika, was strategically located in a well-watered fertile region at the crucial junction where the central trade route split into two branches, one proceeding west to Ujiji, the other north through Msene, to the western shores of Lake Victoria in the kingdom of Karagwe, to terminate at the lakeport of Kageyi which connected to the Buganda kingdom. Ujiji, located on the eastern shores of Lake Tanganyika, was an important staging point for trade across the lake into the eastern D.R.C( . Carravans from all of these towns primarily terminated at the coastal city of Bagamoyo While coastal traders travelling through the old central routes had already reached the western side of Lake tanganyika by the 1820s, Tabora (Kazeh) wasn’t established until 1852 with permission from the Nyamwezi chief of Unyanyembe( , it had by the 1860s grown into the most important of the Muslim settlements of the central mainland, Most of the coastal traders who lived in Tabora—were Arabs from Zanzibar, of Omani origins, Swahili traders settled in Msene and reportedly had a “natural aversion” to the Arabs of Tabora, this animosity was due to the social tensions that had developed along the coast (as explained above), tensions that led to the establishment of bifurcated settlements in the mainland in which Arabs and Swahilis lived separately. Msene which was located 70 miles northwest of Tabora, and became a principal trading post of the region leading into the kingdoms of Rwanda, Karagwe, Nkore and Buganda. In Msene’s markets, coastal goods (especially cloth, and glassbeads) were exchanged for mainland commodities (primarily ivory as well as grain and cattle), its vibrancy was such that "_**the temptations of the town rendered it impossible to keep a servant within doors**_"( . Despite the rather large population of coastal traders, there was an apparent general lack of interest among most them in spreading their religion. Few local Africans seem to have adopted Islam, and those who did generally numbered among the immediate entourage of the merchants( . In the 1860s and 70s, the rise of Mirambo and his conflicts with the merchants of Tabora over unpaid tributes led to several wars with the coastal merchants and disruption of caravan trade, which enabled the emergence of Ujiji. The town's resident merchant colony was governed by a Swahili chief, Mwinyi Mkuu, whose brother Mwinyi Kheri had married the daughter of the king of Bujiji, After acquiring the status of a chief under the ruler of Bujiji, Mwinyi Kheri came to control most of the trade that passed through Ujiji. When Henry Stanley visited Ujiji in 1872, he described "the vigorous mingling of regional and long-distance trade taking place there." and By 1880 Ujiji was home to 8,000 inhabitants.( many of whom were establishing themselves in the Kingdoms of the mainland such as Karagwe and Buganda. _**street scene in Tabora, 1906, (German federal archives)**_ * * * **The Great Lakes kingdoms and the east African coast: Trade and swahili cultural syncretism in the 19th century.** _**Map of the Great lakes kingdoms in the late 19th century**_( **Buganda and the Swahili** The first itinerant coastal traders arrived in Buganda as early as 1844 during Kabaka (King) Suuna II's reign (r. 1832-1856), following an old trade route that connected the Nyamwezi, Karagwe and Buganda markets. In Buganda, coastal traders found a complex courtly life in which new technologies were welcomed, new ideas were vigorously debated and alliances with foreign powers were sought where they were deemed to further the strength of the kingdom. Aspects of coastal culture were thus gradually and cautiously adopted within the centralized political system of 19th century Buganda, in a way very similar to how aspects of Islamic culture were adopted in 11th century west-African kingdoms of Ghana, Gao and Kanem( . While the activities of various itinerant Arab traders in Buganda has been documented elsewhere, especially during Kabaka Muteesa I's reign (r. 1856-1884) , it was the Swahili traders who made up the bulk of the settled merchant population and served the Kabaka in instituting several of his reforms that sought to transform Buganda into a Muslim kingdom. The most notable swahili men active in Buganda were Choli, Kibali, Idi and Songoro, the first three of whom came to Buganda in 1867( in the caravan of the Arab trader Ali ibn Khamis al-Barwani, who returned to the coast after a short stay in the Kabaka’s capital but left his Swahili entourage at the request of the Kabaka. ( Choli in particular was the most industrious of the group, when the explorer Henry Staney met him at Kabaka Muteesa's court in 1875, he wrote "_**there was present a native of zanzibar named Tori (**_Choli_**) whom I shortly discovered to be chief drummer, engineer and general jack-of-all trades for the Kabaka, from this clever, ingenious man I obtained the information that the Katekiro (**_Katikkiro_**) was the prime minister or the Kabaka’s deputy, and that the titles of the other chiefs were Chambarango (**_Kyambalango_**), Kangau, Mkwenda, Seke-bobo, Kitunzi, Sabaganzi, Kauta, Saruti**_( _**.**_" and he added that Choli was "_**consulted frequently upon the form of ceremony to be adopted**_" on the arrival of foreigners such as Stanley and other coastal traders.( Choli also carried out gun repairing, and soon became indispensable to the Kabaka who appointed him as one of his chiefs (\*omunyenya in bulemezi province) and served as one of the army commanders in several of the Kabaka's campaigns including one against Bunyoro (which was the pre-eminent kingdom in the lakes region before Buganda's ascendance in the mid 18th century) Choli was granted a large estate by the Kabaka and lived lavishly near the King’s capital( . Idi on the other hand was of Comorian origin, from the island of Ngazidja/grande comore ( Comorians are a coastal group whose city-states emerged alongside the Swahili's), he served as Muteesa's teacher and as a holy man, who interpreted various natural phenomena using quaranic sciences, he was appointed a commander in the Kabaka's army and was given a chiefly title as well, and he continued to serve under Muteesa's successors. Another swahili was Songoro (or Sungura) who served in Muteesa's fleet of Lake canoes at the lake port of Kageyi through which carravan goods were funneled into Buganda’s amrkets, and lastly was Muhammadi Kibali who served as the teacher of Muteesa, and from whom the Kabaka and his court learned Arabic and Swahili grammar and writing, as well as various forms of Islamic administration.( It was these Swahili that Muteesa relied upon to implement several reforms in his kingdom, and by 1874 (just 7 years after al-Barwani had left) the Kabaka could converse fluently with foreign delegates at his court in Arabic and Kiswahili. Eager to further centralize his kingdom, he established Muslim schools and mosques, instituted Muslim festivals throughout the kingdom which he observed earnestly, he initiated contacts with foreign states, sending his ambassadors to the expansionist Ottoman-Egypt (whose influence had extended to southern Sudan), these envoys were fluent in Arabic corresponded with their peers in the same script, official communication across the kingdom (including royal letters) were conducted in both Kiswahili and Arabic, the former of which spread across the kingdom among most of the citizens. The coastal merchants also sold hundreds of rifles to Muteesa in exchange for ivory, the Kabaka reportedly had 300 rifles, three cannon and lots of ammunition, "_**all obtained from zanzibari traders in exchange for ivory**_", by the 1880s, these guns were as many as 2,000, and by 1890, the figure had risen to 6,000( . The services of Swahili such as Choli and Songoro proved especially pertinent in this regard, as Henry Stanley had observed that among Muteesa's army of 150,000 (likely an exeggretated figure) were "_**arabs and wangwana (**_Swahili_**) guests who came with their guns to assist Mutesa**_".( Although the use of guns and the assiatnce of the coastal riflemen in warfare was to mixed results for Buganda’s military exploits, as a number of records of their defeat against armies armed with lances and arrows reveals the limits of fire-arms.( The most visible product of the cultural syncretism between Buganda and the Swahili beginning in Muteesa’s era was in clothing styles. Buganda had for long been a regional center in the production of finely made bark-cloth that was sold across the _Lake kingdoms (Bunyoro, Nkore, Rwanda, Karagwe)_ and its influence in this textile tradition spread as far as the Nyawezi groups of central Tanzania.( The adoption of cotton-cloths during Muteesa’s reign complemented Buganda's textile tradition, and they were quickly adopted across the kingdom as more carravan trade greatly increased the circulation of cloth and by the 1880s, cotton was grown in Buganda( and cotton cloths increased such that even some bakopi (peasants) were dressed in what one writer described as "_**arab or turkish costumes**_" of white gowns with dark-blue or black coats and fez hats( . as the Buganda elite adopted more elaborate fashions, as Henry Stanley wrote "_**I saw about a hundred chiefs who might be classed in the same scale as the men of Zanzibar and Oman, clad in as rich robes, and armed in the same fashion**_"( . The adoption of this form of attire was mostly because of the Kabaka's commitment to transforming Buganda into a Muslim kingdom rather than as a replacement of bark-cloth since the latter's production continued well into the 20th century, and it retained its value as the preferred medium of taxation (and thus currency) that wasn’t be fully displaced until the early colonial era( . A similar but less pronounced cultural syncretism happened in the kingdom of Nkore which had been trading with the costal merchants since 1852 and by the 1870s was an important exchange market for the ivory and cloth trade although its rulers were less inclined to adopt Swahili customs than in Buganda.( The Kabaka attempted to act as a conduit for coastal traders into the kingdom of Bunyoro but the latter’s ruler was more oriented towards the northern route to the Ottoman-egyptians, nevertheless, evidence of syncretism with Swahili culture among Uganda’s main kingdoms became more pronounced by the late 19th century. _**original photo of “Mtesa, the Emperor of Uganda” and other chiefs taken by H.M.Stanley in 1875, they are all wearing swahili kanzus (white gowns) and some wearing fez hats**_ _**On the royal square on a feast day, men wearing white kanzus and some with coats and hats (early 20th century photo- oldeastafricapostcards)**_ _**Group of kings from the Uganda protectorate, standing with their prime-ministers and their chiefs. They are shown wearing kanzus, some with hats. 1912 photo (makerere university, oldeastafricapostcards)**_ * * * **Swahili cultural syncretism in the other lake kingdoms; Karagwe, Rusubi, Rwanda and Wanga** **Karagwe:** The traders at Tabora and Ujiji whose northern routes passed through the Kingdom of Karagwe attimes assisted the latter’s rulers in administration especially since Karagwe was often vulnerable to incursions from its larger neighbors; Buganda and Rwanda. In 1855, king Rumanyika rose to power in Karagwe with the decisive help of the coastal traders who intervened on his behalf in a succession struggle. Similar form of assistance was offered in Karagwe's neighbor; the Rusubi kingdom, and the Swahili established the markets of Biharamulo in Rusubi and Kafuro in Karagwe, which extended to the South of Lake Victoria at the lake port of Kageyi, from which dhows were built by the Swahili trader Songoro in the 1870s to supplement the Kabaka’s fleet( . In 1894, King Kasusura's court in Rusubi was described as having a body-guard corps equipped with piston rifles, courtesans clad in kanzus, and the sovereign himself dressed in “Turkish” clothes and jackets.( **Rwanda:** In the kingdom of Rwanda (Nyiginya), coastal goods had been entering its markets through secondary exchange, it wasn’t until the 1850s, that a caravan with Arab and Swahili traders arrived at the court of Mwami (king) Rowgera (r. 1830-1853). coincidentally, a great drought struck the country at the time and the king’s diviners accused the caravan of having caused it and coastal merchants were barred formal access to the country, although their products still continued to flow into its markets, and two of Mwami Rwogera’s capitals became famous for their trade in glass beads, and many of the Rwanda elites drape themselves in swahili _kanzus_. The decision to close the country to coastal merchants was however largely influenced by the rise of Rumayika in Karagwe in 1855 who ascended with assistance from the coastal merchants, and the divination blaming a caravan for a drought was used as a pretext.( **Wanga** In western Kenya’s kingdom of Wanga, coastal traders established a foothold in its capital Mumias through the patronage of King Shiundi around 1857, and over the years grew their presence significantly such that Mumias became a regular trading town along the northern route. Swahili cultural syncretism with Wanga increased the enthronement of Shiundi’s successor Mumia, when explorers visited the kingdom in 1883, they found that Islam had become the religion of the royal family of Wanga, and by 1890, King Mumia was fluent in Swahili and the dress and language of the kingdom’s citizens adopted Swahili characteristics. Just like in Buganda, the coastal traders also played a role in Wanga’s military with mixed results as well, during the later years of Shiundu's reign, the Wanga kingdom had control over many vassals the Jo-ugenya, a powerful neighbor that had over the decades defeated Wanga’s armies and forced the king to shift his capital way from Mumias to another town called Mwilala, and imposed a truce on the wanga that was favourable to them. Upon inheriting a kingdom which "_**had been dimished and considerably weakened by the Jo-Ungenya**_", Mumia enlisted the military aid of the coastal traders who, armed with a few rifles initially managed to turn back the Jo-Ugenya in several battles during the early 1880s, but as the latter changed their battle tactics, the coastal firepower couldn’t suffice and the Wanga were again forced into a truce( . By the 1890s, small but thriving Swahili merchant communities were established within the Wanga sphere of influence at Kitui and Machakos, although these never attained the prominence of Tabora or Ujiji since the northern caravan routes were not frequented.( **Eastern congo** Coastal merchants had reached eastern congo in the early 19th century, and in 1852, a caravan of Arab and Swahili crossed the continent having embarked at Bagamoyo in 1845, and following the central route through Ujiji, eastern Congo, and Angola to the port city of Benguela( . Ujiji served as a base for coastal traders into the eastern D.R.C following old, regional trade routes that brought ivory, copper and other commodities from the region. Despite the marked influence of the Swahili culture, few swahili merchants are mentioned among the caravan leaders and notable political figures of region’s politics in the mid-to-late 19th century. One anonymous merchant is recorded to have travelled to the region in the 1840s, a German visitor in Kilwa was told by the governor of the city "_**of a Suahili (**_**swahili**_**) who had journeyed from Kiloa (**_kilwa_**) to the lake Niassa (**_Nyanza/Victoria_**), and thence to Loango on the western Coast of Africa**_" ( no doubt a reference to the above cross-continental carravan. Few other Swahili caravans are mentioned although several Oman-Arab figures such as Tippu tip (both paternal and maternal ancestors were recently arrived Arabs but mother was half-Luba), and dozens of his kinsmen are mentioned in the region, assisted by local administration. Tippu tipu used a vast infrastructure of kinship networks that cut across ethnic and geographical boundaries to establish a lucrative ivory trade in the region. But his image as much a product of colonial exoticism and the role his position in the early colonial era, than a real portrait of his stature, and he was in many ways considered an archetype of coastal traders in the mainland.( He established a short-lived state centered at Kasongo and in which swahili was used as the administrative and trade language and a number of Swahili manuscripts written in the region during the late 19th century have since been recovered.( _**Portrait of a coastal family in eastern congo, 1896 (Royal Museum for Central Africa)**_ * * * **Conclusion: east africa and the global economy.** A more accurate examination of the economic history and cultural syncretism of 19th century Africa reveals the complexity of economic and social change which transcends the simplistic paradigms within which its often framed. The slave paradigm created In the ideological currents emanating from Europe during the era of imperial expansion and abolition had worked in tandem with more older racist literature to create stereotypes of Africa as a continent of slavery, and Africans as incapable of achieving "modernization", thus providing the rationale for colonial intervention and tropes to legitimize it in colonial literature. Post-colonial historians' reliance on inadequate conceptual tools and uncritical use of primary sources led them to attimes erroneously repeat these old paradigms which thus remained dominant. But resent research across multiple east African societies of the late 19th century, has revealed the glaring flaws in these paradigms, from the semi-autonomous Swahili societies like Bagamoyo which prospered largely outside Omani overlordship, to the enterprising initiative of the Nyamwezi wage-laborers who opened up the coast to trade with the mainland (rather than the reverse), to the cultural syncretism of Buganda and the Swahili that was dictated by the former's own systems of adaptation rather than the latter's super-imposition. 19th century East Africa ushered itself into the global economy largely on its own terms, trading commodities that were marginal to its economies but greatly benefiting from its engagement in cultural exchanges which ultimately insulated it against some of the vagaries of the colonial era's aggressive form of globalization. * * * _**Read more about East african history on my Patreon**_ ( * * * _**THANKS FOR SUPPORTING MY WRITING, in case you haven’t seen some of my posts in your email inbox, please check your “promotions tab” and click “accept for future messages”.**_ ( for critical analysis of such travelogues, see “The Dark Continent?: Images of Africa in European Narratives about the Congo” Frits Andersen and The Lost White Tribe by Michael Frederick Robinson ( Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 97-101) ( Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 113) ( Indian Africa: Minorities of Indian-Pakistani Origin in Eastern Africa edited by Adam, Michel pg 103 ( War of Words, War of Stones by Jonathon Glassman pg 28-29) ( The Island as Nexus by Jeremy Presholdt pg 321 ( The Swahili by Derek Nurse, ‎Thomas Spear pg 83 ( The Island as Nexus by Jeremy Presholdt pg 326 ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg 96-97 ) ( The Workers of African Trade by P.Lovejoy pg 18) ( The Island as Nexus: Zanzibar in the Nineteenth Century by jeremy presholdt pg 317-337) ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg 72 ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg 128-132) ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg 72, 82) ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg 135, 141) ( Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 212-214 ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg pg 148-151) ( Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 33 ) ( Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 12-23 ( Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 165 ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg 88-89) ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg pg 150-151) ( A triangle: Spatial processes of urbanization and political power in 19th-century Tabora, Tanzania by Karin Pallaver ( Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 57-58) ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg 150-151) ( on ivory and elephant hunting in Buganda, Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard J. Reid pg 60-62 ( On the carravan trade and its effects in eastern africa, and Ufipa’s textile production; “Twilight of an Industry in East Africa” by Katharine Frederick pg 123-126, 174-176 ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg 89 ( Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 6 ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg 153) ( The structures of the slave trade in Central Africa in the 19th Century by F. Renault 1989, pg 146; Localisation and social composition of the East African slave trade, 1858–1873. by A. Sherrif ,pg 132–133, 142–144) ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg 84, 90) ( Slaves, spices, and ivory in Zanzibar by Abdul Sheriff 51-54 ( Slaves, spices, and ivory in Zanzibar by Abdul Sheriff pg 41-48 ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg pg 154) ( The Swahili by Derek Nurse, ‎Thomas Spear ( Horn and cresecnt by R. Pouwels pg 34-37, 72) ( War of Words, War of Stones by Jonathon Glassman pg 31-39) ( The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 277) ( Buying Time: Debt and Mobility in the Western Indian Ocean by Thomas F. McDowpg 80-90) ( Buying Time: Debt and Mobility in the Western Indian Ocean by Thomas F. McDowpg 90-100) ( Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 38-39) ( The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 285) ( The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 288) ( Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 18) ( The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 275-276) ( Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 224 ( Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg pg 55-56) ( Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 154) ( Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 154, The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 287), ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg 145) ( Making Identity on the Swahili Coast By Steven Fabian pg 80-96 ( Making Identity on the Swahili Coast By Steven Fabian pg 50 ( Making Identity on the Swahili Coast By Steven Fabian pg 33-75) ( The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 278) ( Making Identity on the Swahili Coast By Steven Fabian pg 68) ( Slaves, Spices and Ivory in Zanzibar by A Sheriff pg 172 ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg pg 82 ( The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 279) ( The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 282) ( The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 288) ( Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 49 ( Buying time: Debt and Mobility in the Western Indian Ocean by Thomas F. McDow pg 100-110 ( The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 288) ( The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 289) ( the great lakes of east africa by Jean-Pierre Chrétien pg 483 ( The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 291-292) ( The Arab and Islamic Impact on Buganda during the Reign of Kabaka Mutesa by Oded Arye pg 218, 119) ( see Ali’s biography in “sufis and scholars of the sea” Anne K. Bang pg 96, and “Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels” pg 119) ( Through the Dark Continent by H.M. stanley pg 244) ( Through the Dark Continent by H.M. stanley pg 265) ( The Arab and Islamic Impact on Buganda during the Reign of Kabaka Mutesa by Oded Arye pg 220) ( The Arab and Islamic Impact on Buganda during the Reign of Kabaka Mutesa by Oded Arye pg 220-223) ( The Arab and Islamic Impact on Buganda during the Reign of Kabaka Mutesa by Oded Arye pg 225-227) ( Through the Dark Continent by H.M. stanley pg 240) ( The Arab and Islamic Impact on Buganda during the Reign of Kabaka Mutesa by Oded Arye pg 226) ( Sokomoko Popular Culture in East Africa by Werner Graebner pg 48) ( Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard J. Reid pg 28 ( The Arab and Islamic Impact on Buganda during the Reign of Kabaka Mutesa by Oded Arye pg 230) ( Through the Dark Continent by H.M. stanley pg 270) ( Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard J. Reid pg 74-75) ( Research Paper, Issues 126-128 by University of Chicago, Department of Geography, 1970, pg 165, The Uganda Journal, Volumes 29-30 by Uganda Society, 1965 pg 189 ( Buying time: Debt and Mobility in the Western Indian Ocean by Thomas F. McDow ( The great lakes of africa by Jean-Pierre Chrétien pg 195-198) ( Antecedents to modern Rwanda by Jan Vansina pg 157) ( Historical Studies and Social Change in Western Kenya pg 58-67) ( The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 291, Swahili Language and Society: Papers from the Workshop Held at the School of Oriental and African Studies in April 1982 pg 335 ( Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 51 ( Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 51) ( Debt and Mobility in the Western Indian Ocean pg 125-145 ( The arabic script in africa by Meikal Mumin pg 311-317).

# Economic Growth and Cultural Syncretism in 19th Century East Africa ## Overview The 19th century in East Africa was marked by significant economic growth and cultural syncretism driven by trade and exchanges between the East African mainland and the Swahili coast. These interactions were bi-directional, challenging the prevailing narratives that often depicted them as exploitative and unidirectional. ## Historical Context 1. **Colonial Historiography**: Much of the literature regarding 19th-century East Africa has been influenced by colonial thought, portraying Africa as a peripheral region in global history. This perspective has been criticized for oversimplifying complex social dynamics, particularly in the context of trade and cultural exchanges. 2. **Misrepresentations in Literature**: - Early travel accounts, notably by Henry Morton Stanley, presented Africa as a land ruled by despotic kings and subjected to exploitation by external powers. - These narratives have often overshadowed the agency of East African societies in shaping their economic and cultural landscapes. ## The Swahili Coast and Oman Sultanate 1. **Political Autonomy of Swahili City-States**: Prior to the 19th century, Swahili city-states were politically independent and thrived during their classical era (11th to 16th century). The arrival of Portuguese in 1498 disrupted this autonomy, leading to fluctuating alliances, particularly with the Omani Arabs, who eventually expelled the Portuguese. 2. **Oman Sultan Seyyid Said’s Expansion**: - From 1804, Seyyid Said sought to consolidate control over the Swahili coast, capturing key cities such as Lamu, Mombasa, and Zanzibar. - The establishment of the Zanzibar Sultanate in 1840 intensified trade and agricultural expansion but did not extend formal control over the mainland. 3. **Economic Transformation**: - The Sultanate promoted trade, attracting Indian financiers and establishing Zanzibar as a major trading hub. - Consumer culture flourished, influenced by imports and global market dynamics, transforming social status symbols among all classes, including the enslaved. ## Trade Dynamics 1. **Cloth as the Main Export**: - Cloth, particularly _merikani_ (American cloth), became the principal export to the mainland due to its demand and pricing strategies. - The trading system was regulated to benefit coastal traders, maintaining a supply advantage. 2. **Ivory Trade**: - Ivory emerged as the most lucrative export, with trade profits increasing alongside global demand. - This elevated ivory hunting further inland, shifting trade patterns and impacting local economies. 3. **Role of Porters**: - The transport of goods relied heavily on wage laborers, known as porters, who formed a vital part of the trade network, earning significantly more than the average laborer. - Porters were misidentified as slaves in colonial narratives, a misconception that obscured their role and agency. ## Cultural Syncretism and Identity 1. **Fluid Identities**: The identities of the Swahili-speaking populations evolved with interactions among various groups, including Arabs and mainland Africans. Historically, identities were linked to specific geographical origins (e.g., _waPate_, _waMvita_). 2. **Influence of Zanzibar Sultanate**: - The influx of Omani Arabs changed local dynamics, leading to new classifications and social stratification among coastal and mainland groups. - Swahili and Arab tensions arose due to competing interests and cultural identities. 3. **Cultural Exchange with Mainland Kingdoms**: - In regions such as Buganda, coastal traders facilitated the adoption of new technologies and cultural practices, influencing local governance and military tactics. - Swahili cultural elements were integrated into various kingdoms, including clothing styles and administrative practices. ## Conclusion The economic and cultural developments of 19th-century East Africa illustrate a region engaged in complex trade dynamics and cultural exchanges. Rather than being passive recipients of external influences, East African societies actively shaped their participation in the global economy. This narrative challenges reductive colonial perspectives, emphasizing the agency of local populations and the multifaceted nature of their histories.

Revolution and Upheaval in pre-colonial southern Africa: the view from Kaditshwene.

On the myth of "mfecane"

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Revolution and Upheaval in pre-colonial southern Africa: the view from Kaditshwene. =================================================================================== ### On the myth of "mfecane" ( May 08, 2022 9 Historical scholarship about 19th century southern africa has long been centered on the notion of the so-called mfecane, a term that emerged from colonial era notions that implicate King Shaka and the rise of the Zulu kingdom as the cause of unprecedented upheaval, political transformation, and intensified conflict across the region between the 1810s-1830s. As a cape colonist wrote: "_**the direful war-wave first set in motion by the insatiable ambition of the great Zulu conqueror rolled onward until it reached the far interior, affecting every nation with which it came in contact**_"( . One of the nations supposedly engulfed in the maelstrom was the Harutshe capital of Kaditshwene, the largest urban settlement in southern Africa of the early 19th century. Research over the last two decades has however convincingly shown that the “mfecane” is a false periodization not grounded in local understanding of history, but is instead a scholarly construct whose claims of unprecedented violence, depopulation and famine have since been discredited. This article explores the history of the Tswana capital of Kaditshwene from its growth in the 18th century to its abandonment in 1823, showing that the era of revolution and upheaval in the Tswana states was neither related to, nor instigated by the Zulu emergence of the early 19th century, but was instead part of a similar process of state consolidation and expansion across southern Africa. _**Map showing some of the major Tswana capitals in the late 18th century including Kaditshwene, and the Hurutshe state (highlighted in green)**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Earliest Tswana communities in southern Africa, and the emergence of social complexity (3rd century -14th century)** There’s now significant archeological evidence of the arrival of sedentary homesteads, iron working, pottery, and plant and animal domesticates into south Africa by bantu-speaking groups in several waves beginning around 250AD, these groups often travelled along the coast and thus settled near the south African coast to exploit its marine resources and to cultivate the sandy soils adjacent to the sea, the latter soils were often poor and quickly depleted which periodically forced their migration for new fields.( The interior of southern Africa was occupied by various pastoral-forager communities who were among the earliest human ancestors in the world. known in modern times as Khoi and San, they traded and intermixed socially over centuries with bantu-speaking communities. Both the oral traditions and the reports of European missionaries and travelers confirm that the forager communities and the bantu-speaking groups often lived on amicable terms near each other but also warred for resources and on occasions of transgression,( aspects of San culture were also adopted in Tswana origin myths to affirm the latter's ancestral links with the region.( The earliest states in south eastern Africa emerged at Schroda and K2 (south-africa) around 850AD, at Toutswe (Botswana) in 900AD, at Mapungubwe (south-Africa) in 1075, at Great Zimbabwe (Zimbabwe) in the 12th century, and at Thulamela south-Africa) in the 13th century( . By the 14th century, complex chiefdoms of lineage groups were spread across most of south-eastern Africa including in what is now southern Botswana and central south-Africa, in the heartlands of the Tswana-speakers (a language-group in the larger bantu language-family) from which the Hurutshe state emerged. _**Map showing the distribution of Tswana (and Nguni) stone-wall settlements after the mid-15th century, Map showing the location of some late 18th century Tswana capitals**_ **Early Tswana lineages and states: 14th-18th century** Among the Tswana speakers, states were often identified by the name of the founding ancestor of the ruling chief's line of descent( . Across the wider region, submission to authority was prompted by military protection and gaining access to productive resources such as arable land and cattle rather than an acceptance of the legitimizing authority, this preserved the right of expression of open dissent in public forums which became a feature of the region's statecraft.( settlements reflecting early Tswana culture in the region are first dated to about 1300 and many of the traditions of the old Tswana ruling lineages date their founding genealogies back to the early second millennium, possibly indicating that these traditions refer to ancestors who headed the descent line and inherited the chieftaincy prior to their arrival.( Radiocarbon dates from settlements near Kaditswene confirm that Tswana speakers had settled there as early as the 15th century. The extensive use of stone as a building material started in the late 17th century, and had by the mid 18th century grown into aggregated stonewalled settlements, such as Kaditshwene and several others. The material-cultural and stratigraphic record of these sites indicate however, that they were not occupied for extended periods, suggesting that Tswana capitals including Kaditshwene were frequently relocated.( In the 18th century, a number of Tswana polities emerged central southern Africa. These states came to be known with reference to the ancient lines of descent that had long been in the region such as the BaHurutshe, BaFokeng, BaMokgatla and BaKwena among others( (despite the Ba- prefix, these are Tswana dialects rather than different languages. **From lineage segmentation to large chiefdoms: the emergence of Harutshe (1650-1750)** The historiography of southern Africa contains many records about the separation/segmentation of genealogically linked lines of descent into smaller lineages that eventually founded the early polities of the region. These segmentations occurred from the late 1st/early 2nd millennium upto the early 18th century. The size and complexity of the resulting sociopolitical formations and their interactions, including trade and warfare, reflect development over a long period prior to the earliest written records about them. Several explanations for this segmentation have been offered including; conflicts in authority and succession that were resolved by migration rather than military contest/subordination;( ecological stress during periods of scarcity;( and social rules prohibiting endogamy.( The process of segmentation was in part enabled by the availability of territory relative to the small size of the early states. Among the Tswana lineages, the BaFokeng and the BaHurutshe separated in the 15th century, after a contest over authority forced the former to migrate away eastwards.( Of the three remaining lineages, the BaHurutshe cited a great progenitor who predated those of their peers, this progenitor was Malope I whose three sons by order of birth were Mohurutse, Mokwena and Mokgatla.( Several versions of this aetiological legend exist in Tswana culture and were employed to endorse the genealogical ranking of the various Tswana lineages, according to which the Hurutshe were “a higher nation” than their peers because they were born first.( These three lineages would also split further over the 16th and 17th century. In the early 18th century, the BaHurutshe separated into two lineages with the first establishing Kaditswene and the second at a nearby town called Tswenyane, by the late 18th century however, the ruler of the latter faction, named Senosi, was subject to the authority of the boy-chief at Kaditswene named Moilwa II and the his regent named Diutlwileng.( Across 18th century southern Africa, segmentation of the old lineage groups stopped and reversed in most cases, as powerful states begun to consolidate their authority over smaller states.( In the Tswana states, the increasing accumulation of wealth and the centralization of political power by rulers led to the growth of large aggregated capitals of the emerging Tswana states one of which was the Hurutshe capital of Kaditswhene.( (and others including the Ngwaketse capital of Pitsa) _**ruins of the Ngwaketse capital of Pitsa, established in the late 18th century.**_( * * * **Kadisthwene as the pre-eminent Tswana capital, and the era of Tswana wars (1750-1821)** In 1820, a missionary named John Campbell, travelled to Kaditswene. He was known locally as Ramoswaanyane( (“_**Mr Little White One”**_) and his accounts provide the richest accounts of the city at its height. Campbell estimated the Hurutshe capital’s population at 20,000 shortly after his arrival, but later adjusted the number to 16,000 in his published journal.( Both figures compare favorably with the population of cape-town estimated to be about 15-16,000 in the early 19th century.( Kaditswhene's characteristic dry-stone walling, like in several other Tswana cities, was used for the construction of assembly areas, residential units —which enclosed houses, kitchens and granaries—, as well as stock enclosures.( Campbell described the handicraft manufactures of Kaditshwene that included extensive smelting of iron, copper and tin for making domestic and military tools, leather for making cloaks, sandals, shields, caps; as well as ivory and wood carving for making various ornaments,( commenting about the quality of their manufactures that "_**they have iron, found to be equal to any steel**_" and that every knife made by their cutlers was worth a sheep both in the local market and among the neighboring groups with whom they traded, selling copper and iron implements for gold and silver( . The discovery of several iron furnaces and dozens of slag heaps in the ruins collaborates his observation.( _**ruins of Kaditshwene (including Tsweyane above) overgrown with shrubs**_ Campbell also witnessed one of the proceedings of the assembly of leaders (pitso ya dikgosana) comprising of 300-400 members, which was held at Diutlwileng’s court on 10 May 1820 on matters of war against a neighboring state (most likely the Kwena) ostensibly for seizing their cattle, as well as to consider the request to establish a mission at the Hurutshe capital.( During the mid 18th century, Harutshe enjoyed a form of political and religious dominance over their mostly autonomous neighbors( , including the Ngwaketse and the Kwena chiefdoms( and in the late 18th/early 19th century, Hurutshe asserted its authority over several of the neighboring chiefdoms, wrestling them away from the neighboring Ngwaketse and Kwena chiefdoms, such as the statelets of Mmanaana and the Lete which were renown for their extensive iron-working and whose conquest allowed the Hurutshe to control the regional production and distribution of iron and copper.( In the 1810s, the Harutshe were at the head of a defensive alliance with several Tswana states that were at war against the resurgent chiefdom of Ngwaketse after loosing its tributary, Mmanaana, to the Ngwaketse in 1808. ( By 1818, Kaditswehe had campaigned in Lete, and fully incorporated it into their political orbit with their chief, relocating his capital to Tsweyane( . When another missionary named Stephen Kay visited Kaditshwene in August of 1821, the forces of Hurutshe were caught up in a war with the Kwena.( **The fall of kaditshwene: from Queen Manthatisi to the invasion of Sebetwane. (1821-1823)** Contemporaneous with the emergence of large Tswana states like Hurutshe was the emergence of Tlokoa state led by the BaTlokoa, the latter were a segment of the earlier mentioned BaKgatla who had split off from their parent lineage around the 17th century and furthermore into the 18th century with the establishment of several small chiefdoms east of Hurutshe.( By the early 19th century, several of these small chiefdoms were united under Queen regent Manthatisi's Tlokoa state whose expansionist armies were campaigning throughout the region and incorporating neighboring chiefdoms into her growing state( , some of her wars were fought with the Harutshe in 1821( , and with several of the emerging BaFokeng chiefdoms including the expansionist armies led by an ambitious ruler named Sebetwane( .Sebetwana united several segmentary BaFokeng groups and raised a large army, but rather than settling to fight against the more powerful armies of the Tlokoa, he chose the old response of migration, and thus travelled northwards into what is now modern Zambia, but along the way, his armies faced off with several of the chiefdoms in the region including the Hurutshe.( Oral records and contemporary written accounts indicate that the Hurutshe regent Diutlwileng, died in a war with Sebetwane in a battle fought around April 1823. Diutlwileng had led the Hurutshe armies upon receiving a request for military support from his vassals the Phiring and the Molefe. the Harutshe capital of Kaditshwene was sacked shortly after his defeat( . Hurutshe then fell under the suzerainty of the large Ndebele kingdom as a tributary state.( The Ndebele kingdom led by Mzilikazi, extended from southern Zimbabwe (where it had subsumed the medieval cities of the Rozvi and Great Zimbabwe) and over parts of northern south-Africa. Sebetwane on the other hand subsumed the Lozi states of modern Zambia into his large kingdom of Kololo( . The protracted process of state consolidation that begun in the late 18th century ended with the emergence of large kingdoms in the mid 19th century, the centuries-long segmentation of the Tswana and other bantu-speaking groups of southern Africa was reversed as complex states emerged, expanded and evolved into large Kingdoms such as Ndebele, Kololo and the Zulu, while Kaditshwene fell in the upheaval of the era's political transformations. **Revolution and Upheaval across southern africa: from Dingiswayo to Shaka of Zulu.** Similar revolutions and upheavals were observed across the region. The migration of lineages, over short and long distances in south-eastern Africa dispersed chiefdoms across the regions of; KwaZulu-Natal, Trans-Kei, Maputo (Delagoa) Bay, Swaziland, Transvaal, and Lesotho. Over many centuries, the smaller chiefdoms succumbed to sociopolitical domination and incorporation by others as ambitious chiefs (and later; Kings) consolidated their hold over people and territory through diplomacy and war; expanding their influence and control to create large kingdoms in the mid 19th century.( Examples include the Mathwena kingdom under king Dingiswayo of (r. 1795-1817) who is better known for mentoring Shaka of the Zulu kingdom, he greatly consolidated his rule over surrounding states under his authority (including the zulu), largely through military conquest and diplomacy, achieving the former by introducing a series of military innovations, and the latter through intermarriage.( he expanded export trade in ivory, leather, cattle, and other commodities especially with the Portuguese at Delagoa Bay( and turned his capital into a major craft manufacturing center, establishing a manufactory of kaross-fur textiles that employed hundreds of workers.( The archetype of this era was undoubtedly the Zulu kingdom under the reign of King Shaka (r. 1816-1828). The Zulu were initially under the wing of Dingiswayo's Mathwena kingdom as a tributary state, but later broke off and grew into the preeminent military power in south-eastern africa. Shaka’s reign was marked by his famous military campaigns, as well as his diplomacy, trade and innovations which resulted in the consolidation of Zulu authority over much of the surrounding states in the Kwazulu-Natal region.( * * * **Colonial warfare and the invention of “mfecane”.** The early 19th century period of political transformation across southern africa was termed mfecane by colonial historians. The term mfecane was purely academic construct coined in the late 19th century by various colonial writers and popularized by Eric Walker's "History of South Africa" written in 1928, but it wasn’t an indigenous periodization used by the southern Africans whose history the adherents of "mfecane" were claiming to tell( . Their central claim that mfecane was an unprecedented era of widespread violence, famine and loss of human life that begun with the emergence of the Zulu kingdom has since been thoroughly discredited in recent research since the 1990s, by several historians and other specialists( , showing that not only were the political processes in several places (such as the Tswana chiefdoms) outside the sphere of the Zulu’s influence, but also that many of the wars which occurred between the expanding states (such as the Tswana wars of the late 18th century, Manthatisi’s campaigns of the 1810/20s, and Sebetwane's wars with Hurusthe and other groups in early 1820s) were unrelated to —and mostly predated— the Zulu’s emergence ( . Intertwined with the theories of a Zulu-induced chain-reaction of violence, were the old Hamitic-race theories which had been used in the historiography of Great Zimbabwe to argue for its foreign foundations, but were now repurposed for south-African historiography. Scholars such as the colonial state ethnologist Paul-Lenert Breutz, wrote in two widely read publications of Tswana history in 1955 and 1989, that the stone structures of Kaditshwene _**“were not characteristic of either Bantu or Nilo-Hamitic peoples**_" and should "_**be attributed to some Hamitic or Semitic race**_" who supposedly built them in ancient times, and that they had been destroyed by the Bantu-speakers during the mfecane, a pseduo-historical argument that he maintained despite being aware of campbell’s writings, radiocarbon dating, and the traditions of the BaHurutshe who still lived next to the ruins.( The purported loss of life during the mfecane, which colonial scholars such as George McCall Theal (the “father of south-African history”) advanced based on impressionistic observations made by early 19th century travelers about the ruins of Kaditshwene and other capitals( , and the very conjectural claims made by European traders in the Kwazulu-Natal region —claiming over a million deaths attributed to the Zulu wars—, has been dismissed as "s_**lim or non-existent**_" by recent research, which used contemporary literature by 19th century travelers to show that the both the Tswana and Kwazulu-Natal regions were very densely populated at the time, much to the surprise of the same travelers who had received reports about the regions’ apparent depopulation.( While the adoption of maize/corn in the KwaZulu-Natal region during the late 18th century (but not in the Tswana regions until late 1820s, and its vulnerability to climate extremities compared to indigenous sorghum, did result in famine in parts of Kwazulu-natal in the mid 1820s, external accounts written by European traders in the region routinely exaggerated accounts of the Zulu's military campaigns for causing them, implicating the Zulu in the destruction of the food systems, and subsequent famine and the "depopulation" of the area, yet droughts were a recurring theme in southern Africa's ecological history including a much larger drought in 1800-1803 that hit the cape colony as well as the interior.( The fact that most of the european traders’ accounts are centered on the notion of the depopulation of the Kwazulu-Natal area and thus the myth of the “empty land”( , raises further suspicion, as the various europeans interests were concerned with bringing the region under colonization. "_**Claims of the deliberate destruction of food as a cause of widespread famine are thus at best exaggerated to serve as narratives of depopulation, and at worst inextricably tied to narratives of white civilising missions amongst the wars and migrations of savage tribes**_".( _**Map of southern africa in the late 19th century showing the directions of colonial invasions**_ * * * **Conclusion: the view from Kaditshwene** "Mfecane" was an academic construct that was weaponised in colonial and apartheid literature to justify European colonization and apartheid rule in southern Africa.( As one south African historian observed, the mfecane “_**is essentially no more than a rhetorical construction - or, more accurately, an abstraction arising from a rhetoric of violence**_".( As shown in the example of Harutshe’s political history, there's little evidence that a unique wave of internecine violence emerged in the 1820s across a previously tranquil political landscape, and even less evidence that a singular factor such as the Zulu or the Ndebele were responsible for this paticular era's warfare.( Rather, southern Africa in the late 18th and early 19th century witnessed the emergence and consolidation of large states from segmentary lineage groups following an in increase in socio-economic stratification and political amalgamation,( and throughout these processes, rulers transformed their scope of authority from heading small chiefdoms in mobile capitals, to controlling diverse groups and vast territories in large kingdoms using innovative and elaborate institutions of governance; in what could be better termed as a “revolution”.( While migration and lineage segmentation were in the past the only response to conflicts in authority, the large states of the 18th/early 19th century southern Africa increasingly chose consolidation through both diplomacy and open war, leading to the emergence of states such as Hurutshe, which were eventually subsumed into even larger kingdoms. The view from Kaditshwene is a portrait of the political transformation and upheaval of the south-eastern Africa in the 19th century, a city that was simultaneously a beneficiary and a causality of the era's political currents. * * * _**Read more about the mfecane, Kaditshwene and south-African history on my Patreon**_ ( * * * _**THANKS FOR SUPPORTING MY WRITING, in case you haven’t seen some of my posts in your email inbox, please check your “promotions tab” and click “accept for future messages”.**_ ( A Tempest in a Teapot? Nineteenth-Century Contests for Land in South Africa's Caledon Valley and the Invention of the Mfecane by Norman Etherington pg 206 ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 8) ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 237-238) ( The Late Iron Age Sequence in the Marico and Early Tswana History by Jan C. A. Boeyens pg 67 ( The origin of Zimbabwe Tradition walling by Catrien Van Waarden ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 90\_) ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 7) ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 239) ( A tale of two Tswana towns: in quest of Tswenyane and the twin capital of the Hurutshe in the Marico Jan C.A. Boeyens 10-11) ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 238) ( Modes of Politogenesis among the Tswana of South Africa by Alexander A. Kazankov; pg. 123-134 ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 240,244) ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 244-245, Nomadic Pathways in Social Evolution by Kradin, Nikolay N pg 124-125 ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 51, 114) ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 239-240) ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 245) ( A tale of two Tswana towns: in quest of Tswenyane and the twin capital of the Hurutshe in the Marico Jan C.A. Boeyens pg 13-14) ( A tale of two Tswana towns: in quest of Tswenyane and the twin capital of the Hurutshe in the Marico Jan C.A. Boeyens pg 23) ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge 116), ( The Late Iron Age Sequence in the Marico and Early Tswana History by Jan C. A. Boeyens pg 71) ( Reconnecting Tswana Archaeological Sites with their Descendants by Fred Morton ( A tale of two Tswana towns: in quest of Tswenyane and the twin capital of the Hurutshe in the Marico Jan C.A. Boeyens pg 19) ( A tale of two Tswana towns: in quest of Tswenyane and the twin capital of the Hurutshe in the Marico Jan C.A. Boeyens pg 5) ( Africa's Urban Past By R. J. A R. Rathbone pg 6 ( The Late Iron Age Sequence in the Marico and Early Tswana History by Jan C. A. Boeyens pg 69) ( Travels in south africa vol. 1 by James Campbell pg 275-276) ( Travels in south africa vol. 1 by James Campbell pg 277, 272) ( The Late Iron Age Sequence in the Marico and Early Tswana History by Jan C. A. Boeyens pg 73) ( Travels in south africa vol. 1 by James Campbell pg 259-265) ( The Late Iron Age Sequence in the Marico and Early Tswana History by Jan C. A. Boeyens pg 70) ( Conflict in the Western Highveld/Southern Kalahari c.1750-1820 by Andrew Manson ( A tale of two Tswana towns: in quest of Tswenyane and the twin capital of the Hurutshe in the Marico Jan C.A. Boeyens pg 21) ( Conflict in the Western Highveld/Southern Kalahari c.1750-1820 by Andrew Manson ( A tale of two Tswana towns: in quest of Tswenyane and the twin capital of the Hurutshe in the Marico Jan C.A. Boeyens pg 27-28) ( Marothodi: The Historical Archaeology of an African Capital by MS Anderson pg 17) ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 247-8, 259) ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 262-261) ( Marothodi: The Historical Archaeology of an African Capital by MS Anderson pg 17) ( Africa in the Nineteenth Century Until the 1880s by J. F. Ade Ajayi pg 115) ( Africa in the Nineteenth Century Until the 1880s by J. F. Ade Ajayi pg 116) ( A tale of two Tswana towns: in quest of Tswenyane and the twin capital of the Hurutshe in the Marico Jan C.A. Boeyens pg 7-8, ) ( The Bahurutshe: Historical Events by Heinrich Bammann pg 18-19) ( Africa in the Nineteenth Century Until the 1880s by J. F. Ade Ajayi pg 116-117 ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 116) ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 171-173) ( Sources of Conflict in Southern Africa, c. 1800–30 by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 8) ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 165-170) ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge 181-184, ) ( A Tempest in a Teapot? Nineteenth-Century Contests for Land in South Africa's Caledon Valley and the Invention of the Mfecane by Norman Etherington pg 204) ( Mfecane Aftermath: Reconstructive Debates in Southern African History by Thomas Dowson, Elizabeth Eldredge, Norman Etherington, Jan-Bart Gewald, Simon Hall, Guy Hartley, Margaret Kinsman, Andrew Manson, John Omer-Cooper, Neil Parsons, Jeff Peires, Christopher Saunders, Alan Webster, John Wright, Dan Wylie ( A Tempest in a Teapot? Nineteenth-Century Contests for Land in South Africa's Caledon Valley and the Invention of the Mfecane by Norman Etherington pg 204-5) ( In Search of Kaditshwene by Jan C. A. Boeyens pg 5 ( Marothodi: The Historical Archaeology of an African Capital by MS Anderson pg 41) ( Tempest in a Teapot? Nineteenth-Century Contests for Land in South Africa's Caledon Valley and the Invention of the Mfecane by Norman Etherington pg 206) ( The Late Iron Age Sequence in the Marico and Early Tswana History by Jan C. A. Boeyens pg 74) ( Sources of Conflict in Southern Africa, c. 1800–30 by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 29) ( The Demographics of Empire by Karl Ittmann et al pg 120 ( Climate, history, society over the last millennium in southeast Africa by Matthew J Hannaford pg 19) ( Mfecane Aftermath: Reconstructive Debates in Southern African History, by various ( Savage Delights: White Myths of Shaka by Dan Wylie, 19) ( Sources of Conflict in Southern Africa, c. 1800–30 by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 15) ( Sources of Conflict in Southern Africa, c. 1800–30 by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 30) ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 320).

### Title: Revolution and Upheaval in pre-colonial Southern Africa: The View from Kaditshwene #### I. Overview of the Myth of "Mfecane" 1. **Definition of Mfecane**: Historically viewed as a period of significant upheaval in southern Africa (1810s-1830s), often attributed to King Shaka and the rise of the Zulu kingdom. 2. **Colonial Era Perspectives**: Early colonial narratives suggested that the rise of the Zulu caused widespread violence and political transformation across the region. 3. **Discrediting the Mfecane**: Recent scholarship reveals that the concept of "mfecane" is largely a scholarly construct lacking grounding in local historical understandings. It has been deemed inaccurate regarding the extent of violence and demographic changes during this period. #### II. Historical Context of Kaditshwene 1. **Kaditshwene's Significance**: Known as the largest urban settlement in early 19th-century southern Africa, it was a central hub for the Harutshe nation. 2. **Growth Timeline**: Kaditshwene flourished from the 18th century until its abandonment in 1823. The development was influenced by broader trends of state consolidation across southern Africa. #### III. Tswana Communities and Early States 1. **Settlements and Migration**: - Bantu-speaking groups began settling in southern Africa around 250 AD, bringing with them advancements in agriculture and ironworking. - The Khoi and San communities occupied the interior, and interactions between these groups were characterized by both cooperation and conflict over resources. 2. **Emergence of Tswana States**: - Complex chiefdoms arose in southeastern Africa from the 14th century, including the early states of Schroda, K2, Toutswe, Mapungubwe, and Great Zimbabwe. - By the 14th century, the region was populated by various Tswana-speaking chiefdoms. #### IV. Development of Harutshe and Kaditshwene 1. **Formation of Tswana Polities**: - The BaHurutshe lineage emerged from earlier segmentation processes, which stemmed from conflicts over authority and ecological stresses. - By the early 18th century, the BaHurutshe established Kaditshwene as a chiefdom. 2. **Characteristics of Kaditshwene**: - The city exhibited extensive dry-stone wall construction and was known for iron smelting, trade, and a large population estimated at 16,000 to 20,000. - It served as a political and military center where leaders convened to discuss matters of war and governance. #### V. Wars and Political Dynamics (1750-1821) 1. **Military Engagements**: - The Harutshe engaged in various conflicts with neighboring groups, asserting control over regions and enhancing their political authority. - Interactions with the Ngwaketse and Kwena chiefdoms marked the rise of Harutshe's power. #### VI. The Fall of Kaditshwene (1821-1823) 1. **Emergence of New Powers**: - The Tlokoa state, under Queen Manthatisi, expanded and incorporated neighboring chiefdoms during the early 19th century. - Sebetwane's migration led to further conflicts, resulting in the invasion of Harutshe. 2. **Final Confrontations**: - The Harutshe faced significant military challenges, resulting in the death of their regent, Diutlwileng, and the subsequent sacking of Kaditshwene. - After the fall, Kaditshwene became a tributary under the expanding Ndebele kingdom. #### VII. Reevaluation of Mfecane 1. **Colonial Constructs**: The "mfecane" was coined in the late 19th century and was often used to justify European colonization. 2. **Research Findings**: Recent studies discredited the narrative of widespread violence and demographic collapse initiated by the Zulu, showing that many conflicts predated the Zulu state’s emergence. 3. **Understanding Political Transformations**: The period witnessed the rise of larger kingdoms through political integration rather than a singular wave of violence attributed to specific leaders. #### VIII. Conclusion: Insights from Kaditshwene 1. **Political Transformation**: The history of Kaditshwene illustrates the complexities of state formation and consolidation in southern Africa during the 19th century. 2. **Legacy of Historical Narratives**: The concept of "mfecane" remains a rhetorical device that oversimplifies the nuanced socio-political dynamics of the time, highlighting the need for a more refined understanding of southern African history. This structured recap emphasizes the factual accuracy and logical flow of information regarding the historical context and reevaluation of the so-called "mfecane" era in southern Africa, particularly from the perspective of Kaditshwene.

Knights of the Sahara: A history of military horses and equestrian culture in Africa (1650BC-1916AD)

the role of cavalries in the political history of Africa's Saharan states

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Knights of the Sahara: A history of military horses and equestrian culture in Africa (1650BC-1916AD) ==================================================================================================== ### the role of cavalries in the political history of Africa's Saharan states ( May 01, 2022 10 Since its domestication 5,000 years ago, the horse has played an important role in statecraft and warfare. In the ancient world, the charioteer carried in a horse-drawn vehicle became the world’s first war machine, greatly reshaping the political landscape of the near-east, and in the medieval era, mounted soldiers became a powerful military class, dominating the politics of the middle ages from the European knight to the central-Asian Mamluks. Because of its importance in Eurasian history, the military horse’s role has often been stressed in the political history of the African states straddling the Sahara desert, and while earlier theories that attributed African state formation to mounted invaders from the north have since been discredited, scholarly consensus maintains the importance of cavalry warfare in Saharan state history, a region that was home to virtually all of the continent’s largest empires. This article traces the history of the horse in Africa from its earliest adoption in warfare during antiquity, to the end of the mounted soldier in the colonial wars of the early 20th century. **Map showing the distribution of recent horse population in Africa and the approximate location of Saharan states mentioned below.** * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Early evidence for horses in the Saharan regions of Sudan and West Africa** **Archeological finds and Saharan Horse art before the 16th century** The earliest evidence for the use of war horses comes from the Kerma-controlled sites of Nubia at Buhen in 1675 BC and at sai island in 1500BC where horse skeletons were found, and its from Kerma artists around 1650–1550BC that we get the oldest representation of horse-drawn chariots in the Sahara at the site of Nag Kolorodna near the Sudan/Egypt border.( After the re-emergence of the kingdom of Kush in the first millennium BC, horse burials appear frequently across the Nubian region , at Tombos in 1000BC and at Kush's royal cemetery of el-Kurru from 705BC to 653BC( , After which representations of horses become nearly ubiquitous across Kush's territories especially on temple reliefs depicting victory scenes and in Kush's literature. The Kushite horse burial tradition continues at Meroe from the 2nd century BC( , and into the post-meroitic era at the 5th century sites of Qustul and Firka.( _**victory relief from Nag Kolorodna in lower nubia showing the ruler of Kerma on a throne and a wheeled chariot driven by horses, dated to between 1650-1550BC**_ _**illustrations of horse-drawn chariots in various relief scenes taken from taharqo’s temple at sanam in sudan, built in 675BC**_ ( Horses were present in west African sahara since the mid 1st millennium BC. Cave paintings depicting horses appear across the region and include representations of cavalry warfare in the western Sahara near the dhar tichitt neolithic culture in southern Mauritania (2200-400BC) , that were likely made near its end in the late 1st millennium BC.( Excavations at kariya wuro near Bauchi in Nigeria have yielded horse teeth dated to 2000BP, and at the site of igbo Ukwu in south-eastern Nigeria, a bronze hilt of a man on horseback was dated to around 1000AD.( Several equestrian figures and horse-bits appear in the Niger-river bend and inland-Niger delta regions dated to between the 3rd and 10th century from the Bura civilization, and between the 12th to 15th century from the Djenne civilization( . _**Equestrian figure from Bura dated to the 3rd and 10th century (at Universite Abdou Moumouni de Niamey, Niger), Equestrian figure from djenne dated 12th-16th century, (The Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art, Kansas City)**_ _**cave painting of a cavalry battle scene from Guilemsi near dhar tichitt in southern mauritania**_ **Internal and external writing on Saharan horses before 1500** The earliest textural references of war horses in the Sahara come from the chronicles of the kings of Kush beginning with the great triumphal stela of King Piye made in 727BC, that includes a complaint by the 25th dynasty founder, who recorded his outrage at the state of the neglected war horses of Egypt that had been left to starve in the stables, the same stela also includes presents of horse tributes from the Egyptian kinglets he had conquered( . References to horses and chariots and their importance in Kush's royal iconography feature frequently in Kush's records throughout the Napatan era from the 8th to 4th century BC( . Horses bred in Kush also appear across various near-eastern sources especially in the Assyrian empire, whose rulers were eager to acquire the high-quality _**kusaya**_ breed from Kush that was favored by Assyrian charioteers. Virtually all the chariot horses mentioned in the “nineveh horse reports” are designated as Kushite, the Assyrian capital also had a section occupied by Kushite horse trainers who were in charge of the care and handling of royal stables.( Horses continue to feature prominently in the Christian Nubian era, although internal textural references about them are sparse, external records contain frequent mentions of horses in the kingdoms of Makuria and Alodia with the 10th century writer al-Aswani who wrote that the Alodian cavalry was much larger than that of Makuria with "excellent horses and tawny camels of pure Arabian pedigree".( which is more likely a reference to their quality rather than their origin as no exports of Arabian horses into Nubia are mentioned by him or other writers. _**6th century representation of the Noubadian King Silko on horseback spearing an enemy. inscribed on the wall of the Temple of Mandulis at Kalabsha**_.( In west African saharan regions, there's strong linguistic evidence for the antiquity of the horse, with no European (1500CE-) Or Arabic (800CE-) loan-words, the great diversity of West African equine vocabulary, with its large number of apparently unrelated roots, suggests that the spread of horses within West Africa took place in relatively remote times.( While internal writings on war horse are sparse, external writings contain frequent mentions of war horses and other domestic horses in the region, Al-muhallabi in 985 writes that the people of the Gao kingdom rode horses bareback, Al-Bakri in 1067, noted that the ruler of Ghana gave audience surrounded by horse caparisoned in gold while Al-idrisi in 1154, noted that the ruler of Ghana tethered his horse to a gold brick, Al-Maqrizi writing in 1400, notes the horses in the armies of Kanem-Bornu.( In the 1340s. Al-'Umari reports that the king of Mali commanded a force of no less than 10,000 cavalry, and was importing horses from northern Africa to supply mounts for his soldiers, in the 1350s, Ibn Battuta alludes to mounted chiefs and retainers at the Mali court, and to the practice (recorded earlier in Ghana) of keeping horses ready for the king when he held an audience.( By the early 2nd millennium, horses were too widespread across the Sahara and had been present for too long to be treated in internal African texts as noteworthy innovations on their own, instead, local accounts especially in west African, are concerned with the introduction of new techniques of cavalry warfare, associated with larger horse breeds and new equipment. There are now several recognized "races" of horses in Africa, including the Dongolawi, kordofani, Songhai, Borana, Somali, Kirdi, Kotokoli, Torodi, Manianka, Bobo, Koniakar, M'bayar, Cayar, among others.( The use of "small" versus "large" by external writers (both Arab and European) in describing most of the horse breeds of Africa is mostly used relative to their own horses (which measured 13 to 17 hands in height), and can't easily be used to distinguish between African horse breeds since, save for the Dongola breed (from Sudan) and the barb breed (from north Africa) that averaged 14 to 16 hands, Saharan horses are often around 14 hands in height and are at times called 'ponies’ by external writers( The slightly smaller height is due to “dwarfing” of the horse partly as a form of resistance against the tripanosomiasis disease caused by the _**trypanosoma brucei**_ which is carried by the tse-tse fly, the prevalence of the disease increases south as one moves away from the desert where there is no tse-tse fly to the forest region where its most prevalent. Pre-modern external observers from the 13th century to the late 19th century had no knowledge of the disease and often attributed its symptoms to the local climate, reports of high mortality among west African horses were frequent especially at distances relatively far from the Sahara, the explorer Binger in the 1880s stated that the horses of Samori's Wasulu army (in modern Guinea) had to be replaced four times in nearly two years—an average life expectancy of under six months, and a French colonial officer estimated that to the south of the latitude of 11°, northern horses would have to be replaced, on average, every two years. Saharan horse societies mitigated the effects of the tse-tse fly and other pests by using horses sparingly during the wet seasons, washing the horses in fly-repellant fluids and occasionally smoking the stables.( _**tse-tse fly distribution map in the late 20th century**_ * * * **Horse breeding and trade in the Saharan states** The origins of horse breeding in Sudan can be traced back to Kush in the 8th century BC, where the practice was undertaken as part of the development of the Kushite chariotry following Piye's accession; his innovations included the introduction of better and larger horses, heavier chariots with three men to each chariot, and the development of cavalry tactics( . The horses which were buried in the el-Kurru royal cemetery of Kush (a tradition introduced by Piye) measured 155.33 cm in height (ie: over 15 hands) and were large even by modern standards. The practice of Kushite horse-breeding must have been done on an extensive scale to meet the demand for their exportation as the abovementioned Assyrian records mention the purchase of more than 1,000 horses from Kush compared to just 85 ‘_Iranian_’ horses.( Despite little mention of Christian Nubia’s horse-breeding in external record, the practice likely continued in the Dongola-reach. where it had been based since the Kushite era.( After the fall of Christian Nubia in the 15th/16th century, the Dongola-reach fell to the Funj kingdom in the 17th century, becoming the northern-most province of the kingdom which was by then based at sennar.( the _mek_ of Dongola (title for a vassal of the Funj kingdom), paid tribute in horses to sennar( , and this horse tribute formed the bulk of the Funj kingdom's exports, which were exported as far as Yemen in the east through the port of suakin, to Bornu in the west, and to Darfur in the south.( _**a Dongola horse, measuring 1.53 m high at the withers, and 435 kg in weight (1912 photo)**_( In the west African sahara, the breeding of larger horses locally was undertaken not long after their importation from sudan (the Dongola breed) and north africa the barb breed) with evidence coming from Bornu in the 16th century where local breeds of "Bornu horses" begun substituting the imported horses( . Leo Africanus, writing in the 16th century, mentions that horses were bred at Timbuktu and Kawkaw (presumably the capital Gao) for the Songhai cavalry while the larger horses were bought across the desert.( After the 17th century, horse-breeding was fairly widespread across west Africa including in the Sene-gambia region in the 18th century, in the 19th century Massina kingdom by the policy of its ruler Seku Ahmadu (r. 1818–1884), who established local studs in order to secure self-sufficiency in cavalry mounts, pure Dongola horses were also bred in early 19th century Bornu and stood at between 15 and 15½ hands' height, in 19th century Sokoto, horse-breeding was established by policy of Sultan Muhammad Bello (r. 1817–37),( the area of Mandara to the south of Lake Chad was noted for breeding very large horses, of between 15 and 17 hands, presumably a variant of the Dongola horse deliberately bred for size.( The large-scale breeding of horses in Saharan states was also connected with the frequent appearances of horse tributes in various kingdoms across the region that were oftentimes collected from their nomadic subjects; such as the subordinate Arab tribes and other groups. The annual tribute received by Bornu from the busa nomads was 100 horses( , the annual tribute that the Wadai rulers received from its salamat arab subjects was 100 horses among several other items, while Bagirmi also received tribute of 100 horses from 4 of its vassals along the chari river( and from its shuwa arab vassals among several other items( . Darfur also received horse tribute from its northern vassals( The sene-gambian kingdoms of Diara and jolof also received tribute in horses during the 15th century, as well as in Sokoto, Mandara, in the Jukun kingdom, and in the Igala kingdom in the 18th and 19th century( _**horse riders of the Mandara, cameroon (1911/1915 photo, German Federal Archives)**_ * * * **Import of horses into the Saharan states** There are virtually no mentions of imports of horses into ancient Kush and medieval Christian nubia since the region was itself a major horse-breeding center of the Dongola breed. In west African Sahara, large numbers of imported horses are only mentioned prior to the mid 16th century, Ibn Battuta writing in the 14th century, mentions that each horse imported from morocco into Mali was bought at the price of 100 gold mithqals, a significant amount that Mali must have been expended on its 10,000-strong cavalry( Leo Africanus in the early sixteenth century, records that Kanem-Bornu king Idris Katagarmabe (r. 1497–1519) imported large numbers of horses from North Africa and built up a force of 3,000 cavalry figures.( Reports of horse imports fall after 16th century with only a few hundred or less imported into Bornu from Fezzan and Tunisia in the 17th century (presumably because of substitution from local “bornu” breeds, or just as likely, because of imports from Funj kingdom since Dongola horses were more common in Bornu) and in the 1780s, there is a report of merchants from the Fezzan taking horses for sale in Katsina in Hausaland, while in the sene-gambia region, the Portuguese traders briefly engaged in a lucrative horse-trade during 15th/16th century but the trade died out shortly after due to a drastic drop in horse prices following the substitution of imports with local breeds.( There was significant trade within African kingdoms themselves between the horse-breeding regions in the Sahara and the none-horse breeding areas in the forest regions near the coast. For much of the 17th to 19th century, the principal exporter of horses, were the kingdoms of Funj, Bornu and Yatenga. The Dongola horse from the Funj kingdom was the most sought after breed across much of Africa east of the Niger river, these horses were often praised in external accounts such as the 18th century explorer James Bruce who described them as the "_**noble race of horses justly celebrated all over the world**_" and the 19th century traveler John Burckhard who writes that _**"the** (dongola) **horses possess all the superior beauty of the horses of Arabia, but they are larger".**_ In the 17th and 18th century, the Funj kingdom controlled most of this trade which it channeled from Dongola to its capital Sennar where the horses were then exported across the region( to Bornu and Wadai in the west, to Darfur and Mandara in its south, to Ethiopia and Yemen in its east. especially in Ethiopia where the 18th century cavalry was equipped with both horses and armor from sennar,( In the late 18th and early 19th century following Funj's disintegration, the export trade was in the hands of semi-autonomous kingdom of Dongola, which weathered its overlord's fall and increased its exports across the region.( The kingdom of Bornu exported horses to Hausalands (especially the city-states of Kano and Zaria), as well as to the kingdoms of Wadai and Bagirmi, as well as into north africa in the Fezzan where trade in Bornu horses is mentioned. Bornu’s horses were also re-exported further south into the Yoruba-lands especially the kingdom of Oyo which amassed a large cavalry in the 17th and 18th century. Yatenga war horses (as well as pack animals) were traded to other Mossi kingdoms and in Northern Ghana, while in the sene-gambia and Mali, horses were purchased from the Soninke (Dyuula) traders and southern Berber nomads of southern Mauritania, where they were sold to the southern kingdoms of Wolof, Kaarta and Samory's Wasulu empire.( _**map of horse-breeding and horse-trading regions in west africa.**_( * * * **Relationship between the rider and their horse** _**"\ that my horses were made to hunger pains me more than any other crime you committed in your recklessness"**_ Piye to the Egyptian kinglets in 727BC( Across the Saharan states, horses were usually kept in stables in their owner's compound, or more commonly within the Kings's palace complex because the cost of maintaining a horse was usually much higher than the cost of breeding or importing it, often requiring a steady supply of fodder comprising of grass and corn, which for royal stables such as in Songhai, Bornu and Nupe, was easily obtained through tribute or gathered from nearby plantations (as mentioned in a number of west African chronicles), but for the rest of horse-owners, the extended family was in charge of gathering fodder and caring for the horse, while for travelers and itinerant traders, their horse fodder was bought from local markets( . In the ancient kingdom of Ghana, according to traditions recorded in the seventeenth century, each of the king's 1,000 horses had three attendants, one to provide its food, one to supply its drink, and one to keep its stable clean of dung. Generally however, the ratio of one attendant per horse is reported across most kingdoms such as Mandara, Gonja, Wagadugu, and these were usually headed by palace officials in charge of the horses such as the “_**olokun esin**_” (holder of the horse's bridle) in Oyo and the _**shamaki**_ in Kano( . Similar offices were observed in the kingdoms of Darfur and Funj where _**melik el-hissam**_ who was the guardian of the royal stables, and various other figures with the title _**korayat**_ who were incharge of various horse equipment and armor( The relationship between the rider and their horse is perfectly encapsulated in this quote from a Berom man in central nigeria: "_**A horse is like a man, you send it out to bring a tired man home, you give it water to drink, you walk miles to find it grass to eat, it carries you to hunt and to war, when you die, and they lead it towards your grave, its spirit may fly out of its body in its anxiety to find you**_.".( _**a rider rearing his horse in Dikwa, Nigeria**_ * * * **Horse equipment and armour** Horse harnesses were in use in Kush since the adoption of chariotry in the 16th century BC, but after the decline in the use of horse-drawn chariots in warfare at the turn of the common era, they were replaced with mounted soldiers. Horse-riding equipment such as bridles (head-straps that direct the horse), saddles (a leather seat for the rider) and stirrups (frames that hold the rider’s feet) were quickly adopted in the kingdoms of medieval Christian nubia where they enabled the Nubians to raise cavalry forces early by the 6th century. In the west African Saharan states, the combined use of the saddle, stirrups and bridles post-dated the adoption of the horse before the common era, but likely coincided with its use in cavalry warfare after the 13th century( . Different forms of bridles had been in use during antiquity and a combination of all or some were represented in west African rock art as well as in old sculptures such as Bura, Djenne and in the forest regions far from the Sahara such as Igbo Ukwu, Ife and Benin. The most common form of the bridle in Saharan Africa is attested in several Nubian burial sites and wall paintings, it comprises of a headband, headpiece, cheek straps, noseband, jaw strap and a additional strap running down between the Horses's eyes from the headband to noseband.( This same type of bridle also appears on the terracottas of Bura (below), in Jenne and in Ife and Benin. _**detail of the bura equestrian showing the horse’s reins. horse-bits from the bura civilization dated 3rd to 10th century (at the yale university art gallery 2010.6.37)**_ The earliest evidence for the use of the saddle in nubia comes from the 6th century horse burials at Qustul, and the earliest depiction of the stirrup is from the Nubian wall paintings of the Faras cathedral dated to the 10th century( while in saharan west africa, the first mention of both the saddle and stirrup in west Africa comes from al-Umari's and Ibn batutta's description of Mali empire in the 14th century, and the first mention of both in the sene-gambia region, was made by Portuguese writers in the 1450s just before they begun exporting them to the region.( Across the Saharan states, this horse equipment was often manufactured locally, where crafts guilds specializing in leather-making and iron smelting supplied horse-bits and their leather straps, stirrups, and decorated saddle cloths which were attimes gilded with gold ornaments eg in Bornu.( _**detail of the 10th century nativity mural from Faras cathedral, kingdom of makuria showing the magi on horseback with their feet in stirrups**_ Cavalry armor was introduced into the Saharan states at the same time as the horse riding equipment. the 16th century kanuri chronicler Ibn Furtu mentions the extensive use of both quilted cloth armour and chain mail in Mai idris Alooma's armies, although this wouldn’t have been their date of introduction in the region, and they would had been in use for much longer by then in the empires of Mali and songhai( given the frequent mentions of mail-coats in the 16th century Songhai armies in the 17th century chronicle of timbuktu,( as well as references to the use of _lifidi_ (quilted cloth horse armor), _sulke_ (chain mail), and metal helmets, by the mounted soldiers of Kano’s king Kanejeji (r. 1390-1410), which he acquired from his wangara advisors that had come from Mali, as recorded in the 19th century Kano chronicle.( In the cavalry armies of Funj and Darfur, the riders often wore chain-mail tunics, as well as quilted cloth armor and spiked iron helmets, their horses were also clad in quilted cotton with metal chamfrons on their heads and breastplates.( West africa’s Saharan horsemen also wore metal plate armour of cuirasses in Bornu and Sokoto, as well as long riding boots of leather to give some protection to their thighs. The horse was also protected with a quilted cotton, which covered the whole body and the neck, hanging down over the hindquarters and the chest, and the horse's chest was protected by a breast-plate of leather or metal while the horse's head was often also protected by a metal chamfron or head-piece.( _**19th century Quilted armour of the Mahdiya in sudan (british museum Af1899,1213.2), Mundang horsemen in cameroon (Pictures by Mission Moll, 1905-1907)**_ _**Horseman of the bodyguard of Bornu, shown with a coat of chainmail, the saddle and bridles are also visible (illustration from Dixon Denham in the 1825).**_ _**Horse and rider with large oryx hide shield, Sokoto, Nigeria, photograph taken 1922**_ * * * **Cavalry warfare and African statecraft in the Sahara** The methods of building up cavalry forces in Saharan states were diverse, in the kingdoms of Funj and Darfur, rulers often granted estates to their chiefs who then used the revenues from those estates to purchase horses, equipment and armor that they gave to the kings' soldiers in time of war, in an almost classic feudal style.( In the west Africa’s Saharan states however, the majority of rulers owned and distributed the horses, equipment and armour to their soldiers and subordinate chiefs, rather than relying on feudal leeves from the latter, but the high cost of maintaining the horses forced the rulers to transfer the cost to the chiefs who fed and handled the horses, thus limiting the cavalry's centralized control, so while the classical feudal army was inhibited by rulers controlling the distribution, complete centralization was unattainable due to the high cost of maintenance.( In the Saharan states that used horses in warfare, there was a built-in stratification between the mounted soldier and the foot-soldier, the long investment required to produce and arm a trained horseman positioned them at the center of a system that exploits surplus production, and the necessity of centralizing authority over the mounted soldier put the cavalry in a position to demand a share of political power and led to the development of a "knightly ethic".( The ratio of cavalry to infantry in Saharan states often varied from 1:3 to 1:10, eg, the Mali empire reportedly had 10,000 cavalry and 90,000 infantry, the kingdom of Bagirmi is said to have had 15,000 mounted soldiers with 10,000 men in the infantry and 5,000 men in the cavalry, while Wadai is said to have had between 5,000 and 6,000 men in its cavalry alone, and Darfur had some 10,000 soldiers in its army with about 3,000 mounted soldiers.( Songhai had 12,500 cavalry and 30,000 infantry in 1591, while Sokoto had 5,000- 6,000 cavalry and 50-60,000 infantry in 1824.( _**Bornu mounted soldiers in ceremonial battle dress (photo from 1906), wadai cavalry (photo from early 20th century)**_ **Weapons and Battle** Training of horsemen was usually undertaken by riders individually, as well as at equestrian ceremonies that were held annually like the durbar festivals in the Hausa lands, which afforded horsemen the opportunity to perform maneuvers simulating warfare and the use of weapons from horseback.( Jolof horses were so well trained that they followed their owners around like dogs. The riders performed tricks and feats of equestrian skill, such as leaping on and off galloping horses, and retrieving lances from the ground without dismounting, clicking their heels together from the back of a charging mount, or reaching from horseback to erase the horses’ hoofprints with their shields.( Before the 18th century, the principal cavalry weapon was the lance for thrusting, other weapons include the sword for slashing and the javelin for throwing. In Darfur and Funj, the favored weapon was the long broad-sword, the mace and the long heavy-bladed lance( , a division between the heavy and light cavalry was observed, of the 3,000 cavalry troops, only about 1,000 were heavily armoured, while the rest were light cavalry forces.( In the western Saharan states, the preferred weapons for cavalry was the heavy metal lance about six feet long and various swords( , the mounted forces were often divided into heavy and light cavalry, with the heavily armored troops often numbering a few hundred who carried only the lance and sword, whereas lightly-armoured cavalry which comprised several thousand, fought with lances and javelins.( In battle, cavalry normally fought in combination with infantry forces. While in Darfur and Funj, the cavalry forces usually charged ahead of the troops( , In Bornu and Mandara, the infantry led the charge with the cavalry force behind it, as one observer of Bornu’s armies in the 1820s noted “_**The infantry here most commonly decide the fortune of war; and the sheikh's former successes may be greatly, if not entirely, attributed to the courageous efforts of the Kanem spearmen, in leading the Bornou horse into battle, who, without such a covering attack would never be brought to face the arrows of their enemies**_”, similar observations were made in the kingdoms of Nupe, Mossi and Dagomba. Alternatively, cavalry could be positioned on the front and sides, making up both the striking force for frontal assault as well as to outflank them, as observed in the armies of Zinder, Zaria and Gobir.( _**Bornu cavalry charge (illustration by dixon denham, 1825)**_ * * * **A new military order: the foot soldiers’ fire-arms and the gradual end of Saharan equestrianism.** Despite presenting a formidable military force, cavalry armies were far from invincible and infantry forces had a number of defenses they could put up against cavalry charges which eventually proved especially useful for armies on the periphery of the Saharan states. In the 17th century, Benin is said to have dug pits in which the enemy cavalry of Igala was entrapped and the motif of the defeated enemy on horseback appears frequently in Benin’s art, while the armies of Dahomey and Ibadan in 19th century attacked the cavalry armies of Oyo and Ilorin at night( , In the 1740s and 1818, the cavalry armies of Dagomba and Gyaman were defeated by the infantry armies of Asante and forced into a tributary status.( _**16th century Benin plaques depicting defeated enemy captives on horseback, the first one shows the captive being dismounted for execution, while the second shows the captive being forcefully led away by a Benin soldier (Af1898,0115.48, Af1898,0115.47 at the british museum)**_ While the increased importation of firearms gradually undermined the military effectiveness of cavalry, the mounted soldier wouldn’t be rendered obsolete until the late 19th century, and the incorporation of fire-arms into the cavalry proved rather useful in after the 18th century, where mounted riflemen in the armies of Sokoto, Rabih az-Zubayr and Samory’s Wasulu could fire their guns on horseback, the relatively modern guns could be reloaded on horseback, while the older guns were reloaded by attendants,( Similarly in Darfur, cavalry forces attimes carried fire-arms which they personal side-arms and were fired in the opening salvos of battle.( Despite the very early adoption of fire-arms in the Saharan militaries such as Bornu’s arquebusiers in the 16th century, the restriction of their imports from both the Atlantic and Mediterranean states meant that guns were used sparingly, and only a few hundred of the thousands of mounted soldiers carried them well into the 19th century, and firearms appeared infrequently in the armies of Darfur, Bornu, Sokoto, and Wadai, (with the brief exception of Zinder whose army in the 1850s had atleast 6,000 musketeers and several canon, some of which were produced locally).( The small number of fire-arms in Saharan forces pales in comparison to the infantry armies of Asante and Dahomey where the entire force of 15-30,000 were often armed with fire-arms and in the horn of Africa, where half of the 80,000-100,000 ethiopian troops were armed with rifles. Imports of firearms slightly increased in the late 19th century such in the armies of Shehu Umar of Bornu in 1870s and Rabih in the 1880s, although these were old rifles, and the Saharan forces continued to rely on their cavalry.( _**Horseman of the Tukulor empire armed with a musket (illustration by Joseph Gallieni 1891)**_ Between the fall of Ilorin in 1897, and the capture of Darfur’s forces in 1916, the knights of the Saharan states put up their last defense against the onslaught of the colonial armies which were mostly on foot and wielded the latest quick firing guns. In 1910, the 5,000 strong cavalry of Dud Murra (the last sultan of Wadai) won the last victory fought by a Saharan mounted soldier when they defeated two French columns led by Fiegenschuh and Maillard, wiping out nearly 1,000 of the enemy troops armed with modern rifles, before he was eventually forced to surrender in 1911.( the armies of Darfur's Ali dinar would succumb to a similar fate at the battle of Beringia in 1916 against the British maxims, marking the end of the equestrian age in the Sahara. _**the last hurrah of the African knight.** illustration in a french newspaper of the armies of Dud Murra made in February 1911, shortly after the wadai sultan had defeated the french in December 1910._ With the end of colonial warfare in the Sahara, military horses lost their major function, the Saharan horse-stables fell into disrepair, horse breeding and trade collapsed and the relics of the _**African**_ _**knights in quilted armour**_ were donated to museums. Informants in West Africa nowadays, when asked to explain the decline of horse-keeping, regularly reply, simply, that there is no longer any war( … at least not the kind of war that requires horses. _**Durbar horse racing festival in Kano, Nigeria, 2016.**_ * * * _**Read more about African cavalries and equestrian cultures on my Patreon**_ ( * * * _**THANKS FOR SUPPORTING MY WRITING, if you haven’t seen some of my posts in your email inbox, please check your “promotions tab” and click “accept for future messages”.**_ ( Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce Williams pg 190-191 ( Of Kings and Horses by Claudia Näser, Giulia Mazzetti ( The Kingdom of Kush by L Torok pg 445) ( The Medieval Kingdoms of Nuby Derek A. Welsby pg 81, 44) ( Nile-sahara dialogue of the rocks the horse, iron and camel by Allard-Huard pg 28-29 ( Rock Art from the Dhar Tichitt augstin holl ( The Archaeology of Africa: Food, Metals and Towns by T. Shaw et. al pg 92) ( sahel art and empires by Alisa LaGamma pg 81-87) ( The horses of kush by Lisa A. Heidorn pg 105-106), ( The Kingdom of Kush by L Torok pg 157-158) ( The horses of kush by Lisa A. Heidorn pg 106-110) ( kingdom of alwa by Mohi el-Din Abdalla Zarroug · pg 20) ( The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce Williams pg 716 ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 5-7) ( The Archaeology of Africa: Food, Metals and Towns by T. Shaw et. al pg 93) ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 10) ( The Archaeology of Africa: Food, Metals and Towns by T. Shaw et. al pg 89) ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 25) ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 77-81) ( The Kingdom of Kush by L Torok pg pg 158) ( Of kings and horses by Claudia Näser, Giulia Mazzetti pg 128-129) ( Medieval Kingdoms of Nubia by Derek A. Welsby pg 184 ( Kingdoms of the Sudan By R.S. O'Fahey, pg 63 ( Islamic Archaeology in the Sudan by Intisar el-Zein Soughayroun Pg 44 ( The Archaeology of Islam in Sub-Saharan Africa by T. Insoll pg 119) ( ( ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 29) ( The Archaeology of Africa: Food, Metals and Towns by T. Shaw et. al pg 94) ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law 44-46) ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 24) ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 20) ( Sahara and Sudan: Wadai and Darfur by Gustav Nachtigal pg 98, 171, 182, 700 ( Ethnoarchaeology of Shuwa-Arab Settlements By Augustin Hol pg 20-24 ( State and Society in Dār Fūr By Rex S. O'Fahey pg 84 ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 191) ( Ibn Khaldun: The Mediterranean in the 14th Century by Fundación El legado andalusì pg 119 ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 17 ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 48-53) ( The horses of kush by Lisa A. Heidorn pg 111-113) ( Ingessana: The Religious Institutions of a People of the Sudan-Ethiopia Borderland by M C Jedrej pg 13) ( The kingdoms of sudan by R. S. O'Fahey pg 100-104) ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg pg 54-58) ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 42,54 ( Of kings and horses by Claudia Näser, Giulia Mazzetti pg 130) ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 74 ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 76 ( Sahara and Sudan: Wadai and Darfur By Gustav Nachtigal pg 336 ( The Archaeology of Africa: Food, Metals and Towns by T. Shaw et. al pg 96) ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 121-122) ( The medieval kingdoms of nubia by Derek A. Welsby pg 81) ( The medieval kingdoms of nubia by Derek A. Welsby pg 81 ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 89-105) ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 108-110) ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 123-124) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by J.O.Hunwick pg 165, 171 ( Government In Kano, 1350-1950 by M.G. Smith pg 120) ( The kingdoms of sudan by R. S. O'Fahey pg 52-53) ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law 130-132) ( Land in Dar Fur: Charters and Related Documents from the Dar Fur Sultanate by R. S. O'Fahey pg 13-14) ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law 191-192) ( The Archaeology of Africa: Food, Metals and Towns by T. Shaw et. al pg 100-101) ( Travels and Discoveries in North and Central Africa, V. 2:1849–1895 by H. Barth pg 527, 530, 560 ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 137) ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 147, The History and Performance of Durbar in Northern Nigeria by Abdullahi Rafi Augi pg 15, 16 ( warfare in Atlantic africa by J.K.Thornton pg 26 ( State and Society in Dār Fūr by Rex S. O'Fahey pg 96, The kingdoms of sudan by R. S. O'Fahey pg 53) ( State and Society in Dār Fūr by Rex S. O'Fahey pg 96) ( Warfare in the Sokoto caliphate by Joseph P. Smaldone pg 46-47 ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 128-129) ( The kingdoms of sudan by R. S. O'Fahey pg 53) ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 133-134) ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 135-136) ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 12, 15) ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 145-6) ( State and Society in Dār Fūr by Rex S. O'Fahey pg 96) ( Warfare in sokoto by Joseph P. Smaldone pg 94-100) ( Warfare in sokoto by Joseph P. Smaldone pg 101) ( The Roots of Violence: A History of War in Chad by Mario Azevedo pg 51-52) ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 204).

# Knights of the Sahara: A History of Military Horses and Equestrian Culture in Africa (1650 BC - 1916 AD) ## Introduction - The horse has been integral to statecraft and warfare since its domestication around 5,000 years ago. - The first war machines were horse-drawn chariots in the ancient world, which influenced the political landscape substantially. - Cavalries became a powerful military class in medieval times, affecting politics across cultures, including Africa's Saharan states. ### Historical Context - The role of cavalry in the political history of Saharan states is significant. The region has housed almost all of Africa’s largest empires. - While earlier theories suggested that African state formation was due to invading mounted forces, this view has been discredited. Current scholarship maintains that cavalry warfare played a crucial role in the evolution of these states. ## Archaeological Evidence of Horses in Africa ### Early Evidence (1650 BC - 1000 AD) - **Nubia**: The earliest evidence of war horses is found in Nubia, particularly in sites like Buhen (1675 BC) and Sai Island (1500 BC), where horse skeletons were discovered. - **Chariots**: Representations of horse-drawn chariots appear in art from the Kerma culture (1650-1550 BC). They became prominent in Nubian royal iconography thereafter. - **Burial Practices**: Horse burials became common across Kush hundreds of years later, with sites like Tombos (1000 BC) and El-Kurru (705-653 BC) documenting these practices. ### Evidence in West Africa (1st Millennium BC - 1000 AD) - Cave paintings depicting horses have been found in southern Mauritania, indicating early involvement of horses in warfare. - Excavations in Nigeria produced horse teeth dating to 2000 BP, and bronze artifacts from Igbo Ukwu depict equestrian figures (around 1000 AD). ## Textual References to Horses ### Internal and External References (before 1500 AD) - The **Kushite Chronicles** from 727 BC contain mentions of neglected war horses in Egypt, showing the value placed on equine resources. - External records document horses in kingdoms like Makuria and Alodia, indicating the significance of cavalry. - In West Africa, various Islamic scholars wrote about the prominence of horses in kingdoms like Mali and Ghana, confirming the cultural and military importance of horses. ## Horse Breeding and Trade in Saharan States ### Origins and Practices - Horse breeding in Sudan can be traced back to the Kushite kingdom of the 8th century BC, with evidence of extensive practices to meet demand. - **Funj Kingdom**: After the fall of Nubia, the Funj kingdom became a significant player in horse breeding, exporting horses regionally. ### Trade Dynamics - The introduction of local breeds occurred in West Africa after the mid-1st millennium. - The trading of horses flourished in various Saharan kingdoms, with records indicating extensive networks supplying horses throughout the region. ## Horse Equipment and Armor ### Evolution of Riding Equipment - The transition from chariotry to mounted soldiers led to the adoption of saddles, stirrups, and bridles by the 6th century AD. - Evidence from burial sites reveals the types of bridles used, with varying designs appearing in art and artifacts from different regions. ### Cavalry Armor - Armor such as chain mail and quilted cloth was utilized by cavalry units, with references to their use in 16th-century chronicles indicating a long history of equestrian warfare. ## Cavalry Warfare and Statecraft ### Military Organization - Cavalry units were often integral to the military structure, serving various roles depending on the kingdom. In some states, cavalry was centralized, while in others, it relied on local chiefs for support. - The proportion of cavalry to infantry varied widely among states, such as Mali's estimated 10,000 cavalry to 90,000 infantry. ### Strategies and Weapons - Cavalry forces trained individually and collectively, with maneuvers designed to simulate warfare. - Weapons varied by region, with lances being a primary choice for mounted soldiers augmented by other arms like swords and javelins. ## Decline of Equestrianism ### Impact of Firearms - The introduction of firearms fundamentally changed military dynamics. Infantry could effectively counter cavalry charges, which diminished their effectiveness over time. - By the late 19th century, the significance of cavalry diminished as colonial powers deployed foot soldiers equipped with firearms. ### Final Equestrian Efforts - The last organized cavalry efforts occurred around the time of colonial conquests. Notable battles, like those involving Dud Murra, marked the decline of cavalry in significant military engagements. ## Conclusion - With the end of colonial conflicts, the role of military horses diminished dramatically. Equestrian culture, once central to Saharan warfare and statecraft, transitioned to a relic of history, reducing the significance of horse breeding and maintenance in the region. - As expressed by modern informants in West Africa, the decline of horse-keeping is often attributed to the absence of warfare akin to that of the past.

Africa's 100 years' war at the dawn of colonialism: The Anglo-Asante wars (1807-1900)

On the misconceptions about Africa's "rapid" conquest.

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Africa's 100 years' war at the dawn of colonialism: The Anglo-Asante wars (1807-1900) ===================================================================================== ### On the misconceptions about Africa's "rapid" conquest. ( Apr 24, 2022 11 The colonial invasion of Africa in the late 19th century is often portrayed in popular literature as a period when the technologically advanced armies of western Europe rapidly advanced into the African interior meeting little resistance from Africans armed with rudimentary weapons. Its often assumed that African states and their armies were unaware of the threat posed by European military advances and unreceptive to military technologies that would have greatly improved their ability to retain political autonomy. All accounts of African military history however, dispel these rather popular misconceptions. From 1807 to 1900, the army of the Asante kingdom fought five major battles and dozens of skirmishes with the British to maintain its independence, this west-African kingdom had over the 17th and 18th century expanded to cover much of what is now the modern country of Ghana, ruling a population of just under a million people in a region roughly the size of the United Kingdom. By the 19th century, Asante had a massive army with relatively modern weapons that managed to defeat and hold off several British attacks for nearly a century. It wasn’t until the combined effects of the British arms blockade, the late-19th century invention of quick-firing guns and the Asante’s internal political crisis, that the Asante lost their independence to the British. The evolution of the Anglo-Asante wars is instructive in understanding why, after nearly 500 years of failed attempts at colonizing the Africa interior, the European armies eventually managed to tip the balance of power against African armies. This article explores the history of the Asante with a brief account on the political and economic context of the Anglo-Asante conflict and an overview of the each of the major wars between the Asante armies and the British. **Map of the Asante kingdom at its greatest extent in 1807.** * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Asante origins, political institutions and trade.** The Asante was the last of the major Akan kingdoms founded by Twi-speakers that arose in the early 2nd millennium in the "forest region" of what is now modern Ghana. Akan society came into existence as a result of a change in the foraging mode of production to an agricultural one, this agrarian system was supported by the production and sale of gold, both of which necessitated the procurement, organization and supply of labor which led to the emergence of political structures that coalesced into the earliest Akan polities.( By the 17th century, the largest of these Akan polities was Denkyira in the interior and Akwamu near the coast; the former controlled some of the largest gold deposits in the region (the entire region funneled approximately 56 tonnes of gold between 1650-1700 to the trans-saharan and European markets but these revenues were shared among many states), and it also possessed the largest army among the Akan states which enabled it to dominate its smaller peers as their suzerain. One of these states was the incipient Asante polity in the “Kwaman region” centered at the gold-trading town of Tafo that was contested between several small Akan polities, it was here that the powerful lineage groups elected Osei Tutu to consolidate the conquests of his predecessors using the knowledge of statecraft and warfare that he had acquired from his stay at the courts of Denkyira and Akwamu (who supported his conquests in exchange for tribute). He defeated several of the smaller Kwaman polities in the 1680s and founded the Asante state at his capital Kumasi as the first Asantehene (king). It was then that Asante first appears in external sources in 1698.( The early eighteenth century was a period that was characterized by expansionist wars of conquest, the first was the defeat of Denkyira in 1701, which occurred after Asante's gradual assimilation of immigrant lineage groups from Denkyira( ,after this were dozens of wars that removed the power of Asante's competitors to its north, south, east and west especially during the reign of Asantehene Opuku Ware (1720–1750) who is credited with the creation of imperial Asante (see map below), these conquered territories were then gradually incorporated into the Asante administration as tributary states.( _**Asante campaigns in the 18th century.**_ Throughout the 18th century and the first half of the 19th century, the Asante state became increasingly complex, enlarging the number of its personnel, developing and embedding novel specializations of function, and greatly extending its affective competence and range. In its process of bureaucratization, the executive and legislative functions of governing imperial Asante became more centralized and concentrated at Kumase by the mid 18th century, with the formation of a council of Kumase office holders presided over by the Asantehene( . This powerful council which met regularly, was in charge of the day-to-day operations of the state as well as the election of the King, and it increasingly came to supplant the roles of the older and larger national council/assembly (_**Asantemanhyiamu**_) which met annually, as a result of the expansive conquests that rendered the latter's decision making processes inefficient. The Asantemanhyiamu was was thus relegated to the more fundamental constitutional and juridical issues as well as actions taken by the Kumasi council.( _**Illustrations of; the palace of King Kofi after it was looted in the 1874 invasion, a street scene in Kumasi.**_ Asante expansionism was enabled by its large military. The standing army at Kumase was headed by a commander in chief who was subordinated by generals and captains, this central unit was supported by several forces from the provinces which were provided by vassal provinces, and often came to number upto 80,000 men at its largest. This relatively high number of soldiers was enabled by Asante's fairly high population and urbanization with an estimated state population of 750,000 in the 1820s; and with cities and towns such as Kumase, Dwaben, Salaga and Bondouku having an estimated population of 35-15,000 people.( Asante’s weapons and ammunition were provided by the the state in the case of national war( , by the time of Asante’s ascendance in the 18th century, all wars in the “gold coast” region were fought with fire-arms, primarily the flintlock rifles called “dane guns”, but swords were also carried ceremonially and attimes used in hand-hand combat.( The Asante purchased these guns in large quantities and in the early 19th century with more than ten thousand purchased annually in the 1830s, they had gun repair shops, and could make blunderbusses that could fire led-slugs which were their most common type of ammunition. This level of military technology was sufficient in the early 19th century whether against African or European foes, but in the later half of the century increasingly proved relatively inefficient. ( (as i will cover, this was because the Asante refused to purchase better guns or ammunition but an effective blockade against supplying the Asante combined with the inability to manufacture modern rifles locally). The Asante army structure also wasn't static but evolved with time depending on the internal political currents and military threats. In the mid 19th century, a system of platoons of twenty men was introduced, their techniques of loading and reloading were able to sustain a fairly stable fusillade of fire, and in the early 1880s, the system of military conscription was largely replaced by a force of paid soldiers.( _**modified flintlock pistol with brass tucks from Asante dated to 1870 ( 97.1308 boston museum of fine arts)**_ _**Asante soldier holding a rifle (photo from the international mission photography Archive, c. 1885-1895)**_( From the late 17th to early 18th century gold comprised nearly 2/3rds of the Asante exports to the European traders in the south, and the vast majority of Asante exports to the northern and trans-Saharan routes. As the result of the conquests and increased tribute from its northern territories, Asante southern exports in 1730s-1780s were slaves, by the late 18th century however, Kola supplanted slaves as the Asante's main export. Asante’s commodities trade further grew after the fall in slave trade in the 1810s, and the kingdom’s exports of Kola rose to a tune of 270 tonnes a year in 1850s while Gold rose to a tune of around 45 tonnes over 50 years between 1800-1850, both of these commodities outstripped the value of the mid 18th century export of slaves and enabled Asante to fully withdraw from the Atlantic commerce and focus more on the northern export markets to the savannah region of west-Africa, especially in the newly established west African empires of Segu, Hamdallaye and Sokoto in the 18th and 19th century that were located in Mali and northern Nigeria( . The surplus wealth generated by state officials and private merchants from the northern Kola trade was often converted into gold dust. The centrality of gold in the economy and culture of Asante can't be understated, it was the command of gold as a disposable resource that permitted the accumulation of convertible surpluses in labor and produce, and it was the entrepreneurial deployment of gold that initiated, and then embedded and accelerated the crucial processes of differentiation in Asante society.( _**Gold ornaments of the Asante including gold discs, rings and headcaps (photos from the british museum and houston museum of fine arts)**_ Throughout the 19th century, the Asante state sedulously encouraged, structured and rewarded the pursuit of the fundamentally ingrained social ethic of achievement through accumulation, and it also commanded and mediated access to wealth stored in gold dust. As a consequence, it was the state's servants such as office holders, titled functionaries, state traders as well as private entrepreneurs (men of wealth) who accumulated vast amounts of wealth, whose value constituted "_**fairly substantial sums of money even by the standards of contemporary early nineteenth-century Europeans**_". The state treasury in the 1860s (the "great chest) held about 400,000 ounces of gold, valued then at £ 1.4m (just under £200m today) while titled figures such as Boakye Yam and Apea Nyanyo who were active in the early 19th century, owned as much as £176,000, £96,000 of gold dust (about £16m, £8.6m today). The wealth and security enjoyed by Asante elites encouraged the development of alternative policy options to warfare, and with time came to dominate Asante's foreign policy at Kumase in the 19th century.( _**19th century Asante treasure box made of brass mounted on a 4-wheeled stand, likely a replica of the great chest (pitt rivers museum)**_( _**The road network of the Asante : (read more about it on my ( )**_ * * * **Northern commerce, northern conquests and the origins of Asante’s southern conflict with the British.** Despite the growing influence of the mercantile class in the decision making process at Kumase which favored the consolidation of conquests rather than renewed expansion, the strength of the Asante economy was largely underpinned by its military power, the campaigns of the Asante army in the late 18th century for example reveal the primarily economic rationale for its conquests, especially in its northern overtures, that were intended to protect the lucrative trade routes to the north( . One of these routes passed through the town of Salaga, that had become the principal northern emporium of Asante as a result of its centrality in the kola and gold export route that extended to Sokoto. The market of Salaga had grown at the expense of the other cities such as Bondouku, located in the vassal state of Gyaman, and had in the 18th century been the main northern town with a substantial trading diaspora of Wangara and Hausa merchants who were active in the west african empires of the savannah. Gyaman had been a hotbed of rebellions in the late 18th century but had been brought under Asante administration, although with the expansion of the Kong-Wattara kingdom from Asante’s north-east, the threat of a Gyaman break-away was more potent than ever. Wattara took advantage of the Gyaman’s disgruntlement over the shifting of trade to Salaga to instigate a rebellion in 1818 that was subsequently crushed by the Asante who were however forced to occupy the region as the continued threat of rebellion as well as the Segu empire in Mali, which had led an incursion near Gyaman during the ensuing conflict.( _**section of Bondouku in (Ivory coast) near one of samory’s residences, photo from the early 1900s**_ The Gyaman campaign was expensive and protracted, with hostilities extending well into the 1830s, the Asante therefore sought to cover this cost by raising taxes on its southern-western coastal provinces of the Fante, Denkyera and Assim located near the cape-coast castle. These provinces had only been pacified fairly recently in the 1807 over their non-payment of tribute and they often took advantage of the northern campaigns to wean themselves of Kumase's authority, but by 1816 , most had submitted to Asante authority, and this submission extended to the european forts within them such as the British-owned Cape coast castle, and the Dutch-owned Elmina castle, both of which recognized the authority of the Asantehene with Elmina coming under the direct control of Asante in 1816,( and the cape-coast castle signing a treaty in February 1817 that recognized Asante’s sovereignty over the surrounding south-western provinces( . In 1818 and 1819, however, officials from Kumase arrived at cape coast to demand the usual tribute (and rent from the forts) plus the newly imposed taxes of the Gyaman war, which the southern vassals promptly refused to pay, largely due to the backing of the cape-coast's British governor John Hope Smith. Negotiations between the British and their coastal allies versus the Asante stalled for several years despite the dispatching of Thomas Bowditch in 1817 and Joseph Dupuis in 1820 by the metropolitan government in London; both of whom were well received in Kumase to affirm the 1817 treaty, but their intentions of peace were strongly opposed by the cape-coast governor( . Despite Bowditch’s good reception at Kumase, the Asante government wasn't unaware of the cape-coast governor’s hostility, knowing that the treaty he signed in 1817 wasn’t in good faith. The Asantehene Osei Bonsu (r. 1804-1824) is said to have asked Bowditch, after the latter's monologue about the glories of England and London’s intention to promote “civilization and trade” with Asante; that “_**how do you wish to persuade me that it is only for so flimsy a motive that you have left this fine and happy England**_" and the next day, a prince asked Bowditch to explain _**"why, if Britain were so selfless, had it behaved so differently in India"**_( . Four years later however, the Dupuis embassy was much better received especially after he had compelled the cape-coast governor to send a large tribute to the Asantehene, and while in Kumasi, Dupuis managed to negotiate a new treaty that affirmed that all south-western provinces were firmly under the Asante, as well as formally seeking to establish ties between London and Kumase. Dupuis was escorted from Kumase by Asante envoys with whom he intended to travel to London as the appointee of the British crown, but his efforts were thwarted by Hope smith who refused to ratify the new treaty and also refused to aid the travel of the combined Anglo-Asante embassy to London. Coincidentally, the authorities in London dissolved the African Company of Merchants which owned the gold coast forts including cape-coast castle (thus deposing Hope smith) and transferred ownership directly to them British crown, appointing Charles MacCarthy as the first governor of the cape coast. Recalling the events that preceded the Anglo-Asante wars in the context of the disputed treaties, A British resident of cape coast would in the 1850s write that "_**the king of Ashantee had greater regard for his written engagements than an English governor".**_( While its difficult to pin-point exactly what sparked the hostility between the cape-coast governors and the Asante, the historian Gareth Austin proposed it had to do with the ending of the Atlantic slave exports, while these had been vital to the cape-coast’s economy, they were rather marginal to the Asante economy which had resumed exporting gold and Kola in the early 19th century, and had largely orienting its export trade north to the savannah, while restricting trade between the savanna and the coast. For the cape-coast, this new commodities trade was much less lucrative than the slave trade it replaced and it prompted the British to seek more direct control over the processes of trade and production initially around the fort but later over the provinces controlled by the Asante.( _**Cape coast castle as it was rebuilt in the 18th century and rcently**_ * * * **The first series of Anglo-Asante wars from 1824-1873: Asante’s fight from the position of strength.** The new cape-coast governor Charles MacCarthy’s attitude towards Asante turned out much worse than his predecessor's, he immediately prepared for war with Asante on his arrival at cape coast in 1823 by; fortifying the fort, forcing the south-western vassals into an alliance against Asante, and defaming Osei Bonsu in his newspapers( . When Osei Bonsu passed away in November 1823, MacCarthy made the decision to strike Asante in January 1824 when he thought the government in Kumase was at its weakest. MacCarthy's forces, which numbered about 3,000 (although divided in two columns with the one headed by him numbering about 500), faced off with a small Asante force of about 2,000 that had been sent to pacify the southern provinces in 1823, this latter force was led by Kwame Butuakwa and Owusu Akara. Maccarthy's army surprised the Asante army but his forces were nevertheless crushed by the Asante, with several hundred slain including MacCarthy who was beheaded along with 9 British officers, and many were captured and taken to Kumasi in chains, with only 70 survivors scrambling back to cape coast.( The larger British force of 2,500 later engaged this same Asante force a few weeks after this incident, but it too was defeated with nearly 900 causalities and was forced to retreat.( This wasn’t the first time the Asante had faced off with a army of British soldiers and their allied troops from the coast, a similar battle in 1807 had ended in an Asante victory with the British suing for peace after a lengthy siege of the cape-coast castle by the Asante armies following the escape of a rebel into the British fort.( Osei Yaw was elected Asentehene in 1824, and his first action was to strengthen the positions in the south-west and south-central regions despite the greater security demands in the rebellious northern provinces, the forces at Elmina was reinforced , and Osei Yaw himself led an attack against the British in the town of Efutu, just 8 miles from Cape-coast, where he fought them to a standstill, forcing them to fall back, and threatened to storm cape-coast, but was later forced to withdraw due to the rains and a smallpox outbreak.( Throughout 1825, Osei Yaw sought the approval of the council at Kumase for more reinforcements to engage to British in the south, and by December 1825, he was back in the south, this time in the far south-east, near Accra where he established a camp at Katamanso with an army of about 40,000 in an open plain, while the new British governor had been busy rallying allied forces of several Fante states to grow his own force to over 50,000. After a bitter war that involved volleys of musket fire from both sides and brutal hand-to-hand combat, the Asante lost the battle in part due to the congreve rocket fire launched by the British in the heat of the battle, forcing Osei Yaw’s forces to withdrawl.( The Asante and the British entered into a period of negotiations over a period of 5 years that were formalized in a treaty of 1831 where the Asante relinquished their right to receive tribute from a few of its south-western provinces closest to the cape-coast in exchange for a nominal recognition by the same provinces of the Asantehene's authority, although the Asante continued to recognize these southern provinces as under the Asante political orbit by right of conquest, a right which the katamanso war hadn't overturned despite challenging it( . This new treaty relieved the Asante from its southern engagements and enabled it to pacify its northern provinces, as well as increase trade in both directions that had been disrupted by the southern conflicts, the extensive Asante road system now included branches to the cape coast.( But by the mid 19th century, most of the Asante’s export trade was oriented northwards as the kola trade through Salaga had exploded. The ensuring peace between the Asante and the British went on relatively unbroken for over 30 years, and on one occasion in 1853, some of the southern provinces sought to return to a tributary status under Asante which nearly led to a war with the British, that was only resolved with a prisoner exchange.( In 1862, renewed conflicts over the extradition of escaped criminals set the Asante and the British on a warpath, when a wealthy Asante citizen hoarded a large gold nugget (which by Asante’s laws belonged to the royal treasure), and fled to British protected territory near the cape coast. This provided the newly appointed governor Richard pine the pretext for conquest of Asante and after rebuffing the Asantehene Kwaku Dua's request for extradition, Pine declared that he would fight “_**until the Kingdom of Ashantee should be prostrated before the English Government.**_” The Asante army rapidly advanced south into the then British “protected territories" by May 1862, pacifying the small kingdoms with little resistance from the British allies, overrunning and sacking several towns to discourage the southern statelets from joining the British, and to demonstrate the strength of the Asante forces( . After the Asante had returned to Kumase, the cape coast governor sent an expedition of about 600 well-armed British officers and thousands of their coastal allies north to attack Kumase, but this force was ill prepared for the forested region and was forced to retreat, leaving many of the heavy weapons after several deaths( . Kwaku Dua then imposed a trade embargo on the British, blocking all the Asante roads to the south for the remainder of his reign while demanding that the criminals be extradited, a request that Richard Pine continued to reject despite the devastating loss of trade from Asante. Pine also responded to the blockade with his own blockade of ammunition supplies to the Asante( . The latter move that would have been devastating for Asante military had it not been for their continued access to firearms through the Dutch-controlled fort of Elmina which until the year 1868, continued to be loyal to the Asante, supplying the kingdom with over 18,000 flintlock rifles and 29,000 kegs of gunpowder between 1870 and 1872( . **The British capture of Elmina and the war of 1874.** Between 1868-1873, the continued skirmishes between the British protected territories in the south-west and the Asante garrisons in the region, led to the British loss of several territories as Asante attempted a full occupation of the region,( these battles eventually brought them near the fort of Elmina. The Dutch-owned fort of Elmina had been directly under Asante’s administration between 1811-1831, but the local edena chiefdom that controlled the lands around it had asserted its independence after the Asante army failed to protect it against an attack by British-allied chiefs from cape coast, but it nevertheless remained loyal to Asante as a check against its hostile neighbors, and every year the Dutch delivered an annual pavement to Kumase that most considered tribute/rent but that Elmina considered a token appreciation of the good Asante-Dutch trade relations. The Dutch eventually relinquished ownership of the Elmina fort to the British much to Asante's displeasure, this occurred after a lengthy period of negotiations between cape-coast and Elmina over their competing spheres of influence of the British and the Dutch, that had resulted in attacks by the British allies on Elmina and came at a time of a wider Dutch withdrawal from their African coastal possessions. The newly elected Asantehene Kofi Kakari (r 1867-74) realizing the threat this loss of Elmina presented, protested the transfer with a claim that the annual tribute paid to him by the Dutch gave him rights over the castle’s ownership( but the transfer was nevertheless completed in 1872. The Asante assembly authorized the deployment of the military in the south western provinces in December 1872, and a large force of about 80,000 was mustered to pacify the south-western provinces and forcefully repossess the Elmina fort, this army had rapidly conquered most of the British protected provinces and made preparations to capture Elmina, but was withdrawn by September 1873 on orders of the council, and the Asante commander Amankwatia, was forced to to move his forces as well the Europeans he had captured back to Kumase despite his apparent victory.( With the capture of Elmina, and the arms blockade, the British had cut off Asante’s source of firearms and undermined the ability of the Asante to play European arms-suppliers against each other. For over four centuries, this political strategy had excellently served African states, especially in west-central Africa where the Dutch were pitted against the Portuguese and in the sene-gambia where the French were pitted against the English. The British, who were now intent on circumnavigating Asante control of the now-blocked cape-coast trade route, now had room to attack Kumase, and they mobilized their forces on an unprecedented scale after the government in London had appointed the cape coast captain Garnet Wolseley and provided him with £800,000 (over £96,000,000 today) as well as 2,500 British troops and several thousand west-Indian and African allied troops( . This force slowly proceeded north to Kumase where an indecisive council was repeatedly objecting to any attempts of mobilizing a counter-attack( perhaps recalling Richard Pine’s failed expedition a decade earlier, it was only after the British force reached the town of Amoafo about 50 km south of Kumase, that the Asante decided to counter-attack but even then the mobilization of troops and the battle plan was incoherent, rather than amassing at Amoafo, the forces were divided between several engagements and only about 10,000 Asante soldiers faced an equally matched British force. Once again, the Asante maintained a steady volley of musket fire using old flintlocks popular during the battle of waterloo in 1814, against the quick-firing enfield rifles and snider rifles of the British forces made in the 1860s of which the Asante had few, and despite holding the invaders for long, the cannon fire from the British won the day, forcing the Asante force to retreat after suffering nearly thousand causalities against less than a 100 on the British side, thus opening the road to Kumase, although the city itself had been deserted on Kofi's orders to deny the British a decisive victory. Aware of this, Wolseley blew up Kofi’s palace, sacked the city of Kumase and withdrew back to the coast but was met by Asante envoys enroute, who were sent by Kofi after another section of the British force had threatened Kumase following Wolseley's departure, these envoys agreed to sign a treaty where the Asante accepted to pay in installments an indemnity of 50,000 ounces of gold dust as well as to renounce claims to the south-western provinces.( But the British victory was pyrrhic, Kumase was re-occupied by the King, and the Asante only paid about 2,000 of the 50,000 ounces, which couldn’t cover a fraction of the cost, Wolseley had little to show for his victory except the treaty. _**Elmina castle.**_ * * * **Interlude: The Asante state from crisis to civil war (1874-1889)** By July of 1874, the Asantehene Kofi lost favor in the Kumasi council which proceeded to depose him after leveling charges against him that included not listing to counsel and incessant warfare; and although Kofi defended himself that the council supported his victories but blamed him for the destruction of Kumasi, he was later forced into exile and a reformist Asantehene Mensa Bonsu (1874-1883) was elected in his place. Mensa attempted a rapid modernization of Asante's institutions that was supported by prince Owusu Ansa after he had been emboldened by his crushing defeat of the British-allied province of Dwaben in 1875, but this attempt at reform came at a time of great political uncertainty with the Kumasi council not full behind him, and he was met with stiff opposition among some powerful officials( . Mensa’s disillusionment at his growing political isolation made him reverse many of his earlier flirtations with reform, he formed a personal-corps of 900 soldiers armed with modern snider rifles (after the arms embargo had been briefly lifted thanks to Owusu’s skilled diplomacy), these personal guards were directly under his control and brutally suppressed opposition in the capital, yet despite this, revolts now occurred in rapid succession close to Kumase by 1883 lasting a year until he was deposed by the council. between 1875 and 1890, most of the northern provinces rebelled against Asante control and broken away, importantly, the British now bypassed Kumase, allied with the eastern provinces of Asante and traded directly with the northern merchants of Salaga.( In 1884 and Kwaku Dua was elected in his place but his reign was brief (17th march to 11th July 1884), and his death was followed by a period of internecine civil war as various factions unleashed during Mensa’s reign, sought to use force to influence the election/forcefully install their preferred Asantehenes, this weakening of the center led many of the provinces of Asante to breakaway.( **The Prempeh restoration, Asante’s diplomacy with several African states and the British (1889-1895).** Asante’s brief civil war ended with the election of Prempeh in 1888, the young king restored many of the lost provinces through skillful diplomacy and reignited the lucrative northern trade through Salaga by 1890, and the kingdom developed a lucrative trade in rubber, with over 2.6 million pounds exported in 1895, most of which was sold through the cape coast itself( . His rapid success alarmed the British at cape-coast and their coastal allies who now had to conduct their northern trade through Kumase, and were still intent on conquering Asante, therefore in 1891, the British demanded that it become a “protectorate”(where the kingdom’s external trade and foreign policy would be dictated by the British), an offer the Kumase council and Prempeh firmly rejected.( On 1894, the British made even stronger demands for the Asante to be placed under “protectorate” status, demanding that a British officer be stationed at Kumase and he be consulted on matters of war and that the Asantehene and his councilors become paid servants of the British, this demand was again rejected.( An even more threatening factor to the British was Prempeh's alliance with Samory Ture whose empire controlled vast swathes of territories in west-Africa from Senegal through guinea, ivory coast and Burkina Faso, and had conquered the breakaway region of Gyaman and its city of Bonduku in 1894 bringing him right next to the Asante border. Since the early 19th century, the Asante had made several diplomatic overtures to its northern and western neighbors such as the empire of Segu in 1824 and Dahomey in the 1870s, for a military alliance against the British but since the British supported Segu against the Hamdallaye empire, this first alliance didn't come to fruition, and the Dahomey alliance was rather ineffective. It therefore wasn't until the late 19th century that Samory's anti-French stance and the Asante's anti-British stance formed a loose basis for an anti-colonial alliance while simultaneously threatening both European powers, especially the British who felt that their position in west Africa was to come under French orbit in the event that the latter were to win against Samory. On 15th November 1895, the cape coast’s British governor warned Samory not to intervene on Asante's behalf as he was preparing to take Kumase under British control( . The British had eliminated the threat Samory posed by straining his ability to purchase munitions through sierra Leone that he was using against the French, and despite Samory's defeat of a French force in 1895( . Despite Prempeh’s partial restoration of the pre-1874 Asante institutions, its military hadn’t been strengthened to its former might, given a depleted treasury, most of the Asante political focus relied on the diplomatic efforts of the Owusu Ansa and his large group of Asante envoys who were in London attempting to negotiate a treaty more favorable to Asante and to convince the colonial office against conquest, unfortunately however, the colonial office’s claim the the Asante wanted to ally with the French (an absurd claim given their flirtations with Samory), made the colonial secretary authorize a war with Asante, and the same ship that carried the ambassadors back to Asante from London also carried 100 tonnes of supplies for the kingdom’s conquest( . * * * **The Fall of Asante in 1896.** The British force of over 10,000 armed with the Maxim guns and other quick-firing guns, occupied Kumase in January 1896 and were met with with no resistance after Prempeh had ordered his forces not to attack judging his forces to be too outgunned to put up an effective resistance, Kumase was thoroughly looted by the British and their allies, the Asante kingdom was placed under "protectorate" status and the Asantehene was forced into exile( . While the Asante state continued to exist in some form around Kumase, its political control over the provinces outside the capital had been effectively removed as these provinces were formally tributaries for the British, and despite the large armed uprising in 1900 based at Kumase, the Asante state as it was in the 19th century had ceased to exist. _**Kumase in 1896 after its looting.**_ Asante's conflict with the British was directly linked to the latter’s desire to control trade between the west-African interior and the coast as well as the gold-mining in the Asante provinces, both of which were under the full control of Asante and formed the base of its economic and political autonomy, which it asserted through its strong control over its extensive road network. The Asante's monopolistic position in the transit trade between the savanna and the coast was weakened by the secessions after its 1874 defeat which fundamentally undermined the institutions of the state, and while this decline was arrested by Prempeh in the 1890s through skillful diplomacy that saw the restoration of the northern trade routes and attempts at military alliances, the reforms didn’t occur fast enough especially in the military, and Asante were thus unable to afford the means, whether in imported weaponry and skills or otherwise, to offset the effects of the progressive reduction in the general cost of imperial coercion in Africa which the western European industrial economies were experiencing through advances in military technology. * * * **Conclusion: the evolution of Afro-European warfare from the 15th-19th century** From the 15th to mid 19th century, western military technology offered no real advantages in their wars with African armies, and this explains why so many of the early European wars with African states in this period ended with the former's defeat across the continent especially in west-central Africa and south-eastern Africa. European states opted to stay within their coastal enclaves after their string of defeats, aware of the high cost of coercion required to colonize and pacify African states, they were often dependent on the good offices of the adjacent African states inorder to carry out any profitable trade, and accepted the status of the junior partner in these exchange, in a coastal business that was marginal to the interior African economic system, as in the case of the Dutch traders at Elmina and or the Portuguese traders in Mutapa who were gives the title of "great-wives-of-state” after their failed conquest of the kingdom in the 17th century( . But by the second half of the 19th century, the rapid advances in military technology such as the invention of quick-firing guns greatly reduced the cost of conquest both in numbers of soldiers and in ammunition. African states which had for long engaged the European traders from a stronger position of power and could pit European gun suppliers against each other, were now seen as an "obstacle" to trade rather than a senior partner in trade, and to this effect, the European coastal forts were turned into launch-pads for colonial conquest that in many places involved lengthy battles with African armies that lasted for much of the 19th century. While Asante had possessed the structural and demographic capacity to withstand the British attacks for nearly a century and the diplomatic know-how to navigate the rapidly changing political landscape both within Africa and Europe, the civil war of the 1880s greatly undermined its capacity to rapidly reform its military and political institutions, and tipped the scales in favor of the colonists, ending the Asante’s 300 year-old history. _Yam festival in Kumasi, 1817_ * * * **HUGE THANKS to my Patreon subscribers and Paypal donors for supporting AfricanHistoryExtra!** * * * _**Read more about the Asante’s road network and transport system, and Download books on the Anglo-Asante war on my Patreon account**_ ( ( The forest and Twis by Ivor Wilks pg 4-7) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 110), ( Denkyira in the making of asante by T. C. McCASKIE pp 1-25) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 18-22) ( State and Society in Pre-colonial Asante By T. C. McCaskie pg 146) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks 387-413) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 80-83, 94-95) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 678) ( Warfare in Atlantic africa by J.K.Thornton pg 63-64 ( The Fall of the Asante Empire by Robert B. Edgerton pg 66-69 ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 683, 682) ( ( ( Commercial Transitions and Abolition in West Africa pg 144-159 ( Accumulation wealth belief asante by T. C. McCaskie pg 26-27 ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 683-695, Accumulation wealth belief asante by T. C. McCaskie pg 33, ) ( ( ( Commercial Transitions and Abolition in West Africa 1630–1860 By Angus E. Dalrymple-Smith pg 168-169 ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks Pg 264-272) ( Elmina and greater asante pg 39-41) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 163 ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 141-151) ( The fall of the Asante Empire by Robert B. Edgerton pg 21-22) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg pg 167) ( From slave trade to legitimate commerce by Robin Law pg 107-110, additional commentary from “Commercial Transitions and Abolition in West Africa” pg 144-159 ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 169-173), ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg pg 175), ( The fall of the Asante Empire by Robert B. Edgerton pg 80) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 214, The fall of the Asante Empire by Robert B. Edgerton pg 44-48 ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 180, The fall of the Asante Empire by Robert B. Edgerton pg 82) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks 183, The fall of the Asante Empire by Robert B. Edgerton pg 85) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 189-193) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 194) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 216-218) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 219-220) ( The fall of the Asante Empire by Robert B. Edgerton pg 96) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 224) ( The fall of the Asante Empire by Robert B. Edgerton pg 68 ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks 225-228) ( Elmina and Greater Asante by LW Yarak pg 33-46) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 235-238) ( The fall of the Asante Empire by Robert B. Edgerton pg 124), ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 238-241) ( The fall of the Asante Empire by Robert B. Edgerton pg 142-170) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 512-528, 627-230) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 280-281 ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 558-567) ( The fall of the Asante Empire by Robert B. Edgerton pg 181 ( The fall of the Asante Empire by Robert B. Edgerton pg 180-194) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 639-640 ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 301-304, 310-324) ( A Military History of Africa \ By Timothy J. Stapleton pg 22) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 653 ( The fall of the Asante Empire by Robert B. Edgerton pg 184 ( Portugal and Africa By D. Birmingham pg 16.

### Title: Africa's 100 Years' War at the Dawn of Colonialism: The Anglo-Asante Wars (1807-1900) #### Introduction to Misconceptions about Colonialism in Africa 1. The late 19th-century colonial invasion of Africa is often depicted in literature as a swift and easy conquest by technologically advanced European armies facing minimal resistance from African forces. 2. It is commonly assumed that African states, unaware of the military threat posed by Europeans, were unprepared and slow to adopt advanced military technologies that could have helped them preserve their autonomy. 3. However, a detailed examination of African military history, particularly the Anglo-Asante Wars, reveals a different narrative. #### The Asante Kingdom and Its Military Strength 1. The Asante Kingdom, located in what is now Ghana, emerged as a powerful state in the early 18th century and expanded to control a territory similar in size to the United Kingdom, with a population nearing one million. 2. From 1807 to 1900, the Asante army engaged in five major battles and numerous skirmishes against the British, demonstrating its commitment to maintaining independence. 3. By the 19th century, the Asante had a formidable, well-armed military that managed to repel British attacks for several decades. 4. The loss of independence was ultimately influenced by a British arms blockade and the introduction of quick-firing guns, coupled with internal political turmoil within Asante. #### Historical Context of the Asante Kingdom 1. The Asante Kingdom was one of the last Akan kingdoms, founded by Twi-speakers in the early 2nd millennium, evolving from foraging societies to complex agricultural societies that traded in gold. 2. Major Akan polities, like Denkyira, dominated in the 17th century, controlling substantial gold resources. Osei Tutu, the first Asantehene, consolidated power in the late 17th century, defeating smaller polities and founding the Asante state with Kumasi as its capital. 3. Asante expansion involved numerous military campaigns throughout the 18th century, allowing it to incorporate neighboring territories as tributary states. #### Military Organization and Technology 1. By the mid-18th century, the Asante military had grown in complexity, with a centralized command structure based in Kumasi and a standing army that could number up to 80,000 soldiers. 2. The Asante army utilized flintlock rifles and adopted modern military techniques, including platoon formations that enhanced their combat effectiveness. 3. Despite initial success with contemporary firearms, the Asante faced challenges in upgrading their military technology, particularly in the face of British advancements. #### Economic Context of the Asante Kingdom 1. The Asante economy was primarily based on trade, with gold and kola nuts being significant exports in the 19th century; the wealth generated from these commodities supported the state and its military. 2. As the Atlantic slave trade diminished, the Asante shifted their trade focus to northern markets, leading to conflicts over control of lucrative trade routes. 3. The Asantehene and elite classes controlled the economic wealth, enabling the state to maintain a strong military and engage in warfare effectively. #### Prelude to Conflict with the British 1. The Asante Kingdom's southern provinces resisted British tribute demands, leading to hostilities when British Governor John Hope Smith backed these provinces. 2. Initial treaties recognized Asante authority over coastal regions, but tensions escalated as British interests conflicted with Asante autonomy. 3. Osei Bonsu, the Asantehene, was skeptical of British intentions, reflecting a broader awareness of European imperialism. #### The First Series of Anglo-Asante Wars (1824-1873) 1. Governor Charles MacCarthy pursued aggressive policies against Asante, resulting in the first Anglo-Asante War in 1824, where British forces suffered a significant defeat. 2. Following this victory, the Asante engaged in a series of military actions that maintained their territorial integrity and military prestige. 3. A peace treaty signed in 1831 allowed the Asante to focus on consolidating control over their northern territories while maintaining a relatively stable relationship with the British for several decades. #### Decline of the Asante Kingdom 1. By the mid-19th century, internal strife and external pressures weakened the Asante state. Political instability emerged following the loss of the British-dominated Elmina fort in 1874, which diminished Asante's access to arms. 2. The British used a combination of military force and economic pressure to assert control over Asante territories. 3. The civil war in the 1880s further destabilized the Asante leadership, weakening their ability to mount an organized defense against British aggression. #### The Fall of Asante (1896) 1. The final conflict culminated in January 1896, when British forces occupied Kumase with minimal resistance, leading to the exile of Asantehene Prempeh and the establishment of a British protectorate. 2. Despite efforts to maintain a semblance of Asante statehood, effective control over provinces was lost, thus concluding a significant episode in African colonial history. #### Conclusion: Evolution of Warfare 1. The military dynamics between European forces and African kingdoms evolved significantly during the 15th to 19th centuries, transitioning from initial European defeats to a struggle marked by advanced military technology and strategic colonial ambitions. 2. The Asante Kingdom’s extensive historical military and economic structure ultimately could not withstand the combined effects of internal strife and European imperial strategy, resulting in the loss of sovereignty and the transformation of the region’s political landscape. This structured narrative provides a factual overview of the Anglo-Asante Wars, their implications on African history, and the decline of the Asante Kingdom amid European colonial ambitions.

What were the effects of the Atlantic slave trade on African societies?: examining research on how the middle passage affected the Population, Politics and Economies of Africa

The African view of the Atlantic world.

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers What were the effects of the Atlantic slave trade on African societies?: examining research on how the middle passage affected the Population, Politics and Economies of Africa =============================================================================================================================================================================== ### The African view of the Atlantic world. ( Apr 17, 2022 20 Debates about Africa's role in the Transatlantic slave trade have been ongoing ever-since the first enslaved person set foot in the Americas, to say that these debates are controversial would be an understatement, the effects of the Atlantic slave trade are afterall central to discourses about what is now globally recognized as one of the history's worst atrocities, involving the forced migration of more than 12.5 million people from their homes to brutal conditions in slave plantations, to live in societies that excluded their descendants from the fruits of their own labor. Given this context, the climate of discourse on Atlantic history is decidedly against narratives of agency about any group involved in the Atlantic world save for the owners of slave plantations, therefore most scholars of African history are rather uneasy with positions which seem to demonstrate African political and economic autonomy during this era, for fear of blaming the evils of slavery in the Americas on the Africans themselves, despite the common knowledge (and repeated assurances) that the terms "African"/"Black" were modern constructs that were alien to the people whom they described and weren't relevant in determining who was enslaved in Africa (just as they didn't determine who could be enslaved in much of the world outside the Americas). Nevertheless, some scholars advance arguments that reinforce African passivity or apathy without fully grasping the dynamic history of African states and societies, and this may inform their conclusions on the effects of the Atlantic slave trade on pre-colonial Africa. This article examines the effects of Atlantic slave trade on pre-colonial African states, population and economies, beginning with an overview of debates on the topic by leading scholars of African history and their recent research. I conclude that, save for some social changes in the coastal societies, the overall effects of the external slave trade in west-Africa and west-central Africa have been overstated. **Map of the Transatlantic Slave Trade, 1501–1867 (from Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade by David Eltis)** * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Effects of the Atlantic slave trade on African states: the cases of Kongo kingdom and the Lunda empire, and brief notes of the Asante and Dahomey kingdoms.** _**Map of west-central Africa in 1750 showing the Lunda empire and Kongo kingdom**_ Some scholars have often associated the huge number of slaves sold into the trade with major political developments in the interior of Africa, notably with processes of state formation and imperial expansion. They argue that the enslavement and subsequent sale of slaves required such great resources that only rulers who commanded large followers could undertake such activities. Scholars such as Joseph inikori blame the expansion of slave trading for the collapse of centralized authority in Atlantic Africa; that the "_**persistent intervention by the European traders, and the vicious cycle of violence from massive slave trading…reproduced fragmentation in many places”** and **“severely constrained the spread of strong centralized states**_", citing the case of the Kongo kingdom which he argues had no indigenous institution of slavery prior to the arrival of European traders, and that it was politically "_**too weak to withstand the onslaught unleashed by Portuguese demand for captives**_", this he says lead to an internal breakdown of law and order and the kingdom’s collapse. Where centralized states did develop, he attributes their formation to the external slave trade, writing that "_**no serious attempt to develop centralized states was made until the crisis generated by the slave trade**_" he cites the cases of Dahomey and Asante, and claims that their "_**state formation was in part a device for self-protection by weakly organised communities**_", further arguing that "_**had strong centralized states like Asante, Dahomey .. been spread all over sub-Saharan Africa .. the balance of power among the states, would have raised the political and economic cost of procuring captives to a level that would have made their employment in the Americas less economic**_." but this didn’t happen because "_**european traders consciously intervened in the political process in western Africa to prevent the generalized development of relatively strong large states.**_"( Others such as Paul Lovejoy, take this argument further by positing a "_**transformation in slavery**_" across the African interior as a result of the Atlantic slave trade, which he says resulted in the emergence of African societies ruled by "warlords" perpetuated rivalries that degraded africa’s political development. In west central Africa for example, he argues that the export trade drained population from the productive sectors, concentrating slaves in areas connected with the export trade. The supply mechanism thereby influenced the expansion of a “slave mode of production” across the economy, and that this radical transformation resulted in half the population of Kongo were of servile status. ( Others, such as Jan Vansina and David Birmingham, in looking at specific cases of African states, argue that the Lunda empire founded by _Ruund_\-speakers, was established by expatriates who had closely interacted with the Portuguese traders of Angola and thus established a large state which extended military activities in the interior in response to the growing demand of slaves, which resulted in the creation of thousands of war captives who were offloaded to slave traders at the coast.( However, recent research by Domingues da Silva shows that most of the west-central African slaves exported in the late 18th/mid 19th century came from regions and ethnic groups near the coast that were far from the Lunda political orbit which was several hundred kilometers in the interior, and that most of these slaves were kimbundu, kikongo and umbundu speakers coming from the former territories of the then fragmented kingdom of Kongo, as well as the kingdoms of Ngoyo, Kakongo, and Yaka, he thus concludes that the Lunda were responsible for little if any of the external slave trade from west-central Africa in the late 18th century. His research adds to the observations of other scholars such as David Northrup, Ugo Nwokeji, Walter Hawthorne and Rebecca Shumway who argue that the supply of slaves sold on the coast did not necessarily depend on processes of state formation and expansion in the interior, they cite examples of decentralized societies among the Efik, Igbo, and Ibibio in the “Bight of Biafra”, and similar stateless groups in the “gold coast” and in what is now Guinea Bissau that supplied significant numbers of slaves to the external market.( _**Map of the west central Africa in the 19th century including the estimated number of slaves leaving West Central Africa by linguistic groups, 1831–1855**_( **The inaccuracies of “victim” or “collaborator” narratives of Kongo political history** As described in the observations by Inikori and Lovejoy, the Kongo Kingdom is often used as a case of the presumed devastating effects of the Atlantic slave trade, one where Portuguese traders are said to have exploited a weak kingdom, undermined its institutions and led to its collapse and depopulation as its citizens were shipped off to the American slave plantations. The history of the kingdom however, reveals a radically different reality, the Kongo kingdom was a highly centralized state by the late 15th century when the Portuguese encountered it, and the foremost military power in west central Africa with several provincial cities and a large capital. Its complex bureaucracy was headed by a king, and an electoral council that chose the King and checked his powers as well as controlled the kingdom's trade routes.( Kongo had a largely agricultural economy as well as a vibrant textile industry and copper mining, which supported the central government and its bureaucracy through tribute collected by tax officials in provinces and sent to the capital by provincial rulers who also provided levees for the military and were appointed for 2-3 year terms by the King.( As a regional power, Kongo’s diplomats were active across west central Africa, western Europe and in the Americas allowing them to influence political and religious events in the Kingdom’s favor, as well as enable it to create military and trade alliances that sustained its wealth and power. All of which paints a radically different picture of the kingdom than the weak, beguiled state that Inikori describes.( According to Linda Heywood, Ivana Elbl and John Thornton, the institution of slavery and the trade in slaves was also not unknown to the kingdom of Kongo nor was it introduced by coastal traders, but was part of Kongo’s social structure from its earliest formation. These scholars identified local words for different types of slaves, they also used oral history collected in the 16th century, the large volumes of external trade by the early 16th century and documents made by external writers about Kongo’s earliest slave exports to argue that it was unlikely for the Kingdom’s entire social structure to have been radically transformed on the onset of these external contacts.( Slaves in Kongo were settled in their own households, farming their own lands and raising their own families, in a social position akin to medieval European serfs than plantation slaves of the Americas.( Internal and external slave trade was conducted under Kongo laws in which the slaves -who were almost exclusively foreign captives- were purchased, their prices were fixed and which taxes to be paid on each slave( . Kongo’s servile population was a consequence of the nature of the state formation in west central Africa, a region with low population density that necessitated rulers to "concentrate" populations of subjects near their political capitals, these concentrated towns eventually grew into cities with a “scattered” form settlement, and were populated by households of both free and enslaved residents.( Kongo’s textile handicraft industries also reveal the flaw in Lovejoy’s “slave mode of production”. Kongo’s cloth production was characterized by subsistence, family labor who worked from their homes or in specialist villages within its eastern provinces. These textiles later became the Kingdom's dominant export in the early 17th century with upto 100,000 meters of cloth were exported to Portuguese Angola each year beginning in 1611, while atleast thrice as much were retained for the local market.( As a secondary currency in west central Africa, many of the Kongo textiles bought by the Portuguese and were primarily used to pay of its soldiers (these were mostly African Levées from Ndongo and the Portuguese colony of Angola), as well in the purchase and clothing of slaves bought from various interior states. Its thus unlikely that the export trade in slaves significantly transformed Kongo's social and economic institutions because despite the expansion of textile production and trade in its eastern provinces now, production remained rural based, without the growth of large towns or "slave plantations", and without "draining" the slave population in the provincial cities of the kingdom such nor from the capital Mbanza Kongo which retained the bulk of the Kingdom's population.( Kongo had several laws regulating the purchase and use of slaves, with a ban on the capture and sell of Kongo citizens, as well as a ban on the export of female slaves and domestic slaves who were to be retained in the kingdom itself, leaving only a fraction of slaves to be exported. Kongo went to great lengths to enforce this law including two instances in the late 16th century and in 1623 when the Kingdom’s officials repatriated thousands of Kongo citizens from Brazil, these had been illegally enslaved in Kongo’s wars with the Jaga (a foreign enemy) and the Portuguese, both of whom Kongo managed to defeat.( Throughout this period, Kongo's slave exports through its port at Mpinda were estimated at just under 3,100 for years between 1526–1641 and 4,000 between 1642–1807,( with the bulk of the estimated 3.9 million slaves coming from the Portuguese controlled ports of Luanda (2.2 million) and Benguela (400,000), as well several northern ports controlled by various northern neighbors of Kongo (see map). That fact that the Kongo-controlled slave port of Mpinda, which was active in the 16th and 17th century, doesn't feature among the 20 African ports which handled 75% of all slave exports, provides further evidence that Kongo wasn't a major slave exporter itself despite being the dominant West-central African power at a time when over a million slaves were shipped from the region between 1501-1675( , and its further evidence that the internal Kongo society was unlikely to have been affected by the export slave trade. These recent estimates of slave exports from each African port are taken from David Eltis’ comprehensive study of slave origins and destinations, and they will require that scholars greatly revise earlier estimates in which Kongo’s port of Mpinda was thought to have exported about 2,000-5,000 slaves a year between 1520s and 1570s, (which would have placed its total at around 200,000 in less than half a century and thus exaggerated its contribution to the slave exports).( Furthermore, comparing the estimated "floating population" of about 100,000 slaves keep internally in the Kongo interior vs the less than 10,000 sold through Mpinda over a century reveals how marginal the export trade was to Kongo's economy, which nevertheless always had the potential to supply far more slaves to the Atlantic economy than it did. And while a counter argument could be made that some of Kongo’s slaves were sent through the Portuguese-controlled port of Luanda, this was unlikely as most were documented to have come from the Portuguese colony of Angola itself and several of the neighboring kingdoms such as Ndongo( , and as I will explain later in the section below on the demographic effects of slave trade, the Angolan slave exports would result in a stagnated population within the colony at a atime when Kongo and most of the interior experienced a steady increase in population. **Map of the major Atlantic slave ports between 1642–1807, and 1808–1867** _**List of largest Africa’s largest slave exporting ports**_ **The internal processes that led to Kongo’s decline.** Kongo's fall was largely a result of internal political processes that begun in the mid-17th century as power struggles between powerful royal houses, each based in a different province, undermined the more equitable electoral system and resulted in the enthronement of three kings to the throne through force rather than election, these were; Ambrósio I (r. 1626-1631), Álvaro IV (r. 1631-1636) and Garcia II (1641-1660).( These rulers, who were unelected unlike their predecessors, depended on the military backing of their royal houses based in the different provinces. Their actions weakened the centralizing institutions of Kongo such as its army (which was defeated by the rebellious province of Soyo in several battles), and loosened the central government’s hold over the provinces, as tax revolts and rebellious dukes unleashed centrifugal forces which culminating in the breakaway of Soyo as an independent province. The weakened Kongo army was therefore unsurprisingly defeated in a Portuguese-Angloan invasion of 1665, but the initial Angolan victory turned out to be inconsequential as the Portuguese army was totally annihilated by the Soyo army in 1670 and permanently ejected from the Kongo interior for nearly three centuries. However, the now autonomous province of Soyo failed to stem the kingdom's gradual descent and further contributed to the turmoil by playing the role of king-maker in propping up weak candidates to the throne, leading to the eventual abandonment of the capital Sao Salvador by the 1678( . Each province of Kongo then became an independent state, warring between each other and competing of the control of the old capital, and while the kingdom was partially restored in 1709, the fragile peace, that involved the rival royal houses rotating kingship, lasted barely half a century before the kingdom disintegrated further, such that by 1794 when the maniKongo Henrique II ascended to the throne “_**he had no right to tax, no professional army under his control**_”, and had only “_**twenty or twenty five soldiers,” his “authority remains only in his mind,**_” as real power and wealth had reverted to the provincial nobles.( In none of these internal political process was external slave trade central, and the kingdom of Kongo therefore diverges significantly from the many of the presumed political effects of the transatlantic slavery, its emergence, its flourishing and its decline were largely due to internal political processes that were not (and could not be) influenced by Portuguese and other European traders at the coast, nor by the few dozen European traders active in Kongo’s capital (these european traders barely comprised a fraction of the city's 70-100,000 strong population). The social institutions of Kongo’s former territories were eventually partially transformed in the 18th and 19th century, not as a result of the external slave trade but the political fragmentation of Kongo that begun in the late 17th century, which lead to the redefinition of “insider” vs “outsider” groups who could be legally enslaved, which is the reason why the 18th century map above came to include _Kikongo_ speakers.( but even after Kongo’s disintegration, the overall impact of the slave trade on Kongo’s population was limited and the region’s population continued to grow as I will explain below. **Examining the founding of Asante and Dahomey within their local contexts.** _**Map of of west africa in the 18th century showing the Asante and Dahomey kingdoms located in the so-called “gold coast” and “ slave coast”**_( A similar pattern of African political autonomy and insulation from the presumed negative effects of the external slave trade can also be seen in other kingdoms, such as the kingdoms of Asante and Dahomey which according to Inikori and other scholars, are thought to have undergone political centralization as a result of slave trade. According to Ivor Wilks and Tom McCaskie however, Asante’s political history was largely dictated by internal dynamics growing out of its independence the kingdom of Denkyira in a political process where external slave trade was marginal, and none of the Asante states’ institutions significantly depended on the export of slaves into the Atalntic.( Furthermore, Dalrymple-Smith’s study of Asante state’s economic and political history shows that few of the Asante military campaigns during this period were directed towards securing lucrative slave routes, with most campaigns instead directed towards the the gold producing regions as well as trade routes that funneled this gold into the trans-Saharan trade, adding that the gold-coast "_**region’s various polities in the seventeenth century were always focused on the control of gold producing areas and the application of labour to mining and extraction**_".( Making it unlikely that external slave trade or the presumed violence associated with it, led to the emergence of the Asante state in defense against slave-raiders. _**Location of major Asante military campaigns 1740–1816**_( The Dahomey kingdom, according to the scholars Cameron Monroe, Robin Law and Edna Bay started out as a vassal of the more powerful kingdom of Allada in the 17th century, from which it adopted several political institutions and rapidly expanded across the Abomey plateau in the early 18th century at the expense of its weaker suzerain, before it marched south and conquered the kingdoms of Allada in 1724 and Hueda (ouidah) in 1727.( Its expansion is largely a result of its rulers successful legitimation of power in the Abomey plateau region through popular religious customs and local ancestor deities, enabling early Dahomey kings to attract followers and grow the kingdom through “_**the manipulation of local allegiances and overt conquest**_”( in which external slave trade was a secondary concern. Dahomey's conquest of the coastal kingdoms in the 1720s led to a drastic fall in slave exports by more than 70% from a 15,000 slaves a year annually in the 1720s to a low of 4,000 slaves annually in the 1780s, leading to some scholars such as Adeagbo Akinjogbin to claim that Dahomey conquered the coast to abolish the slave trade,( and recently Joseph Inikori who says that "_**Dahomey invaded the coastal Aja states in the 1720s to bring all of them under one strong centralized state in order to end the slave trade in the region**_".( But these observations have been discounted by most scholars of Dahomey history who argue that they are contrary to the political and economic motivations and realities of the Dahomey Kings. For example, Cameron Monroe argues that unlike Dahomey’s interior conquests which were driven by other intents, the objectives of the coastal conquests were largely driven by the control of the external slave trade, despite the rapid decline in slave exports after the fact( , This view is supported by other scholars such as Robin Law who argues that the Dahomey kings wanted to monopolize the trade rather than end it, writing that “_**although Agaja was certainly not an opponent of the slave trade, his policies tend to undermine it by disrupting the supply of slaves into the interior**_”,( and Finn Fuglestad who writes that the theory that "_**the rulers of Dahomey consciously limited the slave trade, can be safely disregarded**_" as evidence suggests they were infact preoccupied with restoring the trade but failed because "_**Dahomeans’ lack of commercial and other acumen**_" and "_**the apparent fact that they relied exclusively on their (overrated) military might**_".( Robin Law’s explanation for why Ouidah’s slave exports declined after Dahomey’s conquest of the coast shows how internal policies destroyed Dahomey’s slave export trade, he suggests that the increased taxes on slave exports by Dahomey officials, which rose from a low of 2.5% to a high of 6%, and which were intended to restrain wealth accumulation in private hands, forced the private merchants from the interior (who had been supplying between 83% to 66% of all slaves through Ouidah) to shift operations to other ports on the slave coast.( Yet despite their conquest of the coast in relation to the external slave trade, most of Dahomey's wars weren't primarily motivated for the capture of slaves for export. This view was advanced by John Thornton based on the correspondence between Dahomey’s monarchs and Portuguese colonists in Brazil , who, unlike the British audiences, weren’t influenced by debates between the opposing Abolitionist and pro-slavery camps, and are thus able to provide less biased accounts about the intentions of the Dahomey rulers. In most of these letters, the Dahomey monarchs describe their conquests as primarily defensive in nature, revealing that the capturing slaves was marginal factor; “_**a given in any war, but rarely the reason for waging it**_”. Which confirms the declarations made by Dahomey kings’s to the British that “_**Your countrymen, who allege that we go to war for the purpose of supplying your ships with slaves, are grossly mistaken**_.”( * * * **Effects of the Atlantic slave trade on Africa’s Population and Demographics** Studies of the trans-Atlantic slave trade's impact on Africa’s population have long been central to the debates on the continent’s historical demographics, economic size, level of ethnic fractionation and state centralization, which they are often seen as important in understanding the continent’s current level of development. Scholars such as Patrick Manning argue that, the population of West Africa would have been at least twice what it was in 1850, had it not been for the impact of the transatlantic slave trade.( But Manning also admits the challenges faced in making historical estimates of populations in places with little census data before the 1900s, writing "_**the methods used for these population estimates rely on projections backward in time**_" (which typically start in the 1950s when the first true census was undertaken) and to these estimates he makes adjustments based on his assumption about the population effects of the slave trade.( His findings also diverge from the estimates of Angus Madison who argues for a gradual but consistent increase in African population from the 18th century, the latter's findings were inturn based again on backward projections from the mid 20th century, and his assumption of a more dynamic African economy. Madisson's estimates were in turn similar to John Caldwell’s who also derived his figures from population data on projected backwards from the mid 20th century statistics, and his assumption that African populations grew as a result of introduction of new food crops.( Nathan nunn who, basing on backwards-projected population estimates and his assumption that the Atlantic trade led to a fall in africa’s population, goes even further and associates Africa’s historical population data with the continent's modern level of development. Using a map of "ethnic boundaries" made by Peter Murdock in 1959, he argues that external slave trade correlates with modern levels of GDP, and one of the measures central to his argument is that parts of africa that were the most prosperous in 1400, measured by population density, were also the most impacted by the slave trade, leading to ethnic fractionization, and to weak states.( _**Charts showing the various estimates of africa’s population as summarized by Patrick Manning( , the chart on the right is by Manning as well.( **_ These speculative estimates of pre-colonial African populations which primarily rely on backwards projection of data collected centuries later, and individual authors' presumptions about the effects of slavery, the level of economic development and the level of food production, have been criticized by other scholars most recently Timothy Guinnane who argues that the measurement errors in their estimates are transmitted from continental estimates to regional estimates and down to individual African countries (or ethnic groups as in Nunn’s case), which leads to a very wide variation in the final population estimates between each scholar. For example, the differences between the implied estimates of Nathun Nunn's figure for Nigeria's population in 1500 to have been 6.5 million, while Ashraf Quamrul estimates it to have been 3.9 million.( A better approach for those hoping to make more accurate estimates of Africa’s population would be to begin with estimates of smaller regions where data was more available. One such attempt was made by Patrick manning to measure the population growth/decline of the "slave coast" (a region along the west african coast that now includes Benin, Togo and south-western Nigeria), which he estimates suffered a 2- 4% annual population loss in the 18th century, and that this population decline was higher than its rate of natural increase. But his findings have been regarded as "impressionistic" by scholars such as Robin Law, who argues that Manning’s estimates aren’t derived from "rigorous statistical proof", because they were based on assumptions about the original population of the region that he arrived at by projecting the modern population figures backwards.( **Population data from west-central Africa and the demographic effects of slave trade in the coastal colony of Angola.** More accurate estimates of pre-colonial African population on a localised level, were made by Linda Heywood and John Thornton in several west-central African regions of Kongo, Ndongo (a vassal of Portuguese Angola) and a number of smaller states founded by Umbundu speakers such as Viye, Ngalangi and Mbailundu. Unlike most parts of Atlantic Africa, west-central Africa had plenty of written information made by both external and internal writers from which quantitative data about pre-colonial African demography can be derived such as baptismal statistics in Kongo, census data from Portuguese Angola and State fiscal records from the Umbundu kingdoms. The baptismal records from Kongo come from various missionaries to the kingdom in the 17th and 18th century, the population records of Portuguese Angola come from a census undertaken for the years 1777 and 1778, while the Umbundu population figures were collected by Alexandre Jose Botelho de Vasconcellos in 1799 (based from fiscal information derived from Portuguese officials serving as suzerains overlords of the _sobas_ in the region) and Lazlo Magyar in 1849 (based on fiscal records of several Umbundu states and the neighboring Lunda empire, both of which he resided for a long period). The data collected from all these regions shows that the population density of Kongo (in what is now north-western Angola) varied between 5-15 people per square kilometer between 1650 and 1700 with the kingdom's population growing from 509,000 to 532,000 over half a century, which reveals that Kongo's population was much smaller than the often cited 3,000,000 people (and the presumed 100 per skq kilometer), but it also shows a steady population increase at a rate close to the contemporary global average, which eventually grew to just under a million by 1948.( _**Map showing the population density of Soyo in 1700, and a chart showing the Population distribution of Kongos provinces between 1650 and 1700**_( Population data from the Umbundu kingdoms (in what is now central Angola), shows that the population density was 5-10 people per square kilometer between 1799 and 1850 and that the total population across the kingdoms grew by 41%-127%. Data from the Lunda empire (in what is now western Angola and southern D.R.C) shows its population density was 3-4 people per sqkm.( _**Map showing the population distribution of the Umbundu states in central and charts showing the population distribution and population growth of the region’s various kingdoms.**_( Population data from the Portuguese colony of Angola (located south of Kongo, and west of the Umbundu states see the map of west-central Africa in the introduction) had a population growth rate of 25.7 per 1,000 and a gender ratio heavily skewed towards women in the years between 1777 and 1778, with an annual population increase of around 12,000 which was dwarfed by the 16,000 slaves exported through region each year, although some of these slaves would have come from outside the region and he adds that the gender ratio its likely a result of female slaves being retained and thus suggests the colony’s population may have been stagnant or slightly increasing ( (a conclusion supported by Lopes de Lima, a colonial official in 1844 who, basing on census data he consulted, observed that the colony’s population had barely grown by 1% _**Table of Angola colony’s census data for 1777 and 1778, showing proportions of people younger than specific ages, within certain age categories, for each gender , as obtained from both the census and the model life table.**_( These studies therefore show that the export slave trade had a much lower impact in parts of west-central Africa than is commonly averred despite the region supplying the largest number of slaves to the Atlantic. Furthermore, considering that the territories of the former Kongo kingdom where an estimated 6,180 slaves were said to have been derived/ passed-through annually in the years between 1780 and 1789; this amounts to just 1% of the region’s 600,000 population,( and in the Umbundu kingdoms where 4,652 slaves were said to have been derived/ passed-through annually between 1831 to 1855; this amounts to just 0.3% of 1,680,150 population.( Given the importance of west-central Africa as the supplier of nearly 50% of the slaves taken across the Atlantic, these studies reveal alot about the population effects of the trade whose overall effect was limited. These studies also show that the high population densities of the coast may have been a result of the slave trade rather than despite it, as slaves from the interior were incorporated within coastal societies like Angola, they also call into question the population estimates which are premised on the depopulation of Africa as a result of the slave trade (eg Patrick manning's estimated 30% decline in the population of central Africa between 1700-1850). The skewed gender ratio in the Angolan colony with more women than men, seems to support the arguments advanced recently by scholars such as Wyatt MacGaffey and Ivor Wilks who suggest that matrilineal descent among the costal groups of the Congo basin and among the Akan of the “gold coast” was a product of the Atlantic trade as these societies retained more female slaves( , although its unclear if all matrilineages pre-dated or post-dated the external slave trade. * * * **Effects of Atlantic slave trade on the African economy:** The Atlantic slave trade is an important topic in African economic history and its effects are often seen as significant in measuring the level of africa’s pre-colonial economic development. Scholars argue that the depopulation of the continent which drained it of labor that could have been better applied domestically, and the dumping of manufactured goods which were exchanged for slaves, destroyed local handicraft industries in Africa such as textiles forcing them to depend on foreign imports. (giving rise to the so-called dependency theory) For example, Paul Lovejoy combines his political and economic observation of the effects of external slave trade on Africa, writing that “_**the continent delivered its people to the plantations and mines of the Americas and to the harems and armies of North Africa and Arabia**_”, which resulted in a "_**period of African dependency**_" in which African societies were ruled by "_**warlords**_" who were "_**successful in their perpetuation of rivalries that effectively placed Africa in a state of retarded economic and political development**_". He argues that external slave trade transformed the African society from one initially where "_**slaves emerged almost as incidental products of the interaction between groups of kin**_" to one where "_**merchants organized the collection of slaves, funneling slaves to the export market**_” such that "_**the net effect was the loss of these slaves to Africa and the substitution of imported commodities for humans**_". He claims that this led to the development of a "_**slave mode of production**_" in Africa, where slaves were central to economic production across all states along the Atlantic (such as Kongo and Dahomey).( Joseph Inikori on the other hand, looks at the effects of foreign imports on African industries. After analyzing the discussions of other scholars who argue for the limited effects of Africa's importation of European/Indian textiles (which were mostly exchanged for slaves), he argues that their claims are difficult to prove since they didn’t conduct empirical studies on pre-colonial west African manufacturing, he therefore proposes a study of pre-colonial west African industry based on import data of textiles from the records of European traders. He argues that west Africa had become a major export market for English and east India cottons, which he says replaced local cotton cloths in places like the "gold coast" (Asante/ modern Ghana) in the 17th and 18th century. He adds that "_**there is no indication at all that local cotton textile producers presented any competition in the West African market**_", continuing that these imports adversely affected production in previous supplying centers in Benin and Allada, which he says were edged out based on their “_**underdeveloped technology**_” of manufacture relative to the european producers.( Lovejoy’s and Inikori’s observations depart from observations made by David Eltis. Basing on the revenue yields from slave trade per-population in Western Europe, the American colonies and West Africa, at the peak of the slave trade in the 1780s, Eltis calculates that Atlantic slave revenues accounted for between 5-8% of west African incomes. (his west African population estimate was 25 million, but a much higher estimate such as Manning's 32 million would give an even lower share of income from slavery) he therefore concludes that "_**It would seem that even more than most European nations at this time, Africans could feed, clothe and house themselves as well as perform the saving and investment that such activities required without having recourse to goods and markets from other countries**_".( John Thornton on the other hand, in looking at the political and economic history of Atlantic Africa, argues that the Atlantic imports weren’t motivated by the filling of basic needs, nor was Africa’s propensity to import European (and Indian) manufactures, a measure of their needs, nor can it serve as evidence for the inefficiency of their industries. He argues instead, that the imports were a measure of the extent of their domestic market and a desire for variety, he calculates that imports such as iron constituted less than 10-15% of coastal west African domestic needs, excluding military needs which would push the figure much lower (he based this on a population estimate of 1.5 million for the coast alone, which would would make the share of iron imports much lower if measured against the entire west African population) He also calculates that the “gold coast” textile imports of 20,000 meters constituted barely 2% of the 750,000 meters required for domestic demand; a figure which doesn’t including elite consumption and the high demand for textiles in the region as a secondary currency.( In a more detailed study of west-central African cloth production, Thornton uses Angolan colonial data from the early 17th century in which Luanda-based merchants bought over 100,000 meters of cloth from the eastern provinces of the Kongo kingdom each year after 1611 (a figure which doesn’t include illegal trade that didn't pass customs houses and weren’t documented), he thus estimates that total production from eastern kongo to have been around 300,000-400,000 meters of cloth for both domestic demand and exports. This production figure, coming for a region of less than 3.5 people per square kilometer, implies that eastern Kongo was just as (if not more) productive than major European manufacturing regions such as Leiden (in the Netherlands), in making equally high quality cloth that was worn by elites and commoners in west central Africa, this Kongo cloth also wasn't replaced by European/Indian imports despite their increased importation in Kongo at the time. He thus argues against the "_**use of the existence of technology (or its lack) as a proxy measure for productivity**_", adding that the rural-based subsistence labor of the eastern Kongo, working with simple ground and vertical looms, could meet domestic demand just as well as early industrial workers in the 17th century Netherlands, adding that early european textile machinery at the time was unlike modern 20th century machinery, and often produced less-than-desirable cloth, often forcing producers to use the ‘putting-out’ system that relied on home-based, less mechanized handworkers who produced most of the textiles.( In her study of cloth manufacture and trade in East Africa and West Africa, Katharine Frederick shows that textile imports across the continent didn’t displace local industries but often stimulated local production. Building on Anthony Hopkin's conclusions that textile imports didn’t oust domestic industries, Katharine shows that the coastal African regions with the highest levels of production were also the biggest importers of cloth, and that African cloth producers in these regions, ultimately proved to be the most resilient against the manufactured cloth imports of the early 20th century. In comparing West Africa’s long history of cloth production against eastern Africa’s more recent history of cloth production, and both region’s level of importation of European/Indian cloth, she observes that "_**West Africa not only produced more cloth than East Africa but also imported more cloth per capita**_" . She therefore points out that other factors account for the differences in Africa's textile industries, which she lists as; the level of population, the antiquity of cloth production, the level of state centralization and the robustness of trade networks, and argues that these explain why African weavers in high-import/ high-production regions along west africa’s coast, in the Horn of africa and the Swahili coast at Zanzibar, were also more likely to use more advanced technologies in cloth production with a wide variety of looms, and were also more likely to import yarn to increase local production, and foreign cloth as a result of higher purchasing power, compared to other regions such as the east African interior.( _**Charts showing the imports of european/indian cloth in west africa and east africa, with an overall higher trend in the former than the latter, as well as higher imports for coastal societies in zanzibar than in mozambique.**_( _**Map showing the varieties of textile looms used in Africa, showing the highest variety in the “slave coast” region of southern Nigeria.**_( The above studies by Thornton and Katharine are especially pertinent in assessing the effects of external slave trade on African industries as the countries along the west-African and West-central coast exported 10 times as many slaves into the Atlantic (around 9 million) than countries along the east-African coast exported into the Indian ocean (around 0.9 million)( , and which in both regions were exchanged for a corresponding amount of European/Indian textiles (among other goods). Furthermore, comprehensive studies by several scholars on Atlantic Africa's transition into "legitimate commerce" after the ban of slave exportation in the early 19th century, may provide evidence against the significance of the Atlantic slave export markets on domestic African economies. This is because such a transition would be expected to be devastating to their economies which were assumed to be dependent on exporting slaves in exchange for foreign imports. In his study of the Asante economy in the 18th and 19th century, Dalrymple-Smith shows that the rapid decline of Asante’s slave exports shouldn’t solely be attributed to British patrol efforts at the coastal forts, nor on the seas, both of which he argues were very weak and often quite easily evaded by other African slave exporters and European buyers. He argues that the decline in slave exports from the “gold coast” region, should instead be largely attributed to the Asante state's withdraw from the slave export market despite the foregone revenues it would have received had it remained a major exporter like some of its peers. He shows that slave export industry was an aberration in the long-standing Asante commodity exports of Gold dust and kola, and thus concludes that the Asante state "_**did not lose out financially by the ending of the transatlantic slave trade**_"( These conclusions are supported by earlier studies on the era of “legitimate commerce” by Elisee Soumonni and Gareth Austin, who studied the economies of Dahomey and Asante. Both of these scholars argue that the transition from slave exports to palm oil exports was a "_**relatively smooth processes**_" and that both states were successful in "_**accommodating to the changing commercial environment**_".( _**Chart showing the hypothetical value of gold and slave exports had the Asante remained a major exporter (last bar) vs the true value of their Gold and Kola nut exports, without slave exports (first three bars).**_( These studies on the era of legitimate commerce are especially important given that at the height of the trade in the 18th century, Asante and Dahomey either controlled and/or directly contributed a significant share of the slaves exported from the west African coast. Approximately 582,000 slaves leaving the port of Ouidah between 1727–1863( , this port was by then controlled by Dahomey although over 62% of the slaves came from private merchants who travelled through Dahomey rather than from the state’s own war captives( . Approximately 1,000,000 slaves passed through the “gold coast” ports of Anomabu, Cape-coast-castle and Elmina in the years between 1650-1839.( while most would have come from the Fante states at the coast,( some doubtlessly came from the Asante. That these exports fell to nearly zero by the mid 19th century without triggering a "crisis of adaptation" in the Asante and Dahomey economies, nor resulting in significant political ramifications, may support the argument that Atlantic trade was of only marginal significance for West African societies. * * * **Sources of controversy: Tracing the beginnings of the debate on the effects of Atlantic trade on Africa.** The origin of the controversies underlying studies on Atlantic slavery from Africa lie not within the continent itself but ideological debates from western Europe and its American colonies, the latter of which were involved in the importation of the slaves and were places where slave labor played a much more significant role in the local economy (especially in the Caribbean), as well as in the region's political history (eg in the American civil war and the Haitian revolution), In a situation which was radically different on the African side of the Atlantic where political and economic currents were largely disconnected from the export trade. It's from the western debates between Abolitionists vs the Pro-slavery writers that these debates emanate. Added to this were the ideological philosophies that created the robust form of social discrimination (in which enslaved people were permanently confined to the bottom of the social hierarchy primarily based on their race), that prompted historiographers of the slave trade to attempt to ascribe “blame”, however inaccurately or anachronistically, by attempting to determine which party (between the suppliers, merchants, and plantation owners) was ultimately guilty of what was increasingly being considered an inhumane form of commerce. The intertwining of Africa’s political and economy history with abolitionist debates begun in the 18th century with British writers’ accounts on the kingdom of Dahomey, most of which were made by slave traders from the Pro-slavery camp of the Abolishionist debate. But neither the pro-slaver writers (eg William Snelgrave) nor the abolitionists (eg Frederick Forbes) were concerned with examining the Dahomean past but only haphazardly collected accounts that supported their preconceived opinions about "_**the relationship between the slave trade and the transforming Dahomean political apparatus**_."( They therefore interpreted events in Dahomey's political history through the lens of external slave trade, attributing the successes/failures of kings, their military strategies, their religious festivals, and the entire social structure of Dahomey, based on the number of slaves exiting from Ouidah and how much British audiences of the abolitionist debate would receive their arguments( . This form of polemic literature, written by foreign observers armed with different conceptual frameworks for cognizing social processes separate from what they obtained among the African subjects of investigation, was repeated in other African states like the Asante kingdom and ultimately influenced the writings of 19th century European philosophers such as Friedrich Hegel, who based his entire study of African history and Africans largely on the pro-slavery accounts of Dahomey written by the pro-slavery writer William Snelgrave( . Beginning in the 20th century, the debates of African historiography were largely focused on countering eurocentric claims about Africa as a land with no history, scholars of African history thus discredited the inaccurate Hegelian theories of Africa, with their rigorously researched studies that more accurately reconstructed the history of African states as societies with full political and economic autonomy. But the debates on the Africa's contribution to the Atlantic trade re-emerged in the mid 20th century within the context of the civil rights movement in the US and the anti-colonial movement in Africa and the Caribbean, leading to the popularity of the dependency theory; in which African societies were beholden to the whims of the presumably more commercially advanced and militarily powerful European traders who interfered in local politics and dictated economic processes in the African interior as they saw fit.( External slave trade was once again given an elevated position in Atlantic-African history. But faced with a paucity of internal documentation at the time, scholars engaged in a sort of academic “reverse engineering” of African history by using information from the logbooks of slave ships to reconstruct the political and social life of the interior. Atlantic slave trade was therefore said to have depopulated the continent, degraded its political institutions, destroyed its local industries, and radically altered its social structures and economies. External documentation about African states made by European slave traders and explorers, was often uncritically reproduced and accepted, while internal records and accounts of African societies were largely disregarded. Fortunately however, the increased interest in Africa's political and economic history has resulted in the proliferation of research that reveals the robustness of pre-colonial African states and economies throughout the period of the Atlantic trade, added to this are the recently uncovered internal African documents especially in west Africa and west central Africa (from regions that also include Atlantic African countries such as Senegal( , the ivory coast, Ghana, Nigeria( and Angola, and which contain useful accounts of the region's political history ultimately proving that the continent's destiny before the colonial era, wasn't in control of external actors but was in the hands of the African states and societies which dominated the continent. * * * **Conclusion: the view of the Atlantic world from Africa** The Atlantic slave trade was a dark chapter in African history, just as it was in the Americas colonies where the enslaved people were taken and forced to labor to produce the commodities which fueled the engines of the west’s economic growth, all while the slaves and their descendants were permanently excluded from partaking in the economic and the political growth of the states in which they resided. The intellectual basis of this exclusion was constructed in racial terms which rationalized the institution of chattel slavery, a brutal form of forced labor which the settlers of the colonies considered morally objectionable for themselves but morally permissible for the Africans,( by claiming that both the slave suppliers in Africa and the slaves on American plantations, were incapable of “placing value on human life”, and in so doing, managed to simultaneously justify the brutal use of slaves as chattel (whose high mortality thus required more imports to replace them), and also justified the slave descendants’ permanent social exclusion based on race. The history of internal African slavery on the other hand, is a lengthy topic (that i hope to cover later), but it shows that the above western rationales were far from the reality of African perceptions of slavery as well as its institution in the various states within the continent. As i mentioned above, African states had laws which not only protected their citizens including going as far as repatriating them from slave plantations in the American colonies, but also laws determining who was legally enslavable, who would be retained locally, who was to be exported. African written documents also include laws regarding how slaves were to be treated, how long they were allowed to work, how much they earned, and how they earned/were granted freedom. Unlike the static political landscape of the colonies, Africa’s political landscape was fluid, making slavery a rather impermanent social status as slaves (especially those in the army) could overthrow their masters and establish their own states, (several examples include Sumanguru of Soso, Mansa Sakura of Mali empire, Askiya Muhammad of Songhai empire, Ngolo Diarra of Bambara empire), slave officials also occupied all levels of government in several African states and wielded power over free subjects especially in the Songhai and Sokoto empires where virtually all offices from finance to the military were occupied by slave officials), slaves could be literate, could accumulate wealth and own property. In summary, Slavery in Africa wasn’t dissimilar from ‘old world’ slavery in medieval Europe, Asia and the Islamic world and was quite unlike the extreme form of chattel slavery in the Atlantic. Just like their ignorance of African political and economic systems, western writers’ understanding of African social institutions including slavery, was equally inaccurate. The ideas of “guilt” and “blame” in the context of Africa’s role in the Atlantic reveals statements of value rather than fact, and the ludicrous notion of “Africans enslaving Africans” is an anachronistic paradigm that emerged from the western rationale for racial-chattel slavery and modern concepts of “African-ess” and “Blackn-ess” which were unknown in pre-colonial African states, the latter instead defined their worldview in political, ethnic and religious terms. A free citizen in Kongo for example identified themselves as part of the “Mwisikongo” and not as an “African brother” of another citizen from a totally different kingdom like Ndongo. This is also reflected in accounts of redeemed slaves themselves, as hardly any of their testimonies indicate that they felt betrayed by “their own” people, but rather by foreign enemies, whom they often described by their political/ethnic/religious difference from themselves.( This post isn’t an attempt to “absolve” Euro-American slave societies from their own legacies of slavery (which they continue to perpetuated through the descendants of slaves down to the modern day), nor to shift “guilt” to the African suppliers, but its a call for scholars to study each society within its own context without overstating the influence of one region over the other. Its also not aimed at exposing a rift between scholars of African history, as most of the scholars mentioned above are excellent educators with decades of research in their respective field, and the vast majority of their work overlaps with that of the other scholars despite their disagreements on a few issues: there doesn’t need to be a consensus among these scholars for us to extract an accurate understanding of African history from their research. The Atlantic trade, remains an important chapter in African history, it is however, one among many chapters of the continent’s past. * * * _**If like this article, or would like to contribute to my African history website project; please donate to my paypal**_ ( * * * _**Down all books about Atalntic slave trade from Africa (listed in the references below), and read more about African history on my Patreon account**_ ( ( The Struggle against the Transatlantic Slave Trade: The Role of the State by Joseph E. Inikori pg 170-196) ( Transformations in slavery by Paul Lovejoy pg 122-123) ( The Atlantic Slave Trade from West Central Africa, 1780–1867 by Daniel B. Domingues da Silva pg 3-5) ( The Atlantic Slave Trade from West Central Africa, 1780–1867 by Daniel B. Domingues da Silva pg 73-88) ( The Atlantic Slave Trade from West Central Africa, 1780–1867 by Daniel B. Domingues da Silva pg 84 ( The kongo kingdom by Koen Bostoen, Inge Brinkman, pg 36- 41, the elusive archaeology of kongo’s urbanism by B Clist, pg 377-378, The elusive archeology of kongo urbanism by B Clist, pg 371-372, A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton, pg 34) ( The Kingdom of Kongo. by Anne Hilton, pg 34-35) ( this introduction is an abridged version of ( ( Slavery and Its Transformation in the Kingdom of Kongo by LM Heywood pg 3-4, The Volume of the Early Atlantic Slave Trade, 1450-1521 by Ivana Elbl pg 43-42, History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton pg 52-55 ( History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton, pg 6-9, 72) ( Slavery and Its Transformation in the Kingdom of Kongo by LM Heywood pg 5-6 ( History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton 5-6) ( Precolonial african industry by john thornton pg 12-14) ( History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton pg 94-97) ( (Slavery and its transformation in the kingdom of kongo by L.M.Heywood, pg 7, A reinterpretation of the kongo-potuguese war of 1622 according to new documentary evidence by J.K.Thornton, pg 241-243) ( Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade by David Eltis pg 137-138) ( Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade by David Eltis pg 87-90) ( Transformations in slavery by Paul Lovejoy pg 40,53) ( History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton pg 72 ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton, pg 149-150, 160, 164) ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton, pg 176, Kongo origins dynamics pg 121-122 ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton, pg 244-246, 280-284) ( The Atlantic Slave Trade from West Central Africa, 1780–1867 by Daniel B. Domingues da Silva pg 92) ( Map Courtesy of Henry B. Lovejoy, African Diaspora Maps Ltd ( these books describe the internal systems of the Asante, while they don’t specifically discuss how they related to the external slave trade, they nevertheless reveal its rather marginal place in Asante Politics; “State and Society in Pre-colonial Asante” by De T. C. McCaskie and “Asante in the Nineteenth Century” By Ivor Wilks ( Commercial Transitions and Abolition in West Africa 1630–1860 pg 167-173) ( Commercial Transitions and Abolition in West Africa 1630–1860 pg 168 ( The slave coast of west africa by Robin Law pg 267-280 ( The Precolonial State in West Africa by Cameron Monroe pg 62-68 ( Wives of the leopard by Edna G. Bay pg 30) ( Fighting the Slave Trade: West African Strategies by Sylviane A. Diouf pg 187 ( The Precolonial State in West Africa by Cameron Monroe pg 74-76 ( The slave coast of west africa by Robin Law pg 300-308 ( Slave Traders by Invitation by Finn Fuglestad pg 97), ( Ouidah The Social History of a West African Slaving 'port' 1727-1892 by Robin Law pg 117-118, 121-124) ( Dahomey in the World: Dahomean Rulers and European Demands, 1726–1894 by John hornton, pg 450-456 ( Slavery and African Life by Patrick Manning 85) ( “African Population, 1650 – 1950: Methods for New Estimates” by Patrick manning, and, “African Population, 1650–2000: Comparisons and Implications of New Estimates” by Patrick Manning ( “World Economy: A Millennial Perspective” by Angus Maddison and “Historical Population Estimates” by John Caldwell and homas Schindlmayr ( The long term effects of Africa’s slave trades by Nathan Nunn pg 139-176) ( African Population, 1650–2000: Comparisons and Implications of New Estimates by Patrick Manning pg 37 ( African Population, 1650 – 1950: Methods for New Estimates by Region by Patrick Manning 7 ( We Do Not Know the Population of Every Country in the World for the past Two Thousand Years by Timothy W. Guinnane pg 11-13) ( The slave coast of west africa by robin law pg 222) ( Demography and History in the Kingdom of Kongo, 1550–1750 by John Thornton pg 417-427 ( Demography and History in the Kingdom of Kongo, 1550–1750 by John Thornton pg 521-526 ( african fiscal systems as sources of demographic history by thornton and heywood 213-228 ( african fiscal systems as sources of demographic history by thornton and heywood 221 ,224,225 ( The Slave Trade in Eighteenth Century Angola: Effects on Demographic Structures by John Thornton pg 417- 427 ( The Atlantic Slave Trade from West Central Africa, 1780–1867 pg 95 ( The Slave Trade in Eighteenth Century Angola: Effects on Demographic Structures by John Thornton pg 421 ( The Atlantic Slave Trade from West Central Africa, 1780–1867 pg 92-93 ( The Atlantic Slave Trade from West Central Africa, 1780–1867 pg 98) ( The Kongo Kingdom: The Origins, Dynamics and Cosmopolitan Culture of an African Polity by Koen Bostoen, ‎Inge Brinkman pg 49-52 ( Transformations in slavery by Paul Lovejoy pg 68, 44-45 10, 121-122) ( English versus Indian Cotton Textiles by Joseph Inikori pg 85-114) ( Economic Growth and the Ending of the Transatlantic Slave Trade. By David Eltis pg 71-73) ( Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World, 1400-1800 by John Thornton pg 47-52) ( Precolonial African Industry and the Atlantic Trade, 1500-1800 by J Thornton · pg 1-19) ( Drivers of Divergence: Textile Manufacturing in East and West Africa from the Early Modern Period to the Post-Colonial Era by Katharine Frederick pg 205-233 ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa: Textile Manufacturing, 1830-1940 by Katharine Frederick pg 206, 227 ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa: Textile Manufacturing, 1830-1940 by Katharine Frederick pg 212 ( These calculations are based on Nunn’s country-level estimates of slave exports in “The long term effects of Africa’s slave trades” by Nathan Nunn pg 152) ( "Commercial Transitions and Abolition in West Africa 1630–1860" By Angus E. Dalrymple-Smith pg 155-161 ( From slave trade to legitimate commerce by Robin Law pg 20-21) ( Commercial Transitions and Abolition in West Africa 1630–1860" By Angus E. Dalrymple-Smith pg 155 ( Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade by David Eltis pg 122) ( Ouidah: The Social History of a West African Slaving 'port' 1727-1892 by Robin Law pg 112 ( Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade by David Eltis 116, 118,123) ( The Fante and the Transatlantic Slave Trade by Rebecca Shumway pg 8 ( The Precolonial State in West Africa by Cameron Monroe pg 15-16, ( Wives of the leopard by Edna G. Bay pg 29-31) ( The Horror of Hybridity by George Boulukos, in “Slavery and the Cultures of Abolition” pg 103 ( Labour and Living Standards in Pre-Colonial West Africa by Klas Rönnbäck pg 2-6 ( Digital preservation of Wolof Ajami manuscripts of Senegal ( ( Northern Nigeria: Precolonial documents preservation scheme - major project ( Safeguarding Fulfulde ajami manuscripts of Nigerian Jihad poetry by Usman dan Fodio (1754-1817) and contemporaries ( ( Arquivos dos Dembos: ( ( Philosophers on Race: Critical Essays by Julie K. Ward, Tommy L. Lott pg 150-152 ( Fighting the Slave Trade: West African Strategies by Sylviane A. Diouf pg xiv.

# Effects of the Atlantic Slave Trade on African Societies: A Step-by-Step Analysis ## 1. Introduction - The Atlantic slave trade involved the forced migration of over 12.5 million Africans to the Americas, resulting in profound demographic, political, and economic effects on African societies. - The debate surrounding Africa's role in this trade is complex and contentious, with scholars divided on the extent of its impact on African agency and state autonomy. ## 2. Historical Context - The narrative surrounding the Atlantic slave trade has often emphasized African passivity. However, studies suggest that African societies had intricate political and economic systems that predate the trade. - Contradictory views arise from scholars asserting that the trade significantly weakened African states versus those arguing for significant pre-existing political agency in Africa. ## 3. Case Studies of Specific Kingdoms ### 3.1. Kongo Kingdom - Joseph Inikori argues that European demand for slaves contributed to the Kongo Kingdom's collapse due to a lack of strong institutions to withstand trade pressures. - Paul Lovejoy claims the slave trade led to a transformation in slavery practices within Africa, creating societies governed by warlords and decreasing centralized authority. #### 3.1.1. Counterarguments - Recent research by scholars like Linda Heywood and John Thornton challenges this view, asserting that the Kongo was already an established state with a complex bureaucracy before the arrival of the Portuguese. - Kongo had a structured economy, with laws governing slavery that included protections against the enslavement of its citizens. ### 3.2. Lunda Empire - Scholars like Jan Vansina and David Birmingham suggest the Lunda Empire expanded its power and military might in response to slave trade demands. - However, Domingues da Silva's findings indicate that most slaves exported in the late 18th and early 19th centuries came from coastal regions rather than the Lunda interior, casting doubt on the claimed correlation between state formation and slave trade. ## 4. The Dynamics of African Societies - The notion that the Atlantic slave trade uniformly devastated African societies has been refuted by evidence showing that many regions remained stable and even grew in population. - For example, studies of population density in Kongo during key periods reveal a slow but steady increase, contradicting the narrative of widespread depopulation. ## 5. Influences on Population Demographics - Debates regarding the impact of the transatlantic slave trade on Africa's population have become central to understanding the continent's historical demographics. - Patrick Manning estimates that West Africa's population could have been double its size in 1850 without the slave trade's impact. This contrasts with findings by Angus Maddison, who argues for steady population increases. ### 5.1. Localized Studies - More localized demographic studies reveal that regions in Kongo, Ndongo, and surrounding areas did not experience significant population loss due to the slave trade. - Data derived from baptismal records and census statistics shows steady growth in populations, dispelling myths of catastrophic losses. ## 6. Economic Implications - The slave trade is often linked to the degradation of African economies, with claims that it diverted labor and introduced dependency on foreign goods. - Scholars like Paul Lovejoy and Joseph Inikori have observed that the importation of textiles led to the decline of local industries. However, David Eltis counters this by stating that, at the trade's peak, slaves constituted only a minor part of African incomes. ### 6.1. Resilience of Local Economies - Thorntons’s studies emphasize that many African societies were capable of sustaining themselves economically despite the influx of European goods. - The eventual transition to legitimate commerce after the abolition of the slave trade in the 19th century demonstrates that many African states were able to adapt and thrive without the slave trade. ## 7. Ideological Roots of Historical Narratives - The historiography of the Atlantic slave trade is rooted in Western ideological debates between abolitionists and pro-slavery advocates. - These narratives often misrepresented African societies by attributing blame for slavery while ignoring the complexities of African political and social systems. ## 8. Conclusion - The Atlantic slave trade profoundly impacted African societies but not uniformly or to the extent previously believed. - A more nuanced understanding reveals that African states exhibited significant agency, resilience, and adaptability in the face of external pressures, challenging simplistic narratives of victimhood associated with the slave trade. - Recognizing the complexity of African societies, including their legal systems governing slavery, provides a more accurate perspective on their historical significance and legacy. ## 9. Further Study - Continued scholarship should focus on nuanced local histories and resistance to broad assumptions to better understand the legacy of the Atlantic slave trade on African societies without oversimplifying their responses and adaptations.

The evolving image of the European in African art from antiquity until the 19th century: from Roman captives in Kush, to Portuguese traders in Benin, to Belgian colonialists in Congo.

How Africans saw the "European other".

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The evolving image of the European in African art from antiquity until the 19th century: from Roman captives in Kush, to Portuguese traders in Benin, to Belgian colonialists in Congo. ======================================================================================================================================================================================= ### How Africans saw the "European other". ( Apr 10, 2022 14 ) While studies of "otherness" have been recently popularized across various fields, they often focus on the images of foreign individuals or groups made by artists living in the western world (such as the depictions of people of African descent made by artists of European descent living in places where the latter were socially dominant), rarely has the focus of the studies of otherness been reversed to include how foreign individuals or groups such as Europeans were depicted by African artists living within African societies where they were the socially dominant group. African portrayals of the "European other" in art, were influenced by the nature and frequency of contact between African societies and people of European descent, as well as the robustness of the given society's art tradition. Since extensive interaction between Africans and Europeans was uncommon before the 19th century, depictions of Europeans in African art appear infrequently, except in three African states, the Kingdoms of; Kush, Benin and Loango. These three African societies’ contrasting depictions of Europeans provides a cross-section sketch of the interactions between Africans and Europeans from antiquity to the eve of colonialism. This article explores the evolving image of the European through African eyes, ranging from the vanquished roman captive in Kush, to the Portuguese merchant-mercenary in Benin, to the Belgian trader-colonist in Loango. * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The vanquished captive: image of the Roman in Kush’s art.** _**Map of Kush at its height in the 7th century, the border between Rome and Kush in the 1st century was set near Aswan**_. The kingdom of Kush was established in mid-3rd millennium BC by Meroitic speakers, it flourished from capitals at Kerma (2500BC-1500BC), Napata (800-300BC) and Meroe (300BC-360AD) as a regional power controlling much of what is now north-central Sudan and was briefly the world’s second largest empire in the 7th century BC, extending its political orbit over parts of Palestine and Syria. It first came to the attention of Greek writers in the 8th century BC as the land of Aethiopia (not to be confused with modern Ethiopia), with more detailed descriptions by Herodotus in the 5th century BC and the Ptolemaic era in the 3th century when direct contacts were initiated, and faint depictions of mythical European figures were made by Kush’s artists, but it wasn’t until the Roman era in the late 1st century BC that depictions of Europeans were included in Kush’s art canon. Kush’s temples, palaces and pyramid-burials were often richly decorated with painted scenes depicting royals, deities, tribute bearers, captives, as well as fauna and flora of the kingdom, all shown in vivid colors and with reliefs occasionally covered in gold leaf( among these painted and relief scenes were images of the vanquished enemy; a common motif in Kushite art as a symbol of the King’s military prowess. While the majority of the representations of captives were often "neutral" representing Kush’s foes as a mostly undifferentiated mass, as artists used a motif that had been adopted unchanged over the centuries( some of the captives were differentiated by several external attributes such as, hair types, headgear, clothing, skin color, and other accessories, which were additions by artists to represent new foes of Kush whose depiction couldn’t rely on old prototypes. The depictions of the "Northern/Helmet wearing Types" are the most unique among the new groups of captives, they are often shown wearing helmets, attimes with chinstraps and feathers attached to the top, they wear “special clothing” like sandals and long robes (rather than the characteristic knee-length loincloth), are shown being killed in various ways with daggers and arrows, and are attimes shown with "northern features”, all of which were additions used to depict Kush’s new northern neighbor; the Romans, beginning in the 1st century BC( _**captives with helmets on bronze bells found in the royal pyramid burials; N.12 and N.18**_( _**(belonging to King Aryesebokhe and Queen Amanikhatashan who ruled in the late 1st/early 2nd century AD). see the detail chin-strap helmet in the fist panel (helmet c, and the second captive in the illustration)**_ The most detailed depiction of roman captives in Kush came from the murals in chapel building M. 292 at Meroe (the so-called “Augustus temple”), water color images of these murals were made by the archeologist Garstang in 1910 and were sent to the Boston museum in 1948, and they remain some of the few meroitic temple murals that have been studied to date, providing us with an approximate idea of the original colors, dressing and overall painting, as well as highlighting the variations in ethnic differences of the bound prisoners based on the clothing, accessories, and skin tone. _**water color illustrations of captive paintings in building 292 at Meroe, the lower photo is for fig.1, the paintings were washed away in a violent storm after they had been studied**_( The first panel shows five bounded captives kneeling below the foot of the Queen (most likely Queen Amanitore ; the first of these figures is light-skinned and wears a blue, thigh-length stripped robe, on his head is a yellow Roman helmet with a chin strap (similar to one found on Queen Amanishakheto's stela, and to the helmeted prizoners on bronze bells found in pyramid N.16 and N.18 in Meroe, and on a relief in Queen Amanirenas’ temple 250 in Meroe) and scholars thus identify him as a Roman captive. Behind him are three prisoners of different origin than him, with various darker-skin shades, all wearing knee-length kilts and some with headcaps and ear-rings. The second panel shows three bounded captives, tied together with a rope and kneeling infront of the sandaled foot of a deity (or the queen), the first two prisoners from the left are light-skinned, the first of these wears a helmet with a chin-strap, the second figure wears a stripped robe similar to the one in the first panel and is shod in black, ankle-high pointed slippers (an unusual feature among Kush's captives).( These representations of roman captives were made after the war between Kush and Rome that occurred from 25BC-20BC in which southern Egyptian rebels allied with Kush attacked roman garrisons in Egypt and destroyed several roman monuments including decapitating a bronze statue of the emperor Augustus, prompting a counter-attack from Rome that extended into Kush's northern territories (likely at Napata) but was beaten back by the Queen Amanirenas who chased them back into Egypt where both parties signed a peace treaty that was heavily favorable to Kush including the withdraw of Rome's southern border away from Kush and a refusal by Amanirenas to return the Augustus head( It was her successor (most likely Queen Amanitore in the mid 1st century AD) who buried the “Augustus head” in a staircase of her chapel (building M. 292), the same chapel that was decorated with the murals depicting vanquished roman captives,( the artists likely borrowing figure of the roman captive motif from an earlier temple M. 250 whose captive scenes were added during Queen Amanirenas and later Queen Amanishakheto’s reign during the late 1st century BC( Queen Amanishakheto also commissioned a stela inscribed in Meroitic about the war between Kush and Rome and included a description of an raid on Kush's northern city of Napata by the "_**Tǝmeya**_", a Meroitic ethnonym meaning "whites/Europeans". The word “tǝmeya” is attested across Kush's northern territories as a descriptive term used by the Meroites of Kush for greco-roman settlers in southern Egypt in the 2nd-3rd century and was later used to describe the roman authorities in Egypt in the 4th century.( _**detail of queen Amanishakheto’s stela (REM 1293) showing a roman captive wearing a rimmed helmet with a wide chin-strap, dressed in a short-sleeved tunic, his “european features” are easily discernible from the captive behind him who represents Kush’s neighboring foes, his body is with the inscription tǝmeya.**_( The appearance of these _**Tǝmeya**_/European captives across a wide period of Kush's history from the 1st century BC to the 2nd century AD, and the symbolic positioning of the Augustus head in the staircase of a minor chapel in Meroe, all of which commemorate Kush's defeat of Rome; and the conflict’s conclusion with a peace treaty favorable to Kush, perfectly captures the initial encounter between Africa and Europe, one that demonstrated the military might of an independent African state where interactions between Africans and Europeans were dictated on African terms. It also influenced the favorable description of Kush by roman writers such as Strabo and Pliny, who drew from contemporary accounts describing capital Meroe that "_**so long as the Aethiopians were powerful this island was very famous. for by report they were accustomed to furnish of armed men 250,000 and to maintain of artisans 400,000. also it is at this day reported that there have been forty-five kings of the Aethiopians**_"( This account, which doubtlessly exaggerates Kush's demographics and king list was a reflection of Roman perceptions of Kush's power and antiquity, as well as the incorporation of the classical Greek accounts about the utopian land of Kush and its “long-lived”, “wise” and “handsome Aethiopians” as described by Herodotus.( * * * ( * * * **The merchant-mercenary of the Atlantic world: image of the Portuguese in Benin art.** Benin was a west-African kingdom established around the 13th century by edo-speakers in south-western Nigeria, growing over the 15th and 16th centuries into the biggest regional power along the west-African coast. The Portuguese arrived on Benin’s coast in 1472 but only formalized contacts in 1486 with Benin diplomats travelling to Lisbon and Portuguese diplomats travelling to the Benin capital, establishing a “factory” at Ughoton that traded in Benin’s pepper, ivory and slaves. On one occasion, the Portuguese mercenaries assisted the Oba (King) Esigie (r. 1504–1550) in a pivotal battle, and unsuccessfully tried to convert Benin’s court religion to Catholicism. The relationship between the two ended shortly after, with trade quickly fizzling out by the 1510s as the Portuguese turned to Indian pepper and Benin banned the export of slaves, Benin’s European trade was thereafter turned over to the Dutch and English who bough its pepper, ivory and textiles.( Foreigners were rarely portrayed in Benin’s voluminous corpus of sculptural art with the few depictions of foreigners being Portuguese merchants and musketeers , as well as images of powerful foreign captives. Portuguese figures appear on Benin's bronze plaques, brass sculptures and ivory armlets as part of the Oba Esigie's symbols of his commercial and military power. The stylized motif of the bearded, long-haired Portuguese man, wearing 16th century Iberian fashion, holding cross-bows, guns or other weapons, and carrying manilla currency, was repeated in later centuries by 18th and 19th century artists of Benin long after the actual contacts with the Portuguese had ended.( The smooth, rounded bodies of the Benin figures, their in static postures, wearing symbols of rank, with a distinctive emphasis on the head and wide eyes, nose and full lips which in edo tradition potrayed the idealized human body of the" “self” in the prime of life,( (and was similarly used for Benin's depictions of foreign war captives, as well as by the artists of neighboring kingdoms such as Ife, stood in stark contrast to the the gaunt, aged faces of the Portuguese whose figures were often depicted in natural proportion without the symbolic emphasis of the head, according to the art historian Susanne Blier "_**These contrasting aesthetic norms are particularly revealing as they convey through acute visual means how court artists sought to identify local Benin individuals as in the prime of life, while indicating that the Portuguese were in many respects sickly or moribund**_".( The contrasts between the Benin and Portuguese figures were consciously repeated by Benin's artists until the 19th century, with a deliberate avoidance from showing the Portuguese as part of the Oba's dignitaries or courtiers, excluding them from scenes of royal festivals, but only depicting them either alone (with Portuguese attendants rather than Edo attendants), or as ornamental decorations within a larger scene focused on the Edo dignitaries. The most notable portrayals of the Portuguese include the Iyoba mask where they are shown in the Queen Idia’s hair,( as faces or figures adorning various vessels and such as salt-cellars and kola-nut boxes( or in a number of the 16th century bronze plaques where they are depicted either alone as mercenaries or merchants, or as miniature figures/heads/faces that accessorize the scene focused on the larger Benin figures in the corners, or with their faces shown as waist pendants of the Oba.( **images of the Portuguese as ornamental miniature figures in Benin art:** _**left to right: (Af1910,0513.1, british museum) 16th century iyoba mask with miniature portuguese figures in the queen mother's hair, (Af1898,0115.27, Af1898,0115.21 and Af1898,0115.16 at the british museum) are 16th century plaques with miniature portuguese figures in the corners.**_ **images of the Portuguese as mercenaries** _**left to right: (Af1898,0115.1, british museum) 16th century Plaque with a Portuguese mercenary holding a partisan weapon, flanked by a Portuguese attendant holding a matchlock, and a miniature figure of a portuguese wearing a helmet is depicted in the top left corner (Af1898,0115.5, british museum) 16th century plaque with a Portuguese mercenary with a partisan weapon and a crossguard sword (Af1928,0112.1 and Af1949,46.158 at the british museum) are 17th century brass figures of portuguese musketeers.**_ **images of the Portuguese as merchants** _**left to right: (1991.17.13 at the met museum, 13597 at the Museum of Ethnology Dresden,1991.17.18 at the met museum and 8360 At the Ethnologisches Museum) 16th century bronze plaques depicting Portuguese merchants with the first two and the last one holding manillas (metal currency)**_ **image of the Portuguese as ornaments on Benin containers.** _**Top: (29-93-6B at the penn museum) 19th century Ivory lidded box with two portuguese figures fighting besides a tethered pangolin. Bottom, left to right: (Af1878,1101.48.a-c at the british museum) 16th century ivory carved salt cellar with portuguese figures (1972.63a, b at the met museum) 16th century ivory carved salt cellar with portuguese figures (1991.17.79 at the met museum) 16th century brass Bracelet with alternating portuguese and mudfish heads**_ The type of depictions of the Portuguese in Benin's art underscores the nature of early Atlantic interactions between Africans and Europeans from the 15th to 18th century, where initial attempts to forcefully bring African kingdoms under European control ended in the latter's defeat, allowing African states to maintain full political autonomy while accommodating European commercial interests within their economies, and European military technologies within their armies( . While the commercial interactions of the Atlantic world are attimes misconceived as solely exploitative and unequal, there's growing evidence that the commodity exchanges of Atlantic trade were of minimal significance to the African economies and industries, the European imports were insufficient for domestic demand and were only pursued because of a desire for variety rather than to fulfill essential needs.( Benin stands as the foremost example of early Afro-European interactions in the Atlantic, having banned the exportation of slaves since the early 16th century yet remained a wealthy state and a formidable regional power centuries after, and its artists’ depictions of Europeans on the periphery of courtly life as ornaments, but also part of the Oba’s iconography of commercial and military power, are a testament to this. * * * **the Trader-colonialists : images of various Europeans in Vili art.** the _Vili_ kingdom of Loango was a west-central African kingdom established in the 16th century on the north-western fringes of the better-known kingdom of Kongo, growing in the 17th century as an exporter of copper and ivory as it expanded into the Congolese interior, it underwent a period of internal political upheaval in the 18th century, when titled officials wrestled control from elected kings and for nearly a century between 1780s and 1870s, Loango was ruled by a council, which conveniently postponed the election of the king indefinitely, and it wasinturn headed by clerical figures called _Nganga Mvumbi_ who legitimized the former, this served to buttress the bureaucracy whose control of society gradually became intrusive, leading to the break-away of several vassal states and its slow disintegration by the 19th century.( This period also coincided with the increased demand for (and thus exportation) of slaves, but the trade had largely declined by the mid 19th century, replaced by the commodities exports of ivory, palm oil and rubber, as dozens of European factory communities (from many nationalities including the Belgians, English, French, Portuguese, Dutch and the Germans), were set up further inland, precipitating an influx in ivory to a tune of 8 tonnes a year (about 1/6th of London's total imports), as well as significant quantities of palm oil and rubber by the 1860s, all of which involved an increase in the use of free and enslaved labor in the region immediately adjacent to the coast, and led to the decentralization of power and wealth. This radically altered the region’s political, economic and social landscape and lead to further political fractionation with the proliferation in several small states ruled by petty chiefs controlled by wealthy, titled figures such as the _**mafouks**_ who dealt with the Europeans collecting taxes and fixing market prices( , at a time when the region had become fully integrated into the Atlantic economy and more vulnerable to global economic shocks such as the the sharp fall in commodity prices in the 1880s that was also devastating for the west African coast.( The period between 1870s and 1890s was thus marked by a high degree of conflict and competition with clashes between European factory communities and local chiefs, as well as between the local chiefs.( _**19th century Factory Da Silveira in Loango, French Congo (brazaville) photo taken arround 1900**_ This period of social upheaval was also marked by increased interaction between Europeans and Africans and a rapid shift in the balance power that came to favor the former. After the failed Portuguese attempt to colonize most of the upper west-central African coast in the 16th century, European coastal "factories"/forts were firmly under African control, paying rent to the neighboring Kings and subjected to raids and piracy from other African armies, ontop of this the European traders in the 19th century were making low margins on the commodities trade as African middlemen such as the vili retained the bulk of the profit; much to the resentment of the European traders who disliked the Africans’ prohibitions against Europeans travelling inland, and their cutting (rather than tapping) of rubber trees, which they considered wasteful. But the relationship between the coastal Africans and Europeans changed in the 1870s as prices fell, European traders became less tolerant of the middlemen and their presumed inefficiencies, their control of trade and their piracy, they started to attack the interior chiefs and pirates, and by-pass the Vili middlemen forcefully, added to this was the increasing despotism of the petty chiefs whose power became more intrusive as a consequence of growing labor demands to offset the falling export prices and the internecine jockeying for power, all of which heralded the early period of colonialism in the late 1880s that would greatly intensify these already negative social changes,( culminating in King Leopold’s mass atrocities in Congo that begun in the 1890s. Among the professions that came to be in high demand during this period were ivory carvers, an old craft whose patrons were African royals and nobles, but came to include European collectors. European travelers in the region observed that Loango artists "_**many have an astounding skill in meticulously carving freehand**_" and on top of depicting the usual African scenes (which made up the majority of the carvings), they also included scenes of with European figures (although these made up as little as 6% of all carvings), often portraying European customs and mythical Christian figures in works of satire.( The carved tusks show pictorial narratives made by various artists working independently of each other and without a standard theme (unlike the centrally controlled artists of Benin and Kush), these figures depicted include titled Africans wearing headcaps (these could be rulers, but were most likely mafouk chiefs , humorous vignettes, fighters and dancers, harvesters and hunters, processions of porters carrying goods to the coast for export, or carrying back boxes of imported goods into the interior, as well as chained slaves (these are likely anachronistic depictions of the past slave trade as it had ended by then( or were depictions of the contemporary internal slave trade fueled by labour demands for commodity produce Also included are European figures wearing 19th century European attire, they also carry rifles, documents, cigars and umbrellas. “_**In general terms so-called Loango carved tusks can be seen to constitute an innovative art form that seems to draw on both European and Kongo forms of visual communication”**_.( **19th century Loango carved ivory tusks and container, with depictions of Europeans:** This tusk (_**no. 2006.51.467 at the Yale university art gallery**_) portrays a vili artists’ understanding of European social life and customs and was likely a depiction of life in the European factory communities of the Loango coast, it is populated with seemingly unrelated scenes, depicting European men in various activities such as feeding a horse, toasting each other, tipping their hats and engaging in a transaction and wrestling, it also includes European women in long dresses and hats linking arms, and it reproduces Christian imagery in a satirical way, such as the crucified devil and humans with angels’ wings. The bottom tusk (_**2006.51.466 at the Yale university art gallery**_) depicts european men and women in the bottom half and africans in the top half, the former include a man and woman fleeing from an elephant, while a procession of hunters above them descend in the opposite direction with rifles to hunt the same, included are european figures doing mundane tasks, african figures procession “_**It is very strange, one sees whites and assorted people represented with a great talent for observation and mockery**_.” Father Campana observing the Longo tusks in 1895.( this tusk (_**no. 2006.51.468 at the Yale university art galley**_) on the other hand, captures the growing imbalance in power at the eve of colonialism. From the bottom, it depicts a figure harvesting palm oil while another hunts an animal, followed by a procession that begins with a titled figure, with a ankle-length cloth and a headcap driving a group of chained slaves, next in line is a man holding a staff, two porters carrying a hammock, and a European (with an umbrella, a long coat, trousers and shoes) at the head of the procession, followed by other potters, monkeys stealing alcohol, African traders carrying a large fish, a cloth trader, a village scene, and on the top is an titled figure being restrained from flogging a subject. this ivory receptacle (_**no. 1993.382a, b at the met museum**_) portrays the _Vili_ artists' understanding of the nature of the interactions between the Europeans and Africans of the Loango coast in the late 19th century, with two registers showing diametrically opposite scenes in which the top register shows a orderly scene depicting European men (wearing, coats, shirts and trousers,) Engaging in acts of commercial exchange, holding rifles, cigars, umbrellas, keys and a document. While the bottom register, shows African men in a violent scene, with a titled figure wearing a head cap (possibly a mafouk) forcefully restraining a man while holding a bottle of alcohol as a porter kneels behind him carrying a large calabash, another scene shows a titled figure with an imported Fez hat (possibly a wealthy trader) reprimanding a subject . The contrast between the orderly exchange between the European traders above and the violent scene between titled African figures and their subjects below, and the implication of the former causing the latter, is hard to miss.( The image of the European in Loango art of the late 19th century is a mix of satire and realism, Loango artists expressed humor, ridicule, and critique through their imagery, and their realism in depicting coastal life including violent scenes of titled African figures, reflected the desires and biases of both client and artist.( The Loango ivories are arguably the best African pictorial representation of the social upheavals along the late 19th century African coast, as well as the shifting economic and political power of the Afro-European interactions; providing a near perfect photograph of the "_economic basis of imperialism_" in Africa that led to colonialism. The non-violent exchanges between the European traders and African middlemen, broke down in the late 19th century as each party disputed over the distribution of reduced profits, with the African producers and middlemen expanding labor use (both free and servile) to offset falling earnings (thus making their rule more intrusive), while European traders increasingly moved inland to bypass the African middlemen and applied more forceful means to control the markets, urging their metropolitan governments, now emboldened by their more efficient fire-arms (and thus reduced cost of war), to adopt more "active policies" (ie: colonial conquest).( While the ivories were primarily intended as souvenirs for European consumption( , the Loango ivory carvers depict African agency in Afro-European interactions( but also portray the growing imbalance in power and Africans’ perception of their rapidly changing society in which Europeans played a prominent role. * * * **Conclusion: the European as an evolving “other” in African art** Depictions of Europeans in African art provide a condensed portrait of the evolving nature of Afro-European interactions throughout history; the inclusion of the Roman captives in Kush’s royal iconography represented the perception of the romans in Kush; as the first foreign army to invade Kush's heartlands, their decisive defeat was commemorated by the rulers of Kush who innovated a new depiction of captives, to represent the vanquished Roman. The Benin depictions of the Portuguese on the other hand, took place within an era of “relative compatibility and mutual respect" between African states and the Europeans, the europeans are thus included in the corpus of Benin's art, but are visibly relegated to the periphery of the main scenes, representing the marginal role Europeans played during this era. In contrast to Kush and Benin however, the late-19th century setting of the Loango tusks was a mix of contact and catastrophe, as coastal societies were gradually coming under Europe’s political orbit, and European rationales for alleged superiority were now deeply entrenched, justifying the unequal and forceful nature of interaction between Africans and Europeans. The image of the European "other" in African art was therefore not monolithic. While white skin and the Atlantic sea (from where the Europeans came) were both universally associated with the world of the dead among many of the coastal African societies( , African artists weren’t pre-occupied with including concepts of the european "other" in their cosmologies nor in moralistic dichotomies of good and evil. The european traders' increasingly unequal interactions with the Vili societies also didn’t prompt its artists to create caricatured depictions of them, instead opting for pointed imagery and satirical critiques. Whereas Kush and Benin's stylistic constancy in depicting europeans underscores the stately restrictions under which their artworks were created and the political stability in which the artists lived, the 19th century Loango ivories’ "stylistic unruliness" is a reflection of the messiness of their commissioning and the upheaval in the society around their artists. African depictions of Europeans are therefore visual relics of the evolving nature of contacts between the two societies through history. _**19th century carved Loango ivory tusk, depicting a european sailor looking through a spyglass (96-28-1, smithsonian museum)**_ * * * _**Read more about African history and download african history books on my Patreon account**_ ( ( The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce Williams and Geoff Emberling pg 605-643) ( Meroe City, Six Studies on the Cultural Identity of an Ancient African State, Volume 16 by László Török pg 209-211 ( The Representation of Captives and Enemies in Meroitic Art by Janice Yellin pg 585-592) ( first photo and illustration: The Royal Cemeteries of Kush by Dows Dunham Vol. IV, pg 138, Plate LV, fig 90, the second photo and illustration (same book); pg 150, Plate LVI, fig 90 ( ( ( The Image of the Ordered World in Ancient Nubian Art by László Török pg 244 ( ( , Meroe by P.L. shinnie and R.J. Bradley pg 167-172 ( The kingdom of kush by L. Torok pg 451-455) ( Headhunting on the Roman Frontier by Uroš Matić pg 128-9) ( The Image of the Ordered World in Ancient Nubian Art by László Török pg 216-218 ( Les interprétations historiques des stèles méroïtiques d’Akinidad à la lumière des récentes découvertes by Claude Rilly pg 33-50 ( (see photo in footnote 11 above) ( Pliny's natural history book VI pg 159 ( Herodotus in Nubia by László Török ( A study of the Portuguese-Benin Trade Relations: Ughoton as a Benin Port (1485 -1506) by Michael Ediagbonya ( Royal Art of Benin by Kate Ezra pg 12-14, 69, 122-130) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument by Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 86-88) ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Preston Blier pg 278, 487 ( Imaging Otherness in Ivory by SP Blier pg 384 ( Imaging Otherness in Ivory by SP Blier pg 385) ( Royal Art of Benin by Kate Ezra pg pg 245-247) ( Royal Art of Benin by Kate Ezra pg 156-157, 161) ( A Cultural History of the Atlantic World, 1250-1820 by John Thornton pg 248-261 ( Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World, 1400-1800 by John Thornton pg 45 ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John Thornton pg 65-67, 136-139, 249, 304-307 ( Kongo: Power and Majesty By Alisa LaGamma pg 74 ( An economic history of West Africa by A. G. Hopkins pg 183-184) ( Catastrophe and Creation by K. Elkholm Friedmann pg pg 33-38 ( Catastrophe and Creation by K. Elkholm Friedmann pg 47-56) ( Kongo power and majesty by Alisa LaGamma pg 79-84) ( Kongo: Power and Majesty By Alisa LaGamma pg 64-69 ( A Companion to Modern African Art by Gitti Salami, Monica Blackmun Visona pg 64-65 ( Strother, Zoe S. "Depictions of Human Trafficking on Loango Ivories." In Humor and Violence: Seeing Europeans in Central African Art, 1850–1997 ( Subtracting the Narrative by Zachary Kingdon pg 22 ( A Companion to Modern African Art by Gitti Salami, Monica Blackmun Visona pg 64 ( see the museum commentary at the ( taken from “Humor and Violence: Seeing Europeans in Central African Art, 1850–1997 by Zoe Strother ( A Companion to Modern African Art by Gitti Salami, Monica Blackmun Visona pg 62-65 ( An economic history of West Africa by A. G. Hopkins pg 191-209 ( Through African Eyes: The European in African Art, 1500 to Present pg 159 ( Subtracting the Narrative by Zachary Kingdon pg 31-33 ( Imaging Otherness in Ivory by Suzanne Preston Blier pg 378-381.

# The Evolving Image of Europeans in African Art: From Antiquity to the 19th Century ## Introduction - The article examines how Africans depicted Europeans in art from antiquity to the 19th century, focusing on three significant African societies: Kush, Benin, and Loango. - It provides insight into how these depictions were shaped by the nature and frequency of contact between Africans and Europeans, as well as the respective artistic traditions of these societies. ## 1. The Vanquished Captive: Image of the Roman in Kush’s Art - **Kush Overview**: - The Kingdom of Kush, located in what is now Sudan, flourished from the mid-3rd millennium BC. - It achieved significant regional power, controlling parts of Palestine and Syria, and was known to Greek writers since the 8th century BC. - **Roman Captivity Depictions**: - By the late 1st century BC, representations of Europeans appeared in Kushite art, particularly Roman captives, following military conflicts between Kush and Rome. - Kush art often depicted captives as symbols of the king’s military prowess, using visual elements such as clothing and accessories to differentiate between various foes. - **Artistic Elements**: - Captives were shown with distinct features representative of their origins. Romans, for instance, were often depicted with helmets, long robes, and specific attire, while the surrounding captives were shown in traditional Kushite dress. - **Historical Context**: - Notable conflicts included the Kushite alliance with Egyptian rebels against Roman garrisons around 25 BC–20 BC, resulting in significant Kushite victories. - Artistic representations, such as murals in Meroitic temples, immortalized the narratives of these interactions, emphasizing Kush's military strength and resistance against Roman authority. ## 2. The Merchant-Mercenary: Image of the Portuguese in Benin Art - **Benin Overview**: - Established in the 13th century, the Kingdom of Benin (in present-day Nigeria) became a powerful West African kingdom by the 15th century. - The Portuguese arrived in 1472, leading to significant trade relations by 1486, focused on pepper, ivory, and slaves. - **Depictions in Art**: - Portuguese figures were seldom portrayed in Benin's sculptural art, but when depicted, they were shown as merchants or mercenaries, framing them as symbols of military and commercial power. - Artistic representations emphasized the physical differences between Beninese figures and the Portuguese, often portraying the former in a more idealized form while the latter's features appeared gaunt or aged. - **Cultural Significance**: - The avoidance of depicting the Portuguese as part of the Oba's court during royal ceremonies conveys their marginal role in Benin’s political landscape. - Artworks like the Iyoba mask incorporated Portuguese figures but maintained a focus on Benin's royal lineage and its cultural heritage. - **Historical Context**: - Benin's relationship with the Portuguese evolved from initial collaboration to trade decline in the 1510s, marking a shift in economic dynamics as other European powers took over trade functions. ## 3. Trader-Colonialists: Images of Various Europeans in Vili Art - **Vili Kingdom Overview**: - The Vili kingdom, located on the northwestern coast of Central Africa, emerged as a key player in the ivory and palm oil trade by the late 17th century. - During the late 19th century, the kingdom faced internal political changes and increased European trade influence. - **Artistic Representations**: - Vili artists created carved ivory tusks and containers that depicted European figures, reflecting the complex social interactions with Europeans amid rising colonial pressures. - The artworks included scenes of Europeans in various activities, juxtaposed with portrayals of Africans, illustrating the evolving power dynamics and societal changes. - **Cultural Commentary**: - The representation of Europeans was nuanced, mixing satire with realism. Artists critiqued European customs while depicting their own society's struggles, revealing commentary on colonial impacts and the economic shifts transpiring. - **Historical Context**: - The late 19th century saw increasing tension between European traders and local African leadership, leading to conflicts that foreshadowed more direct colonial interventions. ## Conclusion - The depiction of Europeans in African art across these three societies reflects varying perceptions based on historical contexts. - In Kush, Roman captives symbolized military victories. In Benin, Portuguese figures represented a mutually beneficial, though peripheral, relationship. In Loango, satirical depictions captured the complex and often negative consequences of colonial expansion. - Overall, these artistic representations serve as historical records, documenting the evolving interactions between Africans and Europeans and the impacts of these exchanges on African societies.

From an African artistic monument to a Museum loot: A history of the 16th century Benin bronze plaques.

The manufacture, function and interpretation of an African masterpiece

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers From an African artistic monument to a Museum loot: A history of the 16th century Benin bronze plaques. ======================================================================================================= ### The manufacture, function and interpretation of an African masterpiece ( Apr 03, 2022 12 Benin as it appears in documents of the seventeenth century was a wealthy and highly centralized kingdom, early European visitors never failed to be impressed with its capital; the Portuguese compared it with Lisbon, the Dutch with Amsterdam, the Italians with Florence, and the Spaniards with Madrid, Its size was matched by dense habitation; houses built close to each other along long, straight streets, it was orderly, well laid out, and sparkling clean so that the walls of the houses appeared polished, its ruler’s impressive royal palace, a city within the city, had countless squares and patios, galleries and passageways, all richly decorated with the art that has made Benin famous.( The Benin bronzes are among the most celebrated works of African art in the world, but unlike the majority of the corpus of Benin art that was continuously made since the kingdom’s inception, such the bronze commemorative heads which were were needed by each successive king to honor his deceased predecessor, or the ivory, bronze and wood carvings that were made from the 14th-19th century, the commission of the Benin plaques is often attributed to just two rulers in a fixed period during the 16th century and was likely undertaken within a relatively short period that spanned 30-45 years between the reigns of Oba Esigie and Oba Orhogbua, the bronze plaques were later stashed away during the 17th century and safely kept in the palace until the British invasion of 1897.( The destruction of the palace, the removal of the plaques and the apathy by western institutions towards restitution, has complicated the analysis of their function, installation and interpretations of the symbolism and scenes that they depicted. This article explores the historical context within which the Benin plaques were made using recent studies of the artworks to interpret their symbolic function. _**Map of Benin at its height in the 16th century (Courtesy of Henry B. Lovejoy, African Diaspora Maps Ltd.)**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Benin history until the reign of the ‘Warrior-Kings’:** The rise of Benin kingdom and empire was a long and complex process of state formation, Benin’s formative period begun in the late 1st millennium and lasted until the founding of the Eweka dynasty in the 13th century with the introduction of the title of Oba (king), the gradual reduction of the Uzama N'ihinron (an autochthonous body of territorial lords who governed Benin city before the establishment of the Eweka dynasty, they influenced the kingdom’s politics and the Oba’s succession to the throne), and the expansion of the kingdom from its core territory around Benin city to neighboring towns in a drawn out process that was best accomplished under Oba Ewuare in the early 15th century who introduced several centralizing institutions that were later expanded and reinforced by his successors of the so-called "warrior-king" era which lasted from 1440AD-1606AD and is generally considered as the golden age of Benin.( **Ozolua’s reign:** Despite the warrior-king era's status as a period of increasing prosperity and political stability; Benin underwent a period of political upheaval and socioeconomic changes during the reigns of Oba Ozolua (1480s-1517) and Esigie (1517-1550s). The Oba Ozolua, also called Ozolua the conqueror, is one of the greatest Obas in Benin's history, and is credited with transforming the moderately sized kingdom into an empire with his many conquests reportedly involving 200 battles, he is also immortalized in Benin's art with depictions of him in a long chainmail tunic, an iconographic motif that signifies his power, successes and military prowess, and the memory of Ozula's conquests and successes was so great that all of Benin's later rulers styled themselves as emperors( But the complete history of his reign contains accounts about internal strife and tumultuous court politics including rebellions in Benin city itself involving low ranking officials, thus painting a more nuanced portrait of his reign and a reflection of the challenges his legitimacy faced. Ozula was briefly overthrown during a period of uprisings across the empire beginning with the province of Utekon, that forced him into exile to the town of Ora, where he briefly ruled before regaining his throne at Benin. Ozolua remained a polarizing figure at the court and this ultimately led to his demise, the Oba was killed by his own men when campaigning in the province of Uzea in the year 1517, the mutiny was likely a result of his incessant wars.( _**16th century plaques of a high ranking edo figure often identified as Oba Ozula**_( _**(numbers III C 8209, III C 8397 at the Ethnologisches Museum, berlin).**_ **Esigie’s reign:** Ozolua's death sparked a succession crisis at Benin as the exact order of birth between his sons Aruanran and Esigie was dispute with the latter supposedly being born immediately after the former, nevertheless, Esigie (r. 1517-1550) ascended to the Benin throne and Aruanran promptly moved to Udo (a provincial town close to the capital of Benin), where he prepared for war against his brother. Esigie invaded Udo and fought Aruanran's armies in a costly battle that resulted in many causalities on both sides, but the former ultimately emerged victorious, killing Aruanran's son and forcing the father to commit suicide. Despite the depletion of his feudal armies from the devastation after the Udo war and his father's campaigns, Esigie was still faced with the need to protect his father's vast empire with its newly acquired vassal provinces that took advantage of critical moments of internal strife to remove themselves from Benin's central authority, and the most powerful among the rebellious territories was Igala, ruled by a kinglet named Ata of Idah. The so-called ‘Idah war’ was one of the most decisive in Benin's history, the Atah of Idah was a renowned military leader and is said to have founded the kingdom of Nupe (a powerful state north-east of Benin), his army had mounted soldiers and was reputed to be the strongest in the region, Benin's armies on the other hand were almost entirely infantry forces, while some elite soldiers and courtiers rode horses (and are depicted as such), the vast majority of Benin’s soldiers fought on foot since horse-rearing was nearly impossible in this tsetse-fly infested forest zone of West africa. Esigie's armies, which had been thoroughly exhausted by the Udo war and his father's incessant campaigns, now faced an existential threat that threatened the Benin capital itself, a dreadful feat that wasn’t repeated by any foreign army until the British invasion. The Oba enlisted assistance from his mother Idia who provided her own forces and spiritual leadership, and he also enlisted the Portuguese mercenaries with whom his kingdom had recently been in contact, the Oba also went to great lengths to convince the feudal lords into devoting more levees to the war effort and when they finally relented, they also brought with them wooden, life-like statues of soldiers to the war as a ruse for the enemy. On their war to the war, a bird flew over the Oba's armies signifying (or prophesizing) defeat, but Esigie shot the bird and carried it with him, announcing that "_**he who would succeeded in life could not listen to false prophesy**_". The war was bitterly fought and one of the soldiers of the Queen mother Idia is said to have assassinated the Atah of Idah, ending the battle in Esigie's favor, the Oba brought back with him the dead bird which he cast in bronze to remind people of his ability to overcome fate.( **Esigie’s triumph and the Benin plaques:** Esigie instituted two festivals to commemorate his victories in Udo and Idah, the first was _**Ugie Ivie**_ which is a bead ceremony commemorating the victory over his brother at Udo where Aruanran is said to have possessed a large bead of coral suspended on multiple coral strands that Esigie seized after concluding his victory. The second festival that immediately follows the first was _**Ugie Oro**_, a procession ceremony in which the Uzama N'ihinron, accompanied by high priests and other Benin courtiers, pass though Benin city's streets beating the bronze effigies of the "bird of prophesy" that had warned of Esigie's defeat, and in the process symbolically acknowledge their mistake at initially failing to support their Oba while also reminding Esigie's subjects of his military prowess in the face of an existential threat. Also accompanying the courtiers were igala dancers captured from the Idah war who were formed into the emadose guild specifically for this festival trumpeting his success in the Idah war. The elaborate public displays that occurred during these festivals that took place for every five days for three months of a year, demonstrated the authority of the Oba, and his magnanimity for a war fought with few resources and little internal support, "_**Esigie's festival creates a tableau of courtly harmony across Benin's social order from the most powerful courtiers to the lowliest captives, allowing viewers to draw a message of power from an event that became the memorial of a decisive battle**_"( , Its within this context that the famous Benin plaques were commissioned; a unique iconography of the Oba’s power that converted Esigie's near failures into legendary successes through monumental art commission. By illustrating an overwhelming panoply of courtiers in their ideal portraits as loyal, devoted nobles carrying out the two royal festivals, visitors to the palace were left with an indelible image of political harmony that contradicted with the fractious reality of Esigie's early reign. One glaring example of this fractious reality was the continued resistance of the _Uzama N'iHinron_ to Esigie's rule even after the successful Idah war, they are said to have refused to take part in the royal festivals, forcing Esigie to work around this affront by creating the _Uzama N'Ibie_, a new group of titled officials fiercely loyal to the Oba, that were placed immediately below the N'ihinron in the kingdom’s political hierarchy but were awarded fiefs and substituted the _Uzama N'ihinron_'s place at the festival. Furthermore, the Uzama N'Ihinron are said to have used their _Ukhurhe_ ancestral altar staffs to pray for their ancestors to plague the Oba, but a member of the Benin bronze casting guild stole their _Ukhurhe_ staffs and gave them to his guild head who then gave them to the Oba Esigie, revealing that the bronze guild remained loyal to the Oba through this turbulent time. Esigie ultimately prevailed over his rebellious courtiers but at the expense of declining control over his vassals who gradually weaned themselves off the capital. His son and successor Orhugbua (r. 1550-1578) thus spent the greater part of his reign pacifying and consolidating the empire, using the coastal provinces including Lagos as a base for conquests into neighboring regions, by this time, the court was firmly under the Oba’s control and it remained largely loyal despite the Oba's lengthy absence. The courtiers would later plead for Orhugbua’s return to the capital which Orhogbua eventually did, establishing a positive relationship between the court and the Oba for the first time, that lasted until the late 17th century. The period of stable rule enjoyed by Orhogbua reveals that Esigie's institutions and elaborate artistic creations were successful in augmenting the power of the Oba, Orhogbua later expanded the plaque tradition and is often attributed with several innovations to the motifs and decorations in the plaque corpus.( _**plaques depicting a high-ranking Benin figure often identified as the Oba Esigie**_( _**(numbers: III C 27507; Ethnologisches Museum berlin, af1898,0115.44 at the british museum)**_ * * * **Dating the Benin plaques, their manufacture and the expression of history through Art.** **Dating:** Bronze casting was present in Benin since the 13th century but the plaques were made during the first half of the 16th century as a unique iconographic device, while some scholars had suggested that Benin's art originated from Ife, the consensus among historians is that Benin's art tradition was independent of ife's and that the association is a result of political expediency rather than a historical fact.( There is some early external documentation about the display of the Benin plaques that allows us to date their first appearance and when they were removed from public display. The Dutch geographer Olfert dapper in 1668, wrote that: "_**the king's court is square and stands at the right hand side when entering the town by the gate of Gotton (Gwato).. It is divided into many magnificent palaces, houses and apartments of the courtiers, and comprises beautiful and long square galleries, about as large as the exchange at Amsterdam, but one larger than another, resting on wooden pillars from top to bottom covered with cast copper on which are engraved the pictures of their war exploits and battles, and are kept very clean… every roof is decorated by a small turret ending in a point, on which birds are standing, birds cast in copper with outspread wings… cleverly made after living models**_" the reference of copper "pictures" is clearly about the plaques, dapper based this on an account from Bloemmaert, who inturn gained his information from Dutch traders visiting Benin before 1644 during Oba Ohuan's reign (1608-1641). The plaques were likely stored away not long after, because when another dutch visitor to Benin city in 1702, David van Nyendael, wrote about the palace, he confirmed Dapper's earlier account and added details about a large copper snake that was cast on a wooden turret ontop of one of the gates to the palace, but observed that the galleries of the palace had "_**planks upon which it rests are human figures which my guides were able to distinguish into merchants, soldiers, wild beat hunters, etc**_" these figures were more likely carved wooden reliefs rather than plaques, representing a new commemorative art medium that had been commissioned by the 17th century Obas. While the 17th century decline in Benin's wealth has been blamed for the end of the bronze plaque tradition, the 18th century resurgence witnessed increased production of royal sculptural artworks in bronze, ivory and wood, showing that the plaque tradition was only one medium out of several, and that it represented a continuous tradition of palace ornamentation in bronze, ivory wood, and terracotta.( _**“De stadt Benin” (The Benin City) by Van Meurs in Olfert Dapper’s “Description de l'Afrique”**_ **Manufacture: on the metal sources for the Benin plaques and cire perdue casting** While scholars in the past suggested that the Benin plaques were cast using the copper manillas whose importation into Benin increased with the coming of the Portuguese to a tune of 2 tonnes a year, the metallurgical properties of the manillas traded during this period differ significantly from the metallurgical properties of Benin plaques, and archeological excavation around Benin city provided evidence for bronze casting as early as the 13th century, the more likely source for the Benin copper used in the plaques would have been from the Sahel through a northern trade route( , The sahel region was also where the bronze casters at Ife in the 14th century derived most of their copper.( but some local sources were also available and were used by Igbo ukwu bronze casters in the 8th century, the Benin plaques were thus a combination of these sources.( The choice of plaque-form representation, quatrefoil decorations and other foliate designs used by the Benin sculptors is still subject to debate but is probably not dissimilar from that used on the square panel reliefs on carved wooden doors and the textile designs common in the region’s art.( The vast majority of bronzeworks from Benin including the plaques were made by a specialized guild of artists headed by the _Ineh n'Igun Eronmwom_ who supervised the completion of the Oba's commissions, training new guild members and standardizing the artworks. The highly stylized figures of Benin which are fairly similar and of fairly equal dimensions, were more difficult to make than individualized artworks thus requiring a higher degree of central control. The artists made their plaques from a special section in the palace, and they employed the lost-wax method of casting where the wax sheet was put ontop of a clay core created with a preformed mold, the quatrefoil decoration was then added after this primary composition had been formed, and the brass was then poured into the mold, after cooling, the wax was carefully scrapped and the plaque tied to the palace pillars in orderly fashion.( _**plaque showing high ranking courtiers with one holding a double-faced gong, the back side of the plaque shows the nail-holes, side flanges, and provides the shape of the clay mold that was used to attain the raised relief. (Af1898,0115.68, british museum)**_ **Expressing history and the sculptural art style of the Benin plaques:** In the Edo language, the verb "to remember" is literary translated as "to cast a motif in bronze", guides in the city during the 17th century told visitors that plaques depicted their battles and war exploits, the Benin plaques were thus part of a larger assemblage of artworks that create a historical narrative of the empire.( One eldery palace courtier who was a palace attendant prior to 1897 recalled that the plaques were kept like a card index up to the time of the punitive expedition, referred to when there was a dispute about court etiquette"( . like the oral history recounted by the Benin court guilds, the plaques elide specificity, the fluidity of oral history, its ability to change in order to meet the needs of the reigning court, is reflected in the visual narrative conveyed by the plaques; a purposeful embrace of the contingent narrative produced by oral transmission that allows the work to become part of many discourses, rather than illustrating a fixed moment in time, the plaques collapse several historical moments into one event, in a way that achieves narrative multiplicity, allowing viewers to make out key figures, regalia, dressing, architecture, fauna and flora, activities and motifs in the majority of the plaques, without dictating the rationale behind their depiction.( The Benin plaques were conceived as an installation artwork which joins many compositions into a single aesthetic statement, although a select few of the plaques convey a specific historical narrative, the majority of the corpus don't, but instead offer detailed ambiguity and may have likely portrayed a more dynamic narrative of historical events depending on their original installation pattern that is unfortunately now lost.( Furthermore, the decision to represent almost all figures on the Benin plaques with the same facial and somatic types and predominantly frontal body position, despite the Benin artists' exposure to the naturalistic, individualized artworks of Ife and the Benin artist's own ability to create individualized artworks such as the Iyoba head, was a deliberate artistic choice; the plaques don't celebrate individuals but the entire social order of the court.( The plaque figures’ wide open eyes that are spaced apart, with detailed outlines of the eyelids and iris, also serve to create a sense of immediacy for viewers and accentuate the figures' strong gaze.( _**16th century bronze commemorative head of the queen mother (iyoba) thought to depict Esigie’s mother Idia. This naturalistic, nearly life-size sculpture, while departing from the stylized figures of the benin plaques, shows that the latter style was a conscious choice by the Benin artists. (III C 12507 at the Ethnologisches Museum, also see Af1897,1011.1 at the british museum)**_ * * * **Figures, Scenes and interpretations : the Oba, palace courtiers, soldiers, pages, and events.** The pinnacle of Benin's system of control rested with the Oba, Benin's bureaucratic rule which sought to control large areas of social, political and economic life in the empire; comprised of state appointed officers (courtiers) who served in limited terms and were responsible to their superiors including vassal rulers, forming a hierarchy that led directly to the Oba. The Oba's power was based ideologically on his divinity, his control of the army and his ability to grant official titles. The Palace was the nucleus of Benin’s administrative structure, accommodating a large population of officials and other attendants that included high ranking soldiers and titled courtiers who were often present at the palace of the Oba for all major festivals( , as well as guilds and palace pages the latter of whom served as the Oba’s attendants. Courtiers such as the _Eghaevbo n’Ogbe_ (palace chiefs) were non-hereditary titled officials who constituted the palace bureaucracy.( Benin's standing army was the royal regiment divided into two units, namely the _Ekaiwe_ (royal troops) and the _Isienmwenro_ (royal guards); its high command was constituted by four officers: the Oba as Supreme military commander, _Iyase_ as general commander, _Ezomo_ as senior war Commander, and _Edogun_ as a war chief and commander of the royal troops( . Both soldiers and courtiers are often depicted wearing slightly different clothing to signal their rank in the palace hierarchy or identify as vassal rulers.( Also present at the court were the Oba's pages, there are several groups of these but the exact identification of which pages are represented remains elusive, the _Iweguae_ is the closest candidate, its a palace association which constitutes personal and domestic servants of the Oba tasked with various duties, such as the _Omada_ and the _Emada_; the _Omada_ were a non-hereditary guild enrolled in the palace system that served as attendants for courtiers and the Oba, manufactured and sold artworks and used their earnings to purchase titles( , The _emada_ were the last of the pages, often represented nude save for several ornaments, they were granted permission to marry by the Oba after reaching a certain age.( **The Oba:** _**the Oba depicted with mudfish legs and his enobore attendants hovering above two leopards, the Oba grasping two leopards by the tail with mudfish legs, the Oba grasping two leopards with mudfish belt**_( _**. the symbolism of these two animals is discussed below. (numbers: af1898,0115,29, Af1898,0115.30, Af1898,0115.31, at the british museum)**_ **Soldiers and courtiers:** _**procession of a high ranking soldier with several attendants including miniature Portuguese figures; procession of a mounted courtier flanked by multiple attendants including emada pages and other the higher ranking pages; procession of a mounted courtier wearing a deep-beaded collar with a smaller figure of page holding a rope tied to his horse, with two large attendants**_( _**(numbers; III C 7657, III C 8056, at the Ethnologisches Museum, and af1898,0115.45 at the british museum)**_ _**Plaques depicting benin soldiers dressed In full battle gear, the firstfigure holds a shield and staff, the second two figures hold an ekpokin gift box and wear distinctive helmets, the third multiple figures show a procession of three soldiers and their attendants and horn-blowers, they hold various weapons including the ceremonial eben sword, with disntictive shields (Numbers: 16086 at the Museum of Ethnology Dresden, L-G 7.29.2012 at the boston museum, Af1898,0115.86 at the british museum)**_ **The Oba’s pages:** _**Plaques depicting four pages standing infront of the Oba's palace, the outermost figures are emada pages, between them are two pages of higher rank, behind them on the palace pillars are miniaturized figures of titleholders, soldiers and portuguese merchants, this same pattern is repeated in the second plaque but in reverse order**_ ( _**(number af1898,0115.46 british museum)**_ _**Plaque depicting a drummer sitted cross-legged while playing two slit gongs, plaque depicting a hornblower with a helmet, plaque depicting an emada page carrying an ekpokin bag, plaque showing a dignitary with drum and two attendants striking gongs (Af1961,18.1 at the british museum, 16090 at the Museum of Ethnology Dresden, III C 8254 at the Ethnologisches Museum berlin, L-G 7.32.2012 boston museum)**_ **Other figures:** _**figure bearing an ekpokin (gift box), priest figure often identified as an Olokun priest, two high-ranking title-hodlers offering libation**_( _**(numbers; III C 8271, III C 8207, III C 8211 at the Ethnologisches Museum Berlin)**_ **Depictions of foreigners in Benin art: Portuguese mercenaries and traders, and high ranking war captives.** The Portuguese figures are often portrayed either with military accouterments or as merchants reflecting the roles they played in Benin history; as mercenaries that assisted in his idah war and as the merchants who bought Benin's pepper, ivory and cloth( . They are often shown wearing costumes typical of fashion in the 16th century with long skirts, embroidered doublets and split sleeves. The depiction of the Portuguese figures with sharp attenuated limbs, long hair and long nose was a deliberate representation of the European "other" in contrast to the smooth, rounded bodies of the Benin figures who represented the "self".( Other foreigners are often shown in battle scenes that comprise a small group of compositions among the wider corpus, the foreign status of the high status captives is often denoted by their facial scarifications, they are often shown wearing battle gear including protective armor, helmets and swords, and are all shown riding a horse perhaps a reference to the cavalry forces of the Atah of Idah or to the infamous foe himself.( **Portuguese:** _**portuguese figure holding a crossbow and a bird, portuguese figure holding a dreizack three-pronged spear, portuguese figure holding a manilla copper currency ring**_( _**(numbers: III C 8352, III C 8358, III C 8360 at the Ethnologisches Museum berlin)**_ **Battle scenes that include war captives:** _**Plaques depicting a battle scene showing a high ranking benin soldier puling an enemy from his horse, thefacial marking on the enemy's cheek denote his foreign status (numbers: L-G 7.35.2012 at the boston museum, Af1898,0115.48, Af1898,0115.49 at the british museum)**_ **Depictions of Fauna in Benin plaques: Leopards, mudfish, bird of prophesy, and crocodiles.** Animals such as leopards, cows, goats and sheep represent various attributes and powers of the Oba and were sacrificed at the Igue ceremony, the leopard, which in Benin tradition was considered the “king of the forest" represented the Oba's ferocity and speed, leopard hip ornaments, teeth necklaces, skins and prints are badges of honor bestowed upon war chiefs, high ranking courtiers and serve as both protective devices and symbols of power( , and the Oba is known to have kept many tame leopards in his palace that were captured by leopard hunter's guild, and Ewuare is often credited with the use of the leopard as a visual metaphor for the Oba( . Mudfish has many meanings in Benin's art, it’s the preferred sacrifice to the sea god Olokun and refers to the Oba's relationship with the deity, as well as his ability to pass between land and water; between the human world and the world of spirits, it thus represented the Oba's mystical powers.( The identification of the bird of prophesy has proved elusive, as it may represent an extinct species or may not be representation of the actual bird captured by the Oba but rather a more symbolic and fictions composite, it nevertheless features prominently in the Benin plaques as a representation of the triumph of Esigie.( _**Leopard and her cubs eating an antelope, like the human figures, the animal figures emphasize the head and eyes over the rest of the body) (number III C 27486, Ethnologisches Museum Berlin)**_ _**plaque depicting a leopard in motion with a small animal between its teeth, plaque depicting a crocodile, plaque depicting the bird of prophesy with outstretched wings**_( _**(numbers: 26227 at the Museum of Ethnology Dresden, and III C 8270, III C 8427 at the Ethnologisches Museum berlin)**_ **Other plaque scenes: hunting, sacrifice, harvesting** The Majority of these plaques were most likely composed during the latter period; ie, under the Oba Orhogbua's reign, they depict figures engaged in distinct activity and portray complex social narratives including hunting, drumming, animal sacrifice, games, plant harvesting and other activities, with different figures given their own motions.( The plaque of the rider and the captive for example depicts a high ranking Benin soldier escorting a foreign captive, the of this plaque portrays a single action of the Benin soldier guiding the captive to a define place( , the "bird hunt" plaque is considered one of the best among these expressive plaques, rather than the front-facing position of most figures, the hunter is shown turning in the direct of the bird which he aims at with a croswbow.( The leopard hunter is remarkable for its use of synoptic vision, the vegetation seen from above, while the leopards are in profile and the hunters between the two( and the plate of the amufi acrobats that shows two acrobats at the Amufi ceremony whose members climb trees for certain ritual purposes, for this ritual, they climb into a very tall tree, which they secretly prepare with ropes at night. After reaching the highest branch in the next day's ritual, they wrap the rope around themselves and throw themselves into the air, arms and legs spread, to swing in large circles in the air. They move their arms, which are hung with rattles, as if they had wings. At the very top of the relief panel in the top branches of the tree sit three large birds.( _**plaque with a figure of a man hunting a bird using a cross-bow**_ _**(number : III C 8206 at the Ethnologisches Museum Berlin)**_ _**plaques depicting the Oba’s pages harvesting a sacrificial plant (numbers: III C 8383 at the Ethnologisches Museum berlin, and MAF 34545 at the GRASSI Museum of Ethnology in Leipzig)**_ _**plaque depicting a cow sacrifice, considered one of the masterpieces of the corpus, the cow hovers over the entire scene creating a three dimensional effect. plaque depicting a leopard hunt with five figures hunting two leopards in the forest. (numbers: Af1913,1211.1 at the british museum, IIIC27485 at the Ethnological Museum)**_ _**plaque depicting two acrobats in the amufi ceremony, with three large brids at the top of the tree, plaque depicting a Benin soldier guiding a captive on horseback (The National Commission for Museums and Monuments Nigeria, Af1898,0115.47 at the british museum)**_ * * * **Conclusion: the end of the bronze plaque tradition, Benin’s decline, the British invasion, displaying the loot in museums and debating African art.** **Benin decline and end of the bronze plaque tradition:** Tradition holds that the Oba Ahenzae (1641-1661) gambled away the treasury and couldn't afford to obtain the bronzes needed to make the plaques, the plaques were most likely stored away during his reign and replaced by more modest wood carvings observed by the Dutch visitor Nendael a few decades later( , the traditions about gambling away the treasury may reflect the decline of power and wealth that Benin underwent in the 17th century, the primary factor seems to have been the increased power of titled officials and bureaucracy that reduced the power of the Oba at a critical point when there was no eligible successor, the Oba was confined to his palace where he couldn't led military campaigns and some of his authority was restricted, secondly were radical shifts in export trade, Benin still maintained its ban on exporting slaves that had been in place since the early 16th century and the Dutch who had been purchasing Benin's pepper and ivory for nearly a century since the Portuguese left, had started purchasing significant quantities of textiles whose production was less centrally controlled, allowing for the decentralization of wealth into the hands of the lower bureaucracy. This shift in power eventually devolved into a civil war pitting some of the Oba's higher ranking officers against his allies, beginning In 1689 and ending around 1720s, resulting in the shattering of the hierarchically organized bureaucratic associations and the establishment of a multi-centered, autonomous associations. while Benin was restored in the 18th century and a lot of art was commissioned , it gradually went into decline such that by the late 19th century it had been reduced from a regional power to a minor kingdom.( **The British invasion, sacking and looting of the Benin plaques, debating African art.** The brutal expedition of 1897 in which the British sacked the city of Benin, killed tens of thousands of edo civilians and soldiers, and looted the palace of approximately 10,000 bronzes, ivories and other objects; including around 1,000 plaques, resulted in many of the artworks being sold to several western museums and collectors( . When the looted Benin artworks arrived in western institutions, they caused a sensation, the “remarkable old bronze castings” were considered "the most interesting ethnographic discovery since the discovery of the ruins in Zimbabwe" and came at a time when theories of scientific racism were at their height in popularity, among these theories was the Hamitic race theory which posited that all forms of civilization in Africa were derived from a "Caucasoid"/"Semitic” race of immigrant Hamites. Colonial scholars such as the then British Museum curators Charles Read and Maddock Dalton, wrestled with how to fit these excellent works of African art into the Hamitic theory, questioning how could a “highly developed” art, comparable in quality with Italian Renaissance art, be found amongst the members of an “entirely barbarous race”, they thus attributed the bronze-works to Portuguese, and to the ancient Egyptians whom they claimed introduced this form of art to the Benin sculptors, but even then, some of their peers such as Henry Roth disagreed with them saying that questioning the “expressed opinion of Messrs Read and Dalton,” that the Benin art “was an imported one” from Europe, observing that Benin was discovered by the Portuguese in 1486 and by the middle of the 16th century “native artists” produced art of a “high pitch of excellence" and that the artistic skills of the natives could not have developed so rapidly, because “I do not think the most enthusiastic defender of the African will credit him with such ability for making progress.”( Over time however, these racist studies of Benin art were discredited and they gave way to more professional analysis of the famous artworks that recognize them as African artistic accomplishments, proving that the technique of lost-wax bronze casting was ancient in the region, that Benin's art tradition predated the Portuguese arrival and is one of several art traditions in the region. ( The Benin plaques were iconographic symbols of the Oba Esigie's triumph that depicted Benin’s courtly life in the 16th century; the last vestige of a glorious era in Benin’s past. _**Looters in the Oba’s palace, february 1897. the plaques are shown in the foreground.**_ * * * _**Read more about Benin history, the British expedition and download african history books on my Patreon account**_ ( ( Civil War in the Kingdom of Benin, 1689-1721 by Paula Ben-Amos Girshick and John Thornton 358-359) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 115, 28) ( the military system of benin kingdom c.1440 - 1897 by OB Osadolor pg 50-83) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 29) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 30-33) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 29 ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 30-35) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 36-37) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 38-41) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 35 ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 120) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 48-51) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 18 ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Preston Blier pg 281 ( The Lower Niger Bronzes: Beyond Igbo-Ukwu, Ife, and Benin By Philip M. Peek ( Royal Art of Benin by Kate Ezra pg 121 ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 106-110) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 45) ( Royal Art of Benin by Kate Ezra pg 118 ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 60-62) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 123) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 65-67) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 88) ( Civil War in the Kingdom of Benin, 1689-1721 by Paula Ben-Amos Girshick and John Thornton pg 359-362) ( the military system of benin kingdom c.1440 - 1897 by OB Osadolor pg 82-83) ( the military system of benin kingdom c.1440 - 1897 by OB Osadolor pg 94) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 132) ( Royal Art of Benin By Kate Ezra pg 253-254) ( Royal Art of Benin By Kate Ezra pg 70) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 82,121 ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 84, 87) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 62) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 65,67 ( Royal Art of Benin By Kate Ezra pg 128-129) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 47, 86) ( Royal Art of Benin By Kate Ezra pg 33) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 90,93) ( Royal Art of Benin By Kate Ezra pg 20-34, 156) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 16 ( Royal Art of Benin By Kate Ezra pg 93) ( Royal Art of Benin By Kate Ezra pg 200), ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 147 ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 115) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 64) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 67) ( Divine Kingship in Africa by William Buller Fagg pg 42 ( Two Thousand Years of Nigerian Art pg 235 ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 50) ( Civil War in the Kingdom of Benin, 1689-1721 by Paula Ben-Amos Girshick and John Thornton pg 369-375) ( The Brutish Museums by Dan Hicks pg 137-151) ( Displaying Loot: The Benin Objects and the British Museum by Staffan Lundén pg 281-303) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 198).

# From an African Artistic Monument to Museum Loot: A History of the 16th Century Benin Bronze Plaques ## Overview The Benin bronze plaques are recognized as significant works of African art, produced during a specific period in the 16th century. These plaques serve as artistic reminders of the power and history of the Kingdom of Benin, notably during the reigns of Oba Esigie and Oba Orhogbua. ## Historical Context 1. **The Kingdom of Benin**: - By the 17th century, Benin was a wealthy and centralized kingdom. - European visitors noted its grandeur, comparing it to major cities like Lisbon and Amsterdam. - The capital was marked by dense habitation, orderly streets, and an impressive royal palace decorated with art. 2. **The Production of Benin Bronzes**: - The bronzes commenced as commemorative heads for deceased kings but included plaques commissioned primarily during the reigns of Oba Esigie (1517-1550) and Oba Orhogbua (1550-1578). - The plaques were produced over a 30-45 year period, showcasing a unique iconographic style that diverged from other African art traditions. ## Socio-Political Dynamics 1. **Oba Ozolua's Era (1480s-1517)**: - Ozolua transformed Benin from a kingdom into an empire through numerous conquests. - His reign faced internal strife, leading to his eventual death by mutiny during a military campaign. 2. **Oba Esigie’s Reign (1517-1550)**: - Esigie ascended the throne amidst a succession crisis, defeating his brother Aruanran in war. - He faced external threats during the Idah War, where he utilized alliances with Portuguese mercenaries and gained victory through strategic leadership. - Esigie instituted festivals to commemorate his victories, serving as a platform to reinforce royal authority and social order. 3. **Art as Political Expression**: - The commissioning of the bronze plaques was a means to visually encapsulate Esigie’s triumphs and establish a narrative of political harmony despite internal challenges. - The plaques depicted courtiers and events during the royal festivals, reinforcing the Oba’s power. ## Craftsmanship and Iconography 1. **Manufacturing Techniques**: - The plaques were made using lost-wax casting, with specialized guilds responsible for their production. - The primary materials derived from trade routes and local sources, rather than solely from imported manillas. 2. **Symbolism in Art**: - The plaques serve dual purposes: as historical records and as artistic expressions. - They represented collective identity and royal power rather than individual figures, with specific animal motifs symbolizing the Oba’s authority. 3. **Diverse Scenes**: - The plaques depicted a range of activities—military exploits, court events, and social rituals—reflecting the kingdom’s life and culture. - Static representations often conveyed complex social narratives through repetitive motifs. ## Decline of the Tradition 1. **17th Century Changes**: - The decline of art production coincided with political upheaval and changes in trade dynamics, leading to a decentralized power structure. - The tradition of bronze plaques diminished under Oba Ahenzae due to gambling away royal treasury and economic shifts. 2. **British Invasion of 1897**: - The British sacked Benin City, leading to the looting of thousands of art pieces, including approximately 1,000 plaques. - These artworks were subsequently sold to museums in the West, sparking debates about their provenance and the ethics of colonial art collections. ## Conclusion The Benin bronze plaques encapsulate a rich history of artistic expression and political power in the Kingdom of Benin. They transitioned from significant cultural artifacts to subjects of colonial looting, raising pressing questions about restitution and the narrative of African art in historical discourse. The plaques continue to symbolize both the grandeur and the complexities of Benin’s past.

State building in ancient west Africa: from the Tichitt neolithic civilization to the empire of Ghana (2,200BC-1250AD)

A "cradle" of west african civilization

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers State building in ancient west Africa: from the Tichitt neolithic civilization to the empire of Ghana (2,200BC-1250AD) ====================================================================================================================== ### A "cradle" of west african civilization ( Mar 27, 2022 18 The Tichitt neolithic civilization and the Ghana empire which emerged from it remain one of the most enigmatic but pivotal chapters in African history. This ancient appearance of a complex society in the 3rd millennium BC west Africa that was contemporaneous with Old-kingdom Egypt, Early-dynastic Mesopotamia and the ancient Indus valley civilization, overturned many of the diffusionist theories that attributed the founding of west African civilizations to ancient Semitic immigrants from Carthage and the near east( , The emergence of the empire of Ghana from the ruins of the tichitt tradition in 300 AD, whose political reach covered vast swathes of west Africa, and whose commercial influence was felt as far as spain (Andalusia), opened an overlooked window into west Africa's past, in particular, the complex processes of statecraft that led to the emergence of vast empires in the region. Recent studies of the Tichitt neolithic tradition, the Ghana empire, and early west African history in general have proven that the cities, trade connections and manufactures of west Africa were bigger, more sophisticated, and more expansive than previously thought, and that they appeared much earlier than previously imagined. These studies also provide us with an understanding of the novel ways in which early west African states organized themselves; with large states structured as confederations of semi-autonomous polities that paid tribute to the center and recognized its ruler as their suzerain, and with the suzerain maintaining a mobile royal capital that moved through the subordinate provinces, while retaining ritual primacy over his kinglets( . This distinctive form of state-craft was first attested in the Ghana empire and later transmitted to the Mali empire and its successor states in west Africa. This article explorers the advent of social complexity in west Africa from the little-known Tichitt neolithic to the emergence of the Ghana empire. _**Map of the empire of Ghana at its height in the 12th century**_ * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **A “cradle” of west African civilization: the Tichitt neolithic tradition of southern Mauritania** _**Map of the tichitt neolithic sites of the 2nd millenium BC and the Inland Niger delta sites of the 1st millenium BC.**_ The Tichitt neolithic tradition is arguably West Africa’s first large-scale complex society, the 200,000 km2 polity was centered in the dhar tichitt and dhar walata escarpments and extended over the dhar tagant and dhar nema regions in what is now south-eastern Mauritania. The area was permanently settled by agro pastoral communities after 2200-1900BC following a period of semi-permanent settlement that begun around 2600BC. These agro-pastoral groups, who were identified as proto-Soninke speakers of the Mandé language family, lived in dry-stone masonry structures built within aggregated compounds, they raised cattle, sheep and goats, cultivated pearl millet and smelted iron. Cereal agriculture in the form of domesticated pearl millet was extant from the very advent of the Tichitt tradition with the earliest dates coming from the _**early tichitt**_ phase (2200/1900-1600BC) indicating that the tichitt agriculturalists had already domesticated pearl millet before arriving in the region thus pushing the beginnings of cultivation back to the _**pre-tichitt**_ phase (2600-2200/1900BC) and were part of a much wider multi-centric process of domestication which was sweeping the Sahel at the time with similar evidence for domesticated pearl millet in the 3rd millennium BC from mali’s tilemsi valley and the bandiagara region, as well as in northern Ghana.( The _**classic tichitt**_ phase (1600BC-1000BC) witnessed a socioeconomic transformation during which most of Tichitt’s main population centers developed, with the greatest amount of dry-stone construction across all sites including a clearly defined settlement hierarchy in which the smallest settlement unit was a "compound" enclosed in a high wall (now only 2m tall) containing several housing units occupied by atleast 14 dwellers, the polity was arranged in a settlement hierarchy of four ranks, which included; 72 hamlets with 20 compounds each, 12 villages with 50 compounds each, 5 large villages with 198 compounds each, and a large proto-urban center called _**Dakhlet el Atrouss**_\-I containing 540 stone-walled compounds with an elite necropolis whose tumuli graves are surmounted by stone pillars and were associated with religious activity. _**Dakhlet el atrouss**_ housed just under 10,000 inhabitants( , and may be considered west Africa's earliest proto-urban settlement and one of the continents oldest. The size and extent of the tichitt neolithic settlements of this period exceeds many of the medieval urban sites associated with the empires of Ghana and Mali and this phase of the tichitt tradition has been referred to as an incipient state or a complex chiefdom.( the disproportionately large number of monumental tombs in the vicinity of dhar Tichitt especially at Dakhlet el atrouss attests to an ancient ideological center of gravity and a sense of the sacred attached to dhar Tichitt over the '“districts” of dhar tagant, walata and nema and its status as an ancestral locality may have made it an indispensable dwelling place for elites.( There's plenty of evidence for iron working in the late phase tichitt sites (1000-400/200BC) including slag and furnaces from the early first millennium at the sites of dhar nema and dhar tagant dated to between 800-400BC, which is contemporaneous with the earliest evidence of iron metallurgy throughout west Africa and central Africa.( dhar mema also appears to have been the last of the tichitt sites to be settled as the tichitt populations progressively moved south into the ‘inland Niger delta’ region to establish what are now knows as the "_**Faïta sites**_" (1300-200 BC), as evidenced by the appearance of _**classic tichitt**_ pottery, and similar material culture in settlements such as Dia where tichitt ceramics appear in the earliest phases between 800 400BC.( _**the Akreijit regional center in the dhar tichitt ruins, the perimeter wall is 2m high and encloses dozens of compounds the smallest measuring 75 m2 and the largest measuring 2,394 m2**_( The collapse of the tichitt traditions is still subject to debate, the region appears to have been gradually abandoned from the middle of the first millennium BC onwards, most likely due to the onset of arid climatic conditions during the so-called “Big Dry” period from 300 BCE to 300 CE, as well as an influx of proto-Berber groups from the central Sahara desert. Some archeologists suggested that there was a violent encounter with the Tichitt polity and these proto-Berber migrations into the region that caused its eventual abandonment, based on evidence from nearby rock art that included depictions of ox-carts, horse-riders and battle scenes( (although these can’t be accurately dated), recent studies suggest a cultural syncretism between the proto-soninke inhabitants of tichitt and the berber incomers with evidence of a slight increase in population rather than a precipitous decline at dhar nema( , while other studies downplay the syncretism observing the tendency of the proto-berber groups to opportunistically use earlier settlements’ features without initiating a building style of their own, and the distribution of some of their rock-art on the periphery of the tichitt tradition as indicators that they were for the most part, not inhabiting the Tichitt drystone masonry settlements.( the last observation of which is supported by recent studies of the tichitt rock art that suggest that there were two rock art traditions made by both the incoming proto-berber groups and the autochthonous proto-soninke groups depicting the same events that included mounted housemen and possibly battle scenes.( _**“Main panel” of the painted figures on cave wall at Guilemsi, Tagant, Mauritania, 200 km west of the renowned neolithic sites at dhar Tichitt. its observed to stylistically different from the proto-berber horse paintings and was most likely painted by the soninke depicting a battle scene fought with the former on the right.**_( The Tichitt neolithic civilization, traverses many key frontiers in the archaeology of West Africa that include; the beginnings of cereal agriculture, early complex societies, the advent of complex architectural forms, the start of west african urbanism and the origins of iron metallurgy. More importantly, the tichitt tradition accomplishes what some contemporaneous African neolithic iron-age traditions failed to attain, that is; the direct transition into a state-level society (kingdoms and empires). The _**Nok neolithic**_ tradition (1500-1BC)( of central Nigeria, the _**Urewe neolithic**_ (800/500BC-500AD)( in central africa and the (pre-iron age) _**Kintampo neolithic**_ of Ghana (2,500BC-1400/1000BC)( , are all separated from their succeeding states by a "silent" period of several centuries, while the Tichitt tradition neatly transitions into the inland Niger delta civilizations at the proto-urban settlement of Dia and the city of jenne-jeno, and ultimately into the Ghana empire, all in a region where an easily identifiable "tichitt diaspora" is attested both linguistically and archeologically.( _**old section of Dia in Mali, the ancient city has been intermittently settled since the 9th century BC**_ * * * **West africa’s earliest state: the Ghana empire** **foundations:** The formative period of Ghana isn’t well understood, initially, the extreme aridity of the "big dry" period from 300BC-300AD confined sedentism to the inland Niger delta region where the city of jenne-jeno flourished following the decline of Dia, the return of the wet period from 300-1000 CE, the introduction of camels and increased use of horses enabled the re-establishment of regional exchange systems between the Sahel and the Sahara regions that involved the trade of copper, iron, salt, cereal and cattle. Within these trade networks, a confederation of several competing Soninke polities emerged to control the various trading groups that managed these lucrative exchanges. Ghana established itself as the head of this confederation in the mid 1st millennium AD by leveraging its ritual primacy based on Ghana's centrality in the Soninkes’ "_**Wagadu**_" origin tradition; an oral legend about Dinga (the first king of Ghana) and its related serpent/ancestor religion practiced by the Soninke, the formation of Ghana is therefore dated to 300AD.( Dinga, the first king of Ghana according to Soninke traditions, is also associated with various cities in the middle Niger such as Jenne-jeno and Dia, through which he passed performing various ritualistic acts involving the serpent cult before proceeding to Kumbi Saleh where he established his capital, the interpretation of this oral account varies but the inclusion of these cities situates them squarely within the early period of Ghana and has prompted some scholars to locate the early capital of the empire in the Mema region( before it was later moved to Kumbi Saleh in the late first millennium where the earliest radiocarbon dates place its occupation in 500AD. This northward settlement movement of people from the Inland Niger delta region into what was formerly a dry region of southern Mauritania is also attested in the ruins of the tichitt tradition with the reoccupation of a number of tichitt sites around the 5th and 8th centuries that would later grow into the medieval oasis towns of tichitt and walata.( By the 7th-8th century, Ghana’s political economy had grown enormously through levies on trade, and tribute, and the regional trade networks whose northern oriented routes had been confined to the central Sahara now extended to the north African littoral, specifically to the Aghlabid dynasty (800-909AD) in northern Algeria and southern Italy, where the earliest evidence of west African gold is attested.( the Ghana empire’s political organization at this stage constituted a consolidated confederation of many small polities that stood in varying relations to the core, from nominal tribute-paying parity to fully administered provinces.( and its during the 8th century that Ghana is first mentioned in external sources which provide us with most of the information about Ghana’s history until the 14th century. Ghana first appears in external sources by al-Fazri (d. 777) who mentions it in passing as the “_**land of gold**_”. A century later in 872, al-Yaqubi writes that Ghana's king is very powerful, in his country are the gold mines and under his authority are several kingdoms, importantly however, al-Yaqubi's passage begins with the kingdom of Gao (kawkaw), that was located farther east of Ghana and which he describes as the "_greatest of the realms of the sudan_" thus summarizing west African political landscape in the 9th century as dominated by two large states.( Its in the 10th and 11th century that Ghana reaches its apogee, with Ibn Hawqal in 988 describing Ghana's ruler as "_**the wealthiest king on the face of the earth**_", in the same passage where he describes Ghana’s western neighbor, the city of Awdaghust, which served as the capital of a Berber kingdom whose ruler maintains relations with the king of Ghana, and by the middle of the 11th century, the king of Ghana had conquered the city.( In 1068, the most detailed description of Ghana is provided by al-Bakri, he names Ghana’s ruler as Tunka-Manin in 1063 whom he says "_**wielded great power and inspired respect as the ruler of a great empire**_", he also describes the empire’s capital Kumbi Saleh that was divided into a merchant section and a royal section which contained several palaces and domed buildings of stone and mud-brick; he describes Ghana's serpent/ancestor cult practices, its divine kingship, matrilineal succession, and royal burials. al-Bakri says that while many of Tunka-Manin’s ministers were muslims, he and his people venerated royal ancestors, he also mentions Ghana's south-western neighbor, the kingdom of Takrur and its eastern neighbor, the city of Silla with which Ghana was at war, and he adds that both of the latter are Muslim.( al-Bakri also describes Ghana's wealth and opulence that “_**the sons of the \ kings of his country wearing splendid garments and their hair plaited with gold**_.” and its military power that the king could “_**put 200,000 men in the field, more than 40,000 of them archers**_” in his battles against the kingdom of Takrur.( _**10-12th century ruins at Kumbi saleh of an elite house; and the great mosque**_. _**the earliest settlement at the city is dated to the 6th century AD, many of its houses were continuously rebuilt or built-over with more recent constructions until the 15th century when it was abandoned**_( _**10th-13th century ruins at Awdaghust. the city’s earliest settlement is dated to the 7th century but extensive construction begun in the late 10th century.**_ * * * **Interlude: The adoption of Islam in west Africa, and Ghana's relationship with the Almoravid empire, the kingdoms of Takrur and Gao.** The mid-11th century political landscape of west Africa was a contested space, initially the states of Ghana and Gao controlled the inland Niger delta region and Niger-bend region respectively, as well as the lucrative trade routes that extended north Africa to west Africa, but the rise of the Takrur kingdom along the Senegal river (in Ghana’s south-west) and the city of Tadmekka (north-west of Gao) as important merchant states undermined the economic base of Ghana and Gao, but within a century, Ghana remained the sole political power in the region after a dramatic period of inter-state warfare, the adoption of Islam, shifting alliances and the meteoric rise and collapse of the Moroccan Almoravid empire. _**west africa’s trade routes in the 17th century, most of these were already firmly established by the 11th centur**_**y** **The adoption of Islam in west Africa.** After centuries of trade and contacts between the west African states and the north African kingdoms, the west African rulers gradually adopted a syncretic form of Islam in their royal courts, the institution of this pluralist form of religion is explained by the historian Nehemiah Levtzion who observes that the religious role of west african kings necessitated that they cultivate and perform the cults of communal and dynastic guardian spirits as well as the cult of the supreme being, and for or the latter, they drew selectively from Islam. The religious life of the rulers was thus a product of the adaptation of a unified cosmology and ritual organization, and imams that directed the rituals for the chiefs were part of the court, like the priests of the other cults.( _**Gao kingdom and the city of Tadmekka:**_ The earliest mention of islam's adoption in west Africa was the king of Gao in the 10th century. In the tenth century, al-Muhallabi (d. 985) writing about the kingdom of Gao, mentioned that "_**their king pretends before them to be a Muslim and most of them (his subjects) pretend to be Muslims too**_" He added that the ruler's capital (ie: Gao-Ancient) was west of the Niger river and that a Muslim market town called Sarna (ie: Gao-Saney) stood on the east bank of the river. Writing in 1068 al-Bakri states that, rulership in the Gao kingdom was the preserve of locals who he classified as Muslim, that when a new ruler was installed, he was handed "_**a signet ring, a sword, and a copy of the Qur'an**_" and that the reigning king was a “Sudanese” called Qandā (Sudan was the arabic label for black west-africans, besides Gao, it was also used for the rulers of Ghana, Mali, Takrur, etc but not for Awdaghust). but he also noted that the ruler's meals were surrounded by non-Islamic taboos and that many of Gao's professed muslims continued to venerate traditional objects.( Gao flourished from the 8th to 10th century with a vibrant crafts industry in textiles, iron and copper smelting, and secondary glass manufacture, the city had massive dry-stone constructions including two palaces built by its songhai kings in the early 10th century at the site of “Gao-Ancient” but abandoned at the turn of the 11th century, when the region around it was settled by a new dynasty that was associated with the Ghana and Almorvaid empires.( Gao’s trade faced competition from Tadmekka, its north-western neighbor. Tadmekka (also called Essuk) was founded in the 9th century and its inhabitants were reported by Ibn Hawqal as a mixed population of Berbers and west africans who were engaged in the lucrative gold trade of striking unstamped gold coins that were sold throughout north Africa. According to al-Bakri, no other city in the world resembled Mecca it did, and its very name was a metaphor comparing the religious and commercial role this town played in the Sahel to Mecca's role in Arabia, the city also possesses the oldest internally dated piece of writing known to have been produced in West Africa. ( Excavations at Essuk reveal that the city was established in the 9th century and flourished as a cosmopolitan settlement of Berbers and west Africans into the 10th century when it developed a vibrant crafts industry in gold processing, and secondary glass manufacture, by the 11th century. Tadmekka was a wealthy, well constructed town of dry-stone and mudbrick buildings containing several large houses and mosques occupied by a diverse population. Tadmekka’s Muslim population which was originally of the ibadi sect, later came to include other sects, hence the commissioning of Arabic inscriptions on cliffs and tombstones from 1010AD to 1216AD. The city was continuous occupied in the 13th and 14th centuries although its trade disappears from external references.( Like Gao, the ruler of Tadmekka in the 11th century is described as Muslim. _**10th century palaces at gao-ancient which became the capital of these songhai kingdom of gao after moving north from Kukiya-Bentya. These are the oldest discovered royal palaces in west africa, the large quantity of glass beads, copper ingots, iron goods and iron slag, crucibles, spindle whorls and earthen lamps, all demonstrate the extent of craft industries and trade at Gao**_( _**Takrur kingdom, early Mali and the emergence of the Almoravid movement.**_ Al-Bakri also mentions the conversion of the king of Malal (an early Malinke polity that would later emerge as the empire of Mali) as well as the conversion of the Takrur ruler Wārjābī b. Rābīs (d. 1040) and the majority of his subjects who are all described as Muslims. while Takrur hadn't been mentioned in any of the earlier sources in the 10th century, it appears for the first time as a fully-fledged militant state that was fiercely challenging Ghana's hegemony from its south western flanks. al-Bakri writes that Wārjābī "_**introduced Islamic law among them”**_, and that "_**Today**_ (at the time of his writing in 1068) _**the inhabitants of Takrur practice Islam**_."( Takrur soon became a magnet for Islamic scholarship and a refugee for Muslim elites in the region, one of these was Abd Allāh ibn Yāsīn, a sanhaja Berber whose mother was from a village adjourning kumbi saleh,( he had joined with another Berber leader named Yaḥyā b. Ibrāhīm in a holy war that attempted to unite the various nomadic Berber tribes of the western sahara under one banner —the Almoravid movement, as well as to convert them to Islam. This movement begun in 1048, one of their earliest attacks was on the Ghana-controlled Berber city of Awdaghust in 1055 (which is covered below), but they soon met stiff resistance in the Adrar region of central mauritania and Yaḥyā was killed in 1056 and the entire movement quickly collapsed, forcing ibn Yāsīn to contemplate a retreat to Takrur: "_**when Abdallah ibn Yasin saw that the sanhaja turned away from him and followed their passions, he wanted to leave them for the land of those sudanese (takrur) who had already adopted islam**_".( Takrur's armies led by king Labi then joined the Almorvaids in 1056 to suppress rebellions and in the decades after and later contributed troops to aid the Almoravid conquest of morocco and Spain in the late 11th century. Takrur's alliance with the Almoravid movement influenced Arab perceptions of west African Muslims to the extent that until the 19th century, all Muslims from the so-called bilad al-sudan (land of the blacks) were called Takruri.( While al-Bakri made no mention of Ghana's king as Muslim (unlike all its west african peers) he nevertheless mentions the existence of a Muslim quarter in the merchant section of Kumbi saleh that most likely constituted local converts and itinerant traders from the Sahara and from north Africa. Around 1055, the combined army of Takrur and the Almoravids attacked the city of Awdaghust and sacked it as graphically described by al-Bakri; "_**Awdaghust is**_ _**a flourishing locality, and a large town containing markets, numerous palms and henna trees This town used to be the residence of the King of the Sudan.. it was inhabited by Zenata together with Arabs who were always at loggerheads with each other... The Almoravids violated its women and declared everything that they took there to be booty of the community…The Almoravids persecuted the people of Awdaghust only because they recognized the authority of the ruler of Ghana**_".( The interpretation of this account about the conquest of Awdaghust is a controversial topic among west Africanists, not only for the graphic description of the violent attack and destruction of Awdaghust (which was similar to other violent descriptions of Almoravid conquests in morocco written by al-Bakri, who dismissed the Almoravids as a band of people lost at the edge of the known world whom he claims practiced a debased form of islam, but also for the implication of Ghana's conquest based on the mention that Awdaghust had been the king's residence. The destruction of the city however isn't easily identifiable archeologically as the excavations show a rather gradual decline of the town that only starts in the late 12th century,( by which time its collaborated by external accounts such as al-Idrisi’s in 1154 who writes that Awadaghust is "_**a small town in the desert, with little water, its population is not numerous, and there is no large trade, the inhabitants own camels from which they derive their livelihood**_". Nevertheless, the Almoravid conquest of Awdaghust probably triggered its downward spiral.( But the claim that the Almoravids conquered Ghana on the other hand has since been discredited not only because of al-Idrisi’s 12th century description of Ghana at its height as a Muslim state but also its continued mention in later texts which reveal that it outlasted the short-lived Almoravid empire. * * * **The Almoravid episode in Ghana's history.** _**Map of the Almoravid empire (1054-1147) and Ghana empire in the late 11th century**_ While Ghana was clearly not a Muslim state in al-Bakri's day, despite containing Muslim quarters in its capital, it did become a Muslim state around the time the Almoravids emerged. al-Zhuri gives the date of Ghana’s conversion as 1076 when he writes that "_**They became Muslims in the time of the Lamtunah**_ (almoravids)_**, and their Islam is good, today they are Muslims, with ulama, and lawyers and reciters, and they excel in that. Some of them, chiefs among their great men, came to the country of Andalusia. They travelled to Mecca performing the pilgrimage**_"( Contemporary sources of the Almoravid era describe the circumstances by which Ghana adopted Islam which were unlikely to have involved military action or any direct dynastic change involving Almoravid nobles, because the rulers of Ghana continued to claim descent from a non-Muslim west African tribe( , the sources instead point to a sort of political alliance between Ghana and the Almoravids, the first of which was a letter from the king of Ghana addressed to the the “amir of Aghmat” named Yusuf ibn Tāshfin (who reigned as the Almoravid ruler from 1061-1106), the letter itself is dated to the late 1060s just before Yusuf founded his new capital Marakesh( . More evidence of a political alliance between Ghana and the Almoravids is provided by al-Zuhri who writes that Ghana asked for military assistance from the Almoravids to coquer the cities of Silla and Tadmekka with whom Ghana's armies had been at war for a period of 7 years, and that the "_**population of these towns became muslim**_"; this latter passage has been interpreted as a conversion from their original Islamic sect of Ibadism to the Malikism of the Almoravids (which was by then followed by Ghana as well), since both cities had been mentioned by al-Bakri as already Muslim several decades earlier.( Lastly, there's evidence of an Almoravid-influenced architecture and tradition of Arabic epigraphy in the Ghana capital of Kumbi saleh (and in the city of Awdaghust), first is the presence of 77 decorated schist plaques with koranic verses in Arabic as well as fragments of broken funerary stela, while these were made locally and for local patrons, they were nevertheless inspired by the Almoravids.( Secondly was the construction of an elaborately built tomb at Kumbi saleh between the mid 11th and mid 13th century where atleast three individuals of high rank (most likely sovereigns) were buried, this tomb had a square inner vault of dry-stone masonry measuring 5mx5m whose angles were hollowed out and contained four columns, its burial chamber, located 2 below, was accessible through an entrance and a flight of steps on the southwest side. While the design of this tomb has no immediate parallels in both west Africa and north Africa, a comparison can be made between al-Bakri's description of the tumuli burials of the Ghana kings, and the kubbas of the Almoravids, revealing that the “columns tomb” of Ghana combines both characteristics.( _**the 11th/12th century columns tomb at Kumbi saleh, the remains of three individuals buried in this tomb were dated to between 1048-1251AD**_( The dating of Ghana’s columns tomb to the 11th/12th century coincides with the dating of the slightly similar but less elaborately constructed kubba tomb at Gao-saney that was constructed in 1100, and is associated with the Za dynasty which took over the city after its original Songhai builders had retreated south.( The sudden appearance of epigraphy in 12th century Gao may also provide evidence for theories which posit an extension of Ghana's political and/or religious influence to Gao( Gao's epigraphy also confirms its connections with Andalusia (which in the 12th century was under Almoravid control). while the marble inscriptions from Gao-Saney were commissioned from Almeria (in Spain), their textual contents were composed locally and they commemorate three local rulers, they also commemorate a number of women given the Arabic title of malika ("queen"), not by virtue of being married or related to kings but serving in roles parallel to that of kings as co-rulers, a purely west-African tradition that parallels later descriptions of high ranking Muslim women in the empire of Mali and the kingdom of Nikki (in Benin), and conforms to the generally elevated status of west African Muslim women compared to their north African peers as described by Ibn Battuta in the 14th century.( _**12th century commemorative stela of the enigmatic Za dynasty of Gao-Saney, inscribed in ornamental Kufic, The first is of king while the second is of a queen**_ * * * **Ghana’s resurgence and golden age** Ghana underwent a resurgence in the 12th century, and many of the formally independent polities and cities of west Africa are mentioned as falling under its political orbit. One of these polities now under ghana’s control was Qarāfūn (later called Zāfūn) al-Zuhri writes that "_**their islam was corrected by the people of ghana and they converted… and that they depended on Ghana because it is their capital and the seat of their Kingdom**_"( Zāfūn had also been mentioned earlier by al-Bakri in 1068 as a non-Muslim state that followed the serpent/ancestor cult of Ghana( . next was the city of Tadmekka where al-Idrisī’s 1154 report noted that the khuṭba (or sermon usually delivered at Friday mosque and on other special occasions) was now delivered in the name of Ghana’s ruler, following the earlier mentioned attack on the city in the 1080s( . also included are the cities of Silā, Takrūr and Barīsā which now fell under the control of Ghana as al-idrisi writes that "_**All the lands we have described are subject to the ruler of Ghana, to whom the people pay their taxes, and he is their protector**_".( The king of Ghana, according to al-Idrisi, was a serious Muslim who owed allegiance to the Abbasid caliph but at the same time having the prayer said in his own name in Ghana, and that the capital of Ghana was the largest, the most densely populated, and the most commercial of all the cities of the Sudan, he then continues to describe the warfare of the people of Ghana, the wealth of the empire and the new palace of the king about which he said "_**his living quarters are decorated with various drawings and paintings, and provided with glass windows, this palace was built in 1117AD**_"( , This is collaborated by archeological surveys at Kumbi saleh where the first dispersed form of settlement between the 8th and 10th century gave way to a period of intensive construction and dense urbanization from the 11th century and continuing into the 12th century, with large, dry-stone and mudbrick houses and mosques as well as a centrally located grand mosque, until the 14th century when the city when the city was gradually abandoned, estimates of the population of Kumbi Saleh range from 15,000 to 20,000 inhabitants and make it one of the largest west African cities of the 12th century.( Many of the western Saharan oasis towns also flourished during the heyday of the Ghana empire, the majority of these cities were founded by speakers of Azer, a soninke language and were part of the confederation of soninke polities that were under Ghana’s control. The oldest among these oasis towns was Walata (Oualata) founded between the 6th century AD and originally named Biru, it became a regional market in the 13th century and competed against Awdaghust which was in decline at the time, it soon become a center of scholarship during the 13th century before its scholars moved to Timbuktu. The second oldest was Tıshit (Tichit) which was settled in the 8th century AD by the Masna (a soninke group that originally spoke Azer) not far from the neolithic ruins of _**dhar tichitt**_, it flourished in the 13th century and reached its apogee in the 15th century as a major exporter of salt. the last among the oasis cities was Wadan (ouadane) which was founded by Azer-speaking soninke groups in the late first millennium and became a veritable saharan metropolis by the late 12th century, the town's heyday was in the 16th century when it grew into a cosmopolitan city of 5,000 inhabitants that included a jewish quarter and a short-lived Portuguese outpost established in 1487, Wadan was only supplanted by its northern berber neighbor of shinqiti (chinguetti) in the 19th century. These three towns’ remarkable growth from the 12th/13th century onwards attests to the prosperity of the Ghana empire and its successor states during its "muslim era".( _**ruins of the old town section of Walata, Mauritania. Walata was the first city of the Mali empire when approaching from the desert according to Ibn Battuta**_ _**ruined sections of the medieval town of tichitt and the old mosque which likely dates to between the 15th and 17th century.**_ _**the ruins of Wadan in Mauritania. most of its constructions, including the mosque in the second picture are dated to between the 12th and 16th century during its golden age, it was the focus of several Moroccan incursions in the 18th century but was only abandoned in the 19th century**_ Later writers such as Abu Hamid al-Gharnati, (d. 1170) continued to mention the prosperity of Ghana, referring to its gold and salt trade and that the subjects of Ghana made pilgrimages to Mecca( . The power of the ruler of Ghana is reflected in the respect accorded to him by the Almoravids who were commercially dependent on the fomer’’s gold; one of Ghana's kinglets, the ruler of Zafun, travelled to the Almoravid capital Marakesh, his arrival was recoded by Yaqut in 1220 but was doubtlessly describing events in the early 12th century "_**The king of Zafun is stronger than the latter**_ (the Almoravids_**) and more versed in the art of kingship, the veiled people acknowledge his superiority over them, obey him and resort to him in all important matters of government. One year this king, on his way to the Pilgrimage, came to the Maghrib to pay a visit to the Commander of the Muslims, the Veiled King of the Maghrib, of the tribe of the Lamtuna (**_titles of the Almoravid rulers_**). The Commander of the Muslims met him on foot, whereas the King of Zafun did not dismount for him. A certain person who saw him in Marrakeh on the day he came there said that he was tall, of deep black complexion and veiled. He entered the palace of the Commander of the Muslims mounted, while the latter walked in front of him**_" some scholars have interpreted this as relating to the period of Almoravid decline when war with the emerging Almohad state increasingly undermined central authority at Marrakesh forcing the Almoravid rulers to seek support from their westAfrican ally; Ghana. Unfortunately for the Almoravids, the succession disputes that followed the death of their last great ruler Alî Ibn Yûsuf in 1143 eventually led to their empire's fall to the Almohads in 1147.( Ghana maintained uneasy relations with their new northern neighbor, the Almohads, on one hand there was evidence of movement of scholars throughout both territories; west Africa's earliest attested scholar Yaqub al-Kanemi was educated in Ghana and later travelled to Marakesh in 1197 where he was recognized as a grammarian and poet and taught literature in the city's schools after which he moved to Andalusia( , but there was also political tension between Ghana and the Almohads, a letter from the Governor of the Moroccan city of Sijilmasa (an important entreport through which Ghana's gold passed) addressed to the king of the Sūdān in Ghāna was reproduced by al-Sarakhsi in 1203, saying; "_**we are neighbours in benevolence even if we differ in religion**_", the governor then complained of the ill treatment of his merchants in Ghana( , while some scholars have interpreted the _**"differ in religion"**_ as Ghana having abandoned Islam, the written correspondence between Ghana and Sijilmasa which only started after the 1060s (as mentioned earlier) was conducted between Muslim rulers of equal might and could therefore only have been addressed to another Muslim, this is why other scholars interpret the complaint as part of the regional geopolitical contests in which Ghana’s ruler, by having the _**khuṭba**_ delivered in his own name while evincing nominal fealty to the Abbasid caliph in Baghdad, effectively rejected Almohad suzerainty, especially since the Almohads didn't recognize the Baghdad caliph's authority unlike their Almoravid predecessors .( Ghana may have continued expanding in the mid 13th century, when al-Darjini, writing in 1252, mentioned that the town (or capital) of Mali (ie Malal) was in the interior of Ghana, which reflected the suzerainty of Ghana over Mali, he also attributed the conversion of Mali's ruler from Ibadism to Maliki Islam by Ghana( , other writers such as Al-Qazwini (d.1283) continue to make mention of Ghana's wealth in gold and Ibn Said in 1286 who refers to Ghana's ruler as sultan (making this one of the earliest mentions of such a title on a west African ruler) and also mentions to him waging wars( . Despite some anachronistic descriptions, Ghana seemingly continues to exist throughout most of the 13th century at a time of great political upheavals that are mentioned in local traditions about its fall to the Soso and the subsequent rise of the Mali empire. The gradual decline of Ghana in the 13th century is a little understood process that involved the empire’s disintegration into several successor states previously ruled by kinglets subordinate to Ghana, these states however, retained the imperial tradition of Ghana and Islam and continued to claim the mantle of Ghana which may explain the contradiction between the continued external references to Ghana in 13th and the political realities of the era, one of these successor states was the kingdom of Mema whose king was titled Tunkara (a traditional label for the ruler of Ghana) and another was Diafunu which some suggest corresponds with Zafun. Most of these sucessor states were subsumed by the expansive state of Soso, a non-Muslim Soninke kingdom from Ghana's southern flanks which was ultimately defeated in 1235 by Sudiata Keita, (the founder of the Mali empire), after his brief sojourn at the capital of the kingdom of Mema from where he took the legitimacy of the direct descendant of Ghana.( By the time of Mansa Musa's pilgrimage to mecca in 1324, Ghana was a subordinate realm (together with Zafun and Takrur) within the greater empire of Mali as recorded by al-Umari (d. 1349) and latter confirmed by Ibn Khaldun in 1382.( Mansa Musa is said to have rejected the title “king of Takrur” used by his Egyptian guests on his arrival at Cairo, because Takrur was only one of his provinces, but Ghana retained a special position in the Mali administration, with al-Umari writing that "_**No one in the vast empire of this ruler \ is designated king except the ruler of Ghana, who, though a king himself, is like his deputy"**_( After this mention, Ghana and its successor states disappear from recorded history, its legacy preserved in Soninke legends of an ancient empire that was the first to dominate west Africa. * * * **conclusion: the place of Dhar Tichitt and Ghana in world history.** The rise of social complexity in ancient west Africa is a surprisingly overlooked topic in world history despite the recent studies of the ancient polity at Dhar Tichitt that reveal its astonishingly early foundation which is contemporaneous with many of the “cradles” of civilization, and its independent developments that include; a ranked society, cereal domestication, metallurgy and monumental architecture, proving that the advent of civilization in west Africa was independent of “north-African” influences that were popular in diffusionist theories. The continuity between the Tichitt neolithic and west African empires of Ghana and Mali, and latter’s unique form of administration which combined hierachial and heterachial systems of organization further demonstrates the distinctiveness of west African state building and how little of it is understood. As the athropologist George Murdock observed in 1959 "_**the spade of archaeology, has thus far lifted perhaps an ounce of earth on the Niger for every ton carefully sifted on the Nile**_", not much has changed in more the half a century that would situate Dhar Tichitt in its rightful place within world history; the cradle of west Africa’s civilizations remains hidden away in the barren escarpments of the Mauritanian desert. * * * _**if you liked this article and wish to support this blog, please donate to my paypal**_ ( * * * _**Read more about early west african and download books on my Patreon account**_ ( ( Encyclopedia of African History 3-Volume Set by Kevin Shillington pg 563 ( Sahel: Art and Empires on the Shores of the Sahara by Alisa LaGamma pg 49-55, reconceptualizing early ghana by SKntosh pg 369-371) ( The Tichitt tradition in the West African Sahel by K MacDonald pg 505) ( Background to the Ghana Empire by A. Holl pg 92-94) ( The Tichitt tradition in the West African Sahel by K MacDonald pg 507) ( Dhar Nema: from early agriculture to metallurgy in southeastern Mauritania by K MacDonald etal pg 44) ( Dhar Nema: from early agriculture to metallurgy in southeastern Mauritania by K MacDonald pg 42) ( Betwixt Tichitt and the IND by KC MacDonald pg 66-67) ( Dhar Tichitt, Walata and Nema: Neolithic cultural landscapes in the South-West of the Sahara by ( ( Before the Empire of Ghana by KC MacDonald ( Dhar Nema: from early agriculture to metallurgy in southeastern Mauritania by K MacDonald pg 44-45) ( Time, Space, and Image Making: Rock Art from the Dhar Tichitt (Mauritania) by Augustin F. C. Holl pg 115) ( Funerary monuments and horse paintings by William Challis pg 467-468) ( Funerary monuments and horse paintings pg 465-466 ( A Chronology of the Central Nigerian Nok Culture – 1500 BC to the Beginning of the Common Era by Gabriele Franke ( An Urewe burial in Rwanda by John Giblin ( The Archaeology of Africa: Food, Metals and Towns by Bassey Andah pg 261 ( The Tichitt tradition in the West African Sahel by K MacDonald pg 510-512) ( reconceptualizing early ghana by SK McIntosh pg 348-368) ( The Peoples of the Middle Niger by Roderick James McIntosh pg 254-260) ( Dhar Nema: from early agriculture to metallurgy in southeastern Mauritania by K MacDonald pg 31) ( Engaging with a Legacy: Nehemia Levtzion (1935-2003) by E. Ann McDougall pg 152 ( reconceptualizing early ghana by SK McIntosh pg 369-371) ( Ancient Ghana and Mali by Nehemia Levtzion pg 15) ( West African Early Towns by Augustin Holl pg 138-139) ( Ancient Ghana and Mali by Nehemia Levtzion pg 16-28) ( African Dominion: A New History of Empire in Early and Medieval West Africa by Michael A. Gomez pg 35-36) ( Bilan en 1977 des recherches archéologiques à Tegdaoust et Koumbi Saleh (Mauritanie) ( ( The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 65-66) ( Architecture, Islam, and Identity in West Africa by Michelle Apotsos pg 63) ( Discovery of the earliest royal palace in Gao and its implications for the history of West Africa by Shoichiro Takezawa and Mamadou Cisse, Excavations at Gao Saney: New Evidence for. Settlement Growth, Trade, and Interaction on the. Niger Bend in the First Millennium CE by M Cissé ( Sahel: Art and Empires on the Shores of the Sahara by Alisa LaGamma pg 119-220) ( Essouk - Tadmekka: An Early Islamic Trans-Saharan Market Town pg 262-265) ( Discovery of the earliest royal palace in Gao and its implications for the history of West Africa by ( ( A Geography of Jihad: Sokoto Jihadism and the Islamic Frontier in West Africa by Stephanie Zehnle pg 118) ( Ancient Ghana and Mali by Nehemia Levtzion pg 33) ( Ancient Ghana and Mali by Nehemia Levtzion pg 44) ( A Geography of Jihad: Sokoto Jihadism and the Islamic Frontier in West Africa by Stephanie Zehnle pg 119) ( the view from awdaghust by EA McDougall pg 8) ( Sahel: Art and Empires on the Shores of the Sahara By Alisa LaGamma pg 118 ( West African Early Towns by Augustin Holl pg 134-135) ( West African Early Towns by Augustin Holl pg 141-142) ( Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants pg 23) ( The Conquest that Never was: Ghana and the Almoravids, 1076 by D Conrad pg 25) ( The Conquest that Never was: Ghana and the Almoravids, 1076 by D Conrad pg 30) ( The Conquest that Never was: Ghana and the Almoravids, 1076 by D Conrad pg 26-27) ( Islam, Archaeology and History: Gao Region (Mali) Ca. AD 900-1250 by Timothy Insoll pg 70, almoravid inspiration see “Landscapes, Sources and Intellectual Projects of the West African Past” pg 194 ( First Dating of Columns Tomb of Kumbi Saleh pg 73 ( First Dating of the Columns Tomb of Kumbi Saleh (Mauritania) ( ( Excavations at Gao Saney: New Evidence for. Settlement Growth, Trade, and Interaction on the. Niger Bend in the First Millennium CE by M Cissé pg 13) ( Ancient Kingdoms of West Africa pg 500-519) ( Sahel: Art and Empires on the Shores of the Sahara By Alisa LaGamma pg 120-122), ( The Conquest that Never was: Ghana and the Almoravids, 1076 by D Conrad pg 27) ( The Golden Rhinoceros: Histories of the African Middle Ages by François-Xavier Fauvelle pg 78) ( African Dominion: A New History of Empire in Early and Medieval West Africa by Michael A. Gomez pg 27) ( Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants pg 35 ( Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants pg 32) ( West African Early Towns by Augustin Holl pg pg 12-13) ( "_Saharan Markets Old and New, Trans-Saharan Trade in the Longue Duree_" pg 81-87of ‘On Trans-Saharan Trails’ by Ghislaine Lydon ( The Conquest that Never was: Ghana and the Almoravids, 1076 by D Conrad pg 28-29) ( African Dominion: A New History of Empire in Early and Medieval West Africa by Michael A. Gomez pg 77) ( Arabic Literature of Africa: The writings of central Sudanic Africa by John O. Hunwick pg 18) ( The Conquest that Never was: Ghana and the Almoravids, 1076 by D Conrad pg 30) ( African Dominion: A New History of Empire in Early and Medieval West Africa by Michael A. Gomez pg 40) ( The Conquest that Never was: Ghana and the Almoravids, 1076 by D Conrad pg 33) ( The Conquest that Never was: Ghana and the Almoravids, 1076 by D Conrad pg 33-34) ( The peoples of the niger by Roderick James McIntosh pg 262) ( The Conquest that Never was: Ghana and the Almoravids, 1076 by D Conrad pg 42) ( From c. 500 B.C. to A.D. 1050 by J. D. Fage, Roland Anthony Oliver pg 379)

## State Building in Ancient West Africa: The Tichitt Neolithic Civilization to the Empire of Ghana (2200 BC - 1250 AD) ### Overview - The Tichitt Neolithic civilization and the Empire of Ghana are crucial elements in understanding West African history. - The Tichitt civilization (2200-1900 BC) emerged during a period concurrent with ancient civilizations like Old Kingdom Egypt and Early Dynastic Mesopotamia. - These developments challenge earlier diffusionist theories proposing that West African civilizations were primarily founded by Semitic immigrants from the Near East. ### Tichitt Neolithic Civilization (2200-1000 BC) 1. **Location and Settlement**: - Centered in southeastern Mauritania, the Tichitt tradition encompassed the Dhar Tichitt and extended into other regions. - Permanent settlement by agro-pastoral communities occurred after 2200-1900 BC, following earlier semi-permanent settlements starting around 2600 BC. 2. **Society and Economy**: - The Tichitt community was composed of proto-Soninke speakers, engaged in farming, raising livestock, and iron smelting. - Key agricultural practices included domestication of pearl millet, dating back to the early Tichitt phase (2200-1600 BC). 3. **Urban Development**: - The classic Tichitt phase (1600-1000 BC) saw the development of complex societies with structured settlement hierarchies. - Significant sites included Dakhlet el Atrouss, housing around 10,000 inhabitants and featuring dry-stone constructions and monumental burial sites. 4. **Cultural Significance**: - Tichitt was a center of ideological importance, evident through the substantial number of monumental tombs. - Ironworking emerged by 1000-400/200 BC, reinforcing its significance as a historical and cultural frontier in West Africa. 5. **Decline**: - The gradual abandonment of Tichitt settlements occurred post-300 BC, likely due to climatic changes and migration of proto-Berber groups. - Theories about violent encounters between indigenous people and incoming proto-Berber groups exist, but recent studies suggest cultural syncretism rather than outright conflict. ### Emergence of the Ghana Empire (300 AD - 1250 AD) 1. **Formation**: - The Ghana Empire emerged around 300 AD as a successor to the Tichitt tradition, establishing a political and economic influence across West Africa. - This period saw the re-establishment of trade networks during the wet period from 300-1000 CE, notably after the introduction of camels. 2. **Political Structure**: - Ghana was a confederation of semi-autonomous polities, with tribute paid to a central authority. - The king, Dinga, is considered a pivotal figure in the establishment of the empire, with oral traditions linking him to various significant sites. 3. **Economic Outlook**: - Ghana's economy prospered through control of trade networks, particularly gold, salt, and other goods, extending connections to places like the Aghlabid dynasty. - External sources began referencing Ghana in the 8th century, highlighting its growing power. 4. **Cultural and Military Aspects**: - By the 10th and 11th centuries, Ghana was noted for its wealth and military might, with detailed accounts from scholars like al-Bakri describing its ruler, Tunka-Manin, as highly influential. ### Adoption of Islam and Political Dynamics (11th Century) 1. **Islamic Influence**: - The gradual adoption of a syncretic form of Islam occurred among West African rulers, reflecting long-standing trade and cultural interactions with North Africa. - The king of Gao was among the first to adopt Islam, which later influenced neighboring regions. 2. **Almoravid Empire Interactions**: - Conflicts and alliances emerged with the Almoravid Empire, which began in the mid-11th century. - The Almoravid movement aimed to unify tribes under Islam, resulting in initial military campaigns against Ghana and its allies. 3. **Capital and Architectural Developments**: - Kumbi Saleh, Ghana's capital, became a significant urban center characterized by distinct religious and cultural practices, including the presence of a Muslim quarter. ### Resurgence and Decline (12th-13th Centuries) 1. **Golden Age**: - The 12th century marked a resurgence for Ghana, with the consolidation of power over various neighboring polities. - Ghana’s political structure and influence flourished, as evidenced by external accounts highlighting its wealth and military strength. 2. **Imperial Legacy**: - Ghana's power began to wane in the 13th century, leading to the emergence of successor states that continued to uphold its Islamic traditions. - The final stages involved conflicts with the Soso kingdom, leading to the rise of the Mali Empire under Sundiata Keita. 3. **Historical Significance**: - Ghana's legacy persisted in oral traditions, and continued references to its rulers in the context of the expanding Mali Empire provide insight into the region's historical landscape. ### Conclusion - The Tichitt Neolithic civilization and the Ghana Empire exemplify early complex societies in West Africa that developed independently from external influences. - The historical narrative surrounding these entities underscores the cultural, economic, and political dynamics that contributed to the larger trajectory of West African civilization, affirming their significance in global history.

Global encounters and a century of political transformation in a medieval African empire: the emergence of Gondarine Ethiopia 1529-1636

the African experience of early-modern globalization

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Global encounters and a century of political transformation in a medieval African empire: the emergence of Gondarine Ethiopia 1529-1636 ======================================================================================================================================= ### the African experience of early-modern globalization ( Mar 20, 2022 6 The connection of the Indian ocean world to the Atlantic world in the 16th century was the arguably the most defining moment in human history, initiating an unprecedented explosion of cross-cultural exchanges of ideas, techniques and people, and stimulating states to think in global terms and to formulate political ideologies and practical strategies on the vast world stage. The ancient states of Ethiopia (the Aksumite kingdom 100-700, the Zagwe kingdom 1100-1270 and the Solomonic empire 1270-1632-1974) had for long participated in the currents of Afro-Eurasian trade and politics, with Aksumite fleets sailing in the western Indian ocean, Zagwe pilgrims trekking to the holy lands and Solomonic ambassadors travelling to distant European capitals. But in a decisive break form the past, the arrival of foreign armies, priests and new weapons in the horn of Africa presented a cocktail of unique challenges to the then beleaguered empire which directly resulted in a radical metamorphosis of its intuitions, religion and military systems that enabled the emergence of a much stronger Gondarine state whose structures provided the foundation of Ethiopia's political autonomy. The experience of early-modern globalization presented challenges and opportunities for the Solomonic state, but also provided it with flexible spaces for institutional growth and cultural accommodation, enabling it to defeat its old foe —the Adal kingdom, strengthen the Ethiopian orthodox church's theology and re-orient its foreign political and trade alliances. This article explores the global and regional context in which the transformation of the medieval Solomonic empire into Gondarine era occurred, tracing events from the near annihilation of the Solomonic state in 1529 to the expulsion of the Jesuits and founding of a new capital at Gondar in 1636. _**Map of the Solomonic empire in the early 16th century including its main provinces and neighbors**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The Solomonic global entanglement; from the Adal-Ethiopia war to the arrival of the Portuguese.** The Adal conquest of Ethiopia came after the Solomonic empire had been through nearly half a century of terminal decline, caused by succession disputes and other internal power struggles that undermined the centralizing institutions of the monarchy. Between 1478 and 1494, the empire was ruled by regents on behalf of child-kings, and despite the crowing of a stronger ruler; the emperor Na'od in 1494, the centrifugal forces that had been set loose by his predecessors continued to weaken the empire; his battle with the now resurgent Adal kingdom ended in disaster, and his attempts to strengthen weak frontier territories (especially the Muslim-majority south-east), ultimately claimed his life in 1508 at the hands of the Adal armies.( His successor Lǝbnä Dǝngǝl fared a little better, inflicting disastrous defeats on the Adal armies and forcing them to shift their capital from Darkar to the old city of Harar in 1519, Lǝbnä's military campaigns, which targeted the permanent settlements, enhanced the influence of the only partially governed nomadic groups on the frontier regions and drove both mercantile and agricultural communities into the arms of the Adal kingdom which itself was undergoing a transformation with the emergence of the war party. The latter, guided by a series of charismatic leaders, defined their goals in Islamic terms, they side-stepped the older aristocratic establishment, and declared holy war against Christian Ethiopia, the strongest of these was Ahmad Ibn Ibrahim (Gran) who ascended to the Adal throne in 1525 and moved his capital to Zeila.( Only a year later, Gran's armies were skirmishing in Ethiopia's eastern provinces and in 1527, he launched a major campaign into the Solomonic provinces of Dawaro and Ifat, and in 1529, he struck in the Ethiopian heartland with his entire army which possessed several artillery and a few cannons, eventually meeting the vast army of Lǝbnä Dǝngǝl at Shembra koure where he inflicted a devastating defeat on ethiopian army that sent the king to flight, Gran's armies grew as many disgruntled Ethiopian groups joined its ranks and by 1531 he was pacifying most of the Solomonic state’s territories and bringing them firmly under his rule, completing the conquest of most of Ethiopia by 1533 when he subsumed the regions around Lake Tana.( The devastation wrought by Gran's armies forever altered the psyche of the Solomonic state, the destruction of its literary works and its architectural and cultural heritage, and the horrors that the population experienced was recorded by many contemporary chroniclers : "_**nothing could be saved, from men to beasts: everything came under Gragn's rule. They carried off from the churches everything of value, and then they set fire to them and razed the walls to the ground. They slew every adult Christian they found, and carried off the youths and the maidens and sold them as slaves. The remnant of the Christian population were terrified at the ruin which was overtaking their country, nine men out of ten renounced the Christian religion and accepted Islam. A mighty famine came on the country. Lebna Dengel and his family were driven from their house and city, and for some years they wandered about the country, hopeless, and suffered hunger and thirst and hardships of every kind. Under these privations he was smitten with grievous sickness and died, and Claudius \( \ Soon after his ascension in exile, Gälawdewos re-established contacts with the Portuguese who coincidentally were wrestling control of the maritime trade in the western half of the Indian ocean from the Ottomans by attacking the latter's positions in the red sea. In the early 16th century Portuguese and Ottoman expansions had been on an inevitable collision course. The Ottomans had advanced into the Indian Ocean world after defeating Mamluk Egypt in 1517 and claiming hegemony in the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf in the same decade. A few years earlier, the Portuguese had found their way into the Indian Ocean, sacking the Swahili cities and western Indian cities between 1500-1520s as they advanced northward, and in their attempts to monopolize the lucrative the Indian ocean trade out of Arab, Indian, Swahili and now Ottoman hands, the Portuguese blockaded access to the Gulf and the Red Sea while diverting traffic to the their colonial enclaves.\ \ Following some skirmishes, war between the two empires began in earnest in 1538, when the Ottoman lay siege to Diu and quickly spread throughout the western Indian Ocean basin, involving a variety of client states, one of these was Yemen and this is when Gran took the opportunity to formalize relations between his now vast empire and the Ottomans.( In 1541, a vast Portuguese fleet arrived in the red sea hoping to strike at the heart of the Ottoman naval enterprise in Suez, the battle ended in an Ottoman victory but fortunately for the Ethiopians, it had brought enough soldiers for Gälawdewos who had spent a year skirmishing with Gran's forces, turning what was until then a regional conflict, into a global conflict.\ \ The first skirmishes between this Portuguese army of 400 arquebusiers ended with an initial defeat of Gran's forces, but this prompted Gran to seek more concrete Ottoman support in exchange for turning his empire into an client state as these small defeats had led to desertion in his army, its then that a large arsenal of artillery was given to Gran including 800-900 arquebusiers and 10 cannons( , and in 1542, Gran's forces crushed the Portuguese army and executed its commander Cristóvão da Gama, leaving less than 50 men of the original force who then retreated further inland, but disputes broke out between his Ottoman contingent and it was dismissed leaving only a few dozen behind.\ \ In 1542, Galawdewos met up with the remnants of the Portuguese force and scored a few small but significant victories against Gran's armies, and On 22 February 1543 at Dembiya, Gran's army suffered an astounding defeat where he was killed, and Galawdewos ordered that "_**the head of the late King of Zeila should be set on a spear, and carried round and shown in all his country, in order that the people might know that he was indeed dead**_." the Adal army quickly disbanded and despite attempts to regroup, bereft of both the Gran's leadership and Ottoman support, they quickly retreated to their homeland. Gälawdewos spent the rest of his rule pacifying the empire and restoring the old administrative structures especially in the south-east which had been the weak link that Gran exploited, and by the mid 1550s, the Solomonic empire was united within its old borders.( \ \ \ _**Ruins of the church of Däy Giyorgis built in 1430s, With walls of finely cut dressed stones adorned with an elaborate frieze in a rope pattern. Similar 15th century ruins are dispersed over a large area across the empire and were part of a "distinct Solomonic tradition of building prestigious royal foundations in richly ornamented dressed stone" confirming the contemporary accounts of their elegance before their destruction**_( \ \ \ _**Letter of recommendation written in 1544 by Emperor Gelawdewos to King John III of Portugal on behalf Miguel de Castanhoso, a Portuguese soldier who fought in the Ethiopia-Adal war and wrote one of the most detailed accounts on it**_( \ * * *\ \ \ \ * * *\ \ **Transforming the Solomonic military system: Guns or Institutions?**\ \ The presumed superiority of guns in military technology, their effects in transforming pre-modern African warfare and their centrality in Africa’s foreign diplomacy is a subject of heated debate among Africanists. Its instructive however to note that guns, especially the matchlock, arquebuses and muskets that were used in 16th- 18th century warfare, were much less decisive in battle as its often assumed (especially after the initial shock wore off), they also didn't offer an overwhelming advantage in war (as both European colonist armies in the 16th century and Atlantic African states came to discover when both were defeated by inland states armed with traditional weapons). But they did offer a slight advantage relative to the weapons that were available at the time and units of soldiers with fire-arms were incorporated in many African armies during the 16th century onwards.\ \ Initially, these soldiers came from the “gun-powder empires” such as the Ottomans and the Portuguese who were active in the army of King Alfonso (d. 1543) of Kongo, in the army of Oba Esige (d. 1550) of Benin, in the army of Gälawdewos (d. 1559) of Ethiopia, and in the army of Mai Idris Alooma (d. 1602) of Kanem-Bornu, in time, African soldiers across most parts of Atlantic Africa and the Horn of Africa were soon trained in their use especially in regions where guns could be easily purchased, soon becoming the primary weapon of their armies.( \ The Solomonic empire had for over a century prior to Gran's invasion been in contact with parts of western Europe, while scholars had for long claimed that the intention behind these embassies was to acquire European technology and military alliances, this "technological gap" theory has recently been challenged as a more comprehensive reading of the literature shows little evidence of guns or it especially not in the early 15th century when the Solomonic empire was at its height and required little military assistance, but instead points to a more symbolic and ecclesiastical need to acquire foreign artisans (eg builders, carpenters, stonemasons, goldsmiths, painters) as well as religious relics from sacred places, all of which was central to Solomonic concepts of kingship and royal legitimacy.( \ \ \ _**bas-relief showing the arrival of the Ethiopian and (Coptic) Egyptian delegations in Rome in October 1441, ("Porta del Filarete" at the St. Peter's Basilica, Italy c.1445)**_( \ Nevertheless, Solomonic monarchs soon recognized the advantage fire-arms would offer in warfare however slight it was, the earliest definitive diplomatic request for arms was in 1521 from emperor Lǝbnä Dǝngǝl who was interested in their use by both the Portuguese and Ottomans and acquired a few of them from the former, but these weren’t used in his military at the time( and there is also a much earlier mention of firearms during the reign of Yeshaq I (r. 1414-1429) who is said to have employed a former Mamluk Egyptian governor to train his troops( (although this comes from an external source).\ \ However, it wasn't until after the campaigns against Ahmad Grañ were over, that the Solomonic rulers permanently incorporated the use of fire-arms into their armies. The first firearms corps comprised of Portuguese soldiers in the service of Gälawdewos (r. 1540-1559), most of whom were the remnants of the 1541 group, he is reported to have “_**ordered the Portuguese to protect him and follow him wherever he went to with two squadrons**_.” and by 1555, he is said to have had 93 Portuguese soldiers at his court.( This fire-arms army unit was maintained by his successors but the use of fire-arms didn't greatly transform the Solomonic army nor alter the balance of military power away from the center until the the late-18th century when provincial nobles started amassing significant arsenals.( \ The real transformation occurred in the centralization of the army, which shifted away from the reliance on feudal levies to a standing army under the King’s command, this process had been started by Zä-Dəngəl (r. 1603-1604) but it was Susənyos (r.1606-1632) who developed it fully, first with corps of bodyguard battalions that incorporated both Portuguese and Turkish musketeers, a largely Muslim cavalry from his battles in the south-east, and an infantry that now included soldiers from several groups he had been fighting on the frontier such as the Oromo, the royal army thus rose from 25,000 men to around 40,000 in the 1620s( and most of it was maintained by his successors.\ \ \ \ _**Detail of an early 18th century ethiopian miniature from the Gondarine era showing a soldier loading his gun through the muzzle**_( \ * * *\ \ **Transforming the society; the Oromo expansion and establishing a symbiotic equilibrium on the Solomonic frontier.**\ \ The Oromo were autochthonous to most regions of what is now central and south eastern Ethiopia, and they were until the 16th century mostly on the fringes of the Solomonic heartlands (in north-central Ethiopia). Internal political process within several independent Oromo polities had transformed their political and social structures, as the growth of long distance trade and the centralization of power under increasingly patrimonial rulers resulted in changes in Oromo concepts of land tenure and military ethos, leading to a period of expansion and migration across eastern Africa that brought them in contact and direct conflict with the Solomonic empire.( \ Some of the most notable among the disparate Oromo groups from this period of expansion were; the _**Yajju**_ who are mentioned by the time of Amhad Gran in the early 16th century and became prominent elites in the Ethiopian royal court over the century; the _**Mammadoch**_ who expanded into the north-central Ethiopia in the 16th century, carving out the province of _Wallo_ and playing an integral role in Solomonic politics of the later periods by forming strategic alliances and marriages; the _**Barentuma**_ who expanded to the province of _Gojjam_ and extended their reach north into _Tigre_, as well as the _**Mäch’a**_ and the _**Tulama (Borana)**_ who expanded into the provinces of _Shäwa_ and _Damot_.( \ Initially, the Solomonic armies won their first skirmishes in their battles against these various Oromo armies in 1572 and 1577, but their victories were reversed by 1579 following several Oromo victories and by the 1580s they constituted the only major military threat to the empire. Särsä Dəngəl thus begun employing contingents of some of them into his army by 1590, and many of the provincial rulers begun integrating Oromo elites into their administration --just as many of the Oromo polities were integrating former subjects of the Solomonic state including some of the nobility with the most notable example being the future emperor Susənyos who was their captive in his youth and fought alongside them in many of their battles( .\ \ After several decades of warfare between the Solomonic and Oromo armies, an equilibrium was established as the integrated groups in either states became important middlemen in the trade between the Solomonic state and the Oromo kingdoms in its south-west, these later evolved into lucrative trade routes that extended upto the Funj kingdom (in Sudan) and became important to later Gondarine economy and its prosperity.( \ The Oromo courtiers at the Gondarine court became very influential in the 18th century, marrying into the nobility and become the most powerful group in mid-18th century Gondarine politics, the Oromo cavalrymen also constituted an important unit of the Gondarine military.( \ \ \ _**Ruins of a 19th century palace in Jiren, capital of the Oromo kingdom of jimma, founded In the late 18th century, it interacted with the Gondarine state and its successors**_( \ * * *\ \ **Transforming the church: the Jesuit episode in Ethiopian history (1555-1634), rebellions and the reaffirmation of the Ethiopian orthodox church.**\ \ Shortly after Gran's defeat, Gälawdewos tried to restore the now ruined Orthodox church institutions, importing two abuns (head of the Ethiopian church) who were needed to ordain the thousands of priests needed to replace those killed during the invasion. He also strengthened the philosophical foundations of the Ethiopian church, clarifying its basic tenets and defending it in several of his own treatises that were written in response to accusations of Ethiopian orthodox “heresy” by the Portuguese missionary order of the Jesuits which had arrived in the country shortly after the defeat of Gran.( \ The Jesuit's arrival came at a critical time when many Solomonic subjects, especially those who hadn’t fully adopted Christianity and had been forcefully converted to Islam by Gran, were only then returning to their old faith. The orthodox church therefore faced an existential challenge in this new theater of religious competition and the Jesuits’ aggressive proselytization worsened its already precarious position.\ \ The leader of the Jesuits was Joao Bermudez and he claimed the late king Lǝbnä Dǝngǝl had promised to convert to Catholicism in a letter which the latter sent to Pope Clement VII in 1533, Bermudez thus openly challenged the royal court and the established orthodox clergy to convert to Catholicism. In truth however, Lǝbnä Dǝngǝl's letter was only an expression of interest for a closer association, but Bermudez, a barber with no theological training, had appointed himself as “catholic abun” of what he considered the new Ethiopia church during one of the embassies that Dǝngǝl sent to Portugal and Rome in 1535.( \ Within a few years, his aggressive proselytization, disrespect for Ethiopian traditions, orthodox customs and imperial authorities was sparking rebellions in parts of the country, and after tolerating his insolence for as long as he could, Gälawdewos was forced to exile Bermudez. But the damage to Solomonic-Portuguese relations had been done and the incongruity between either states' understanding of their relationship only widened.( \ The Jesuit mission had been doomed from the start, even Goncalo Rodrigues, one among the first priests, wrote in 1555 that "_**the notables of the empire would prefer to be subjects to Muslim rule rather than replace their customs with ours**_." nevertheless, after several initial setbacks in which the Jesuits took sides in the war between king Mēnās (r. 1559-1563) and the rebel Yéshaq, they later gradually influenced their way through the upper strata of the Solomonic system, continuing through Särsä Dəngəl’s rule (r. 1565-1597) but eventually lost their influence and the mission nearly ended in 1597.\ \ This was until the priest Pedro Perez took the office in 1603 and proved rather successful in converting some of the Ethiopian elites and re-establishing a Jesuit influence in the Solomonic court by presenting himself as a _**“purveyor of technological progress”**_ and limiting the conversion efforts to the emperor and his immediate family, he weathered the succession disputes and endeared himself to the newly crowned Susənyos (r. 1606-1632) whom he impressed with the workings of Iberian absolutism and showed him how Catholicism would further centralize his rule, leading Susənyos and his brother Sela Christos to convert to Catholicism by 1621.( \ \ \ _**portrait of Pedro Perez**_\ \ \ \ _**“fortress” walls of Fǝremona, the 17th century Jesuit residence (in Tigre). Jesuit residences in Ethiopia were often constructed to resemble fortresses without serving any real defensive purposes.**_( \ Both Susənyos and Christos then proceeded to violently repress all Ethiopian traditions and state institutions opposed to the new religion, issuing edicts that made Catholicism the state religion and greatly undermining the ethiopian orthodox church. "_**the Catholic presence in Ethiopia, far from being a simple matter of converting elites and commoners, entailed establishing a Catholic space that was increasingly expanded at the expense of Ethiopian Christianity**_".\ \ The Catholic inquisitions of the 1620s destroyed countless books, led to the arrest of defiant Ethiopian clergy and purged the administration of orthodox sympathizers. The Jesuit penchant for building their residences as fortresses such as at Fǝremona which were often well guarded with garrisoned soldiers, was viewed with great suspicion by the Solomonic elites and subjects as first step to colonization —as one priest wrote _**“the missionary residences were seen as true fortresses rather than as praying centers”**_( \ The Solomonic nobility including Susənyos’s immediate family (especially his kinswomen were split between cooperating with the new emperor's religion or rebelling against it, and many chose the latter option. In 1620 a large rebellion led by Yonael broke out that included many clergymen and monks but it was brutally suppressed by Susənyos’s army with the help of Christos. In 1622, the Ichege (the second most powerful figure in the Ethiopian church) reprimanded Susənyos publicly, and in 1623, a general rebellion led by Wolde Gabriel that was later suppressed. In 1628 another large rebellion led by Tekla Girogis was put down, and finally the largest rebellion broke out in 1629 led by Malkea Christos.\ \ The rebellion of Malkea lasted upto 1632, it defeated the royal army in several battles and conquered many provinces, promoting Susənyos to take command of his army and ultimately defeat the rebellion but incurring a great cost with tens of thousands of killed in the battle. Disillusioned by the failure to centralize his empire, and the failure to establish a new religion, Susənyos revoked all edicts of forceful conversion to Catholicism and abdicated in favor of his anti-Jesuit son Fasilädäs.( \ \ \ _**Susənyos's palace at Dänqäz commissioned by the emperor in 1625 and completed in 1631, construction was directed by an Ethiopian architect, Gäbrä Krǝstos, with the help of a Banyan stonecutter ‘Abdalkarīm and an Egyptian carpenter Sadaqa Nesrani, it served as the model for the later gondarine castle-palaces, Some of the palace’s mansons had worked on nearby Jesuit constructions at Faremona but the overall fashion of the palace departed from their styles and was largely of Mughal influence**_( \ * * *\ \ **Transforming the empire; the Jesuit expulsion and the start of a new, Gondarine era.**\ \ In 1634, Fasilädäs ordered all the Jesuit missionaries to leave the country, following this decision, a large group of Jesuit priests accompanied by a few hundred Ethio-Portuguese Catholics, went into exile to India( Sela Christos was imprisoned and later killed and the Ottoman governor of the Red sea port of Massawa were instructed by Fasilädäs to kill any Jesuit that arrived in their city; a policy which for a time extended to almost any western ("non-orthodox") European as some unfortunate capuchin priests came to find out.\ \ Following Fasilädäs’s restoration of Ethiopian orthodox church faith in the early 1630s, a handful of defiant Jesuits continued to operate on the highlands and found refuge in Tigre while their brothers left the region entirely. One by one, the remaining Jesuits were either executed by the authorities or killed by angry crowds, while Catholic books—in an ironic turn of events to the Catholic inquisition—were burned. Deprived of its clergy, the Luso-Ethiopia’s Catholic community slowly died out as Fasilädäs’s successors continued this anti-Catholic policy, and in 1669 two of the five missionaries who had succeeded in reaching Ethiopia were identified and faced death by crucifixion and in the same year, the remaining Luso-Ethiopian Catholics faced the choice of either leaving for the Funj kingdom capital Sinnar (in Sudan) or embracing orthodox Christianity( .\ \ The long list of missionary failures turned the entire region into the ultimate destination for martyrdom-seeking missionaries in the 17th and 18th centuries, it also convinced European commentators that the country and its rulers were content in their “xenophobic” isolation leading to the now infamous quip about by the English historian Edward Gibbons: “_**encompassed on all sides by the enemies of their religion, the Aethiopians slept near a thousand years, forgetful of the world by whom they were forgotten**_.” In truth however, the empire was now actively courting the supposed “enemies of its religion” with the sole exception of the Iberian and Italian Catholics. Fasilädäs was implementing a cautious anti-Catholic policy while exploring strategic economic and political alliances with the Muslim world (such as the Ottomans, the imamate of Yemen, the Mughal empire and the Funj kingdom) as well as the Dutch protestants.\ \ The Ottomans in particular were interested in developing new relations with what had previously been their primary antagonist in the red sea region. Fasilädäs initiated relations with Yemen in 1642, with the Ottoman caliphs in 1660 and the Mughal empire in 1664, as well as across the Indian ocean world through his ambassador Murād who travelled to the cities of Delhi, Batavia, Malacca, Surat, Goa, and Ceylon almost always on official capacity( . And rather than a “xenophobic isolation”, Fasilädäs established the city of Gondar in 1632, turning into one of the biggest African capitals of the era with a population of nearly 80,000, it housed diverse communities of Ethiopians (Christians, Muslims, Jews, traditionalists) as well as Indians, Greeks, Armenians and Arabs.\ \ \ \ _**the first two miniatures are from a**_ _**late 17th century Ethiopian manuscript with the earliest illustrations of a gondarine castle, most likely Fasilädäs’s “fasil ghebbi”**_( _**The third miniature is from an early 18th century manuscript depicting the construction of a gondarine-type castle**_.( _**(the turbans on the masons heads are an interesting detail)**_\ \ In a decisive break from the mobile camp of his predecessors, Fasilädäs established a permanent capital at Gondär in 1636 which was located at the crossroads of the most important caravan routes linking the Ethiopian-Sudanese borderlands with the Red sea ports, he then started the construction of his fortified royal quarters (the Fasil ghebbi).\ \ Over the following decades, Gondär turned into a thriving city and witnessed the largest scale of construction in the region since the famous rock-hewn churches of Lalibäla in the 12th century. The cosmopolitan capital reflected the new Gondarine state’s character with its melting pot of communities, including the Ğäbärti Muslims who brokered trade between the state and the Red Sea ports, the Betä Ǝsraᵓls who provided most of the city’s artisanal services, along with growing communities of Indians masons, Armenian and Greek merchants and craftsmen, and the Oromo soldiers and nobility who where incorporated in all levels of the state’s social order.( \ Fasilädäs retained a number of institutions and influences from Susənyos' era including the Ethio-Portuguese fire-arms corps who remained serving in his army while his own troops continued adopting firearms, and they wouldn't be expelled until the reign of his successor Yohannis I (1667-1682)( . Fasilädäs also retained and employed the indian masons that had been used by the Jesuits to build a number of structures in Susənyos' era, these masons were primarily influenced by the Mughal empire’s Indo-Islamic architecture especially the so-called “palace gardens” built by Akbar and Jahangir . The Indian stonecutter Abdalkarīm who was directed by the Ethiopian architect Gäbrä Krǝstos to build Susənyos' palace at Danqaz, was retained to build Fasilädäs's castle in 1638-48 where he worked with several Ethiopian architects (they also built the Guzara castle and several bridges). Despite these foreign influences, the Gondarine palaces retained the spatial layout of the mobile Solomonic royal camp with its concentric structure.( \ The adoption of these new architectural styles was part of a reformulation of concepts of power and kingship made by Fasilädäs, "_**unlike his forbears, the king no longer defined his attributes by waging war and expressing his religious devotion alone, but also by indulging in aesthetic, “elevated” experiences”;**_ along with the hybridized art styles and textile fashions that characterized the Gondarine era, this new architecture underscored the ruler’s sense of refinement.( Over the reigns of his successors, there was a marked increase in construction works of Gondarine style including several castles, churches and libraries some of which were reconstructions of older churches ruined during Gran’s invasion; the new architecture of power, had become firmly established and would last through the entire Gondarine era; a nearly two century long period of artistic and cultural renaissance in Ethiopia.\ \ \ \ \ \ _**Fasilädäs’ castle inside the royal palace complex at Gondar**_\ \ \ \ _**The Guzara castle and bridge located a few kilometers north of Gondär, is often misattributed to Śärṣ́ä Dǝngǝl in 1586, but was built by Fasilädäs and is a virtual copy of his palace at palace Gondär, albeit smaller.**_( \ In 1743, empress Mentewwab completed the construction of what came to be the last of the Gondarine monuments, with richly decorated interior, its clergy clad in the finest clothes and its library crammed with manuscripts it represented the glory of the monarchy,( a glory that would unravel in the decades following her demise, when the great city was sacked and gradually abandoned leaving nothing but the crumbling ruins of towering castles that still retained an air of authority, a relic born from Ethiopia’s tumultuous global encounter.\ \ \ \ _**sections of empress Mentewwab's dabra sahay Qwesqwam complex, outside Gondar.**_\ \ \ \ _**18th century Ethiopian manuscript miniature depicting a long battlemented building similar to Mentewwab's palace**_( \ * * *\ \ **Global encounters and transformation** **of African societies.**\ \ The arrival of the Portuguese in the Ethiopian highlands was admittedly one of the most pivotal moments in the Solomonic empire's history but not for the reason most historians have come to understand.\ \ Instead of a Portuguese directed overhaul of the feudal Ethiopian institutions as its commonly averred, the empire’s institutions underwent a metamorphosis in response to the enormous political and cultural strains it faced, of which the Portuguese presence was but one of several challenges that the Solomonic monarchs had to contend with. Rather than a technology/gun revolution transforming a feudal military, the empire’s army underwent an orderly centralization that despite breaking down two centuries later, provided the blue-print for the restorers of the empire in the 19th century (Tewodros, Yohannis and Menelik). Rather than the decline of Ethiopian orthodox in the face of Catholicism and Islam, the church revitalized itself, and Ethiopian clerics, monarchs and people fiercely defended their faith with words and later, with their lives. Ethiopian clerics engaged in passionate debates defending their Ethiopian orthodox theology in writing (eg Zags Za'ab’s “_**The Faith of the Ethiopians**_” printed in 1540 and circulated in European capitals, as well as king Gälawdewos’ treatises addressed to his Portuguese guests), and Ethiopians defended their faith on the battlefields where their own emperor had turned his armies against them, winning the battle but ultimately losing the theological war. Lastly, rather than a superimposition of new architectural styles and aesthetics by the Portuguese, Gondarine patrons consciously adopted a range of construction styles that came to define their new concepts of power, building the vast majority of the iconic Gondarine edifices long after the Jesuits had been expelled.\ \ The evolution of Gondarine Ethiopia’s foreign relations and their transformative effects on its internal institutions mirror the changes occurring in other contemporaneous African states in which their old military systems, religious institutions and concepts of power underwent a metamorphosis that enabled them to respond better to the challenges the rapidly globalizing world presented( .\ \ Africa’s global encounter, rather than triggering the precipitous decline of its medieval civilizations, allowed the continent to enter the early-modern era with full political and economic autonomy, beginning a new golden age.\ \ \ \ _**“**_泰西王侯騎馬図屛風” _**(Equestrian Kings of Taixi Folding Screen), a Japanese painting from the early 17th century at the Aizuwakamatsu Castle, depicting “King Abyssinia” with four others, by a local painter based off Jesuit descriptions, the identity of the ruler has been suggested as king David (ie: Dawit II/Lǝbnä Dǝngǝl)**_( \ * * *\ \ _**Read more about Medieval ethiopia’s diplomatic relations with medieval Europe and Mamluk egypt on my Patreon account**_\ \ ( \ \ \ * * *\ \ #### **Huge thanks to my patrons and to all who support my blog, I'm grateful for your generosity!**\ \ ( \ Church and State in Ethiopia by Taddesse Tamrat pg 268, 285-301)\ \ ( \ The History of Islam irica by Nehemia Levtzion pg 229)\ \ ( \ Ethiopia and the Red Sea by Mordechai Abir pg 86-90)\ \ ( \ Layers of Time by Paul B. Henze pg 87\ \ ( \ The African Prester John and the Birth of Ethiopian-European Relations, 1402-1555 by Matteo Salvadore pg 181-182\ \ ( \ The Portuguese expedition to Abyssinia in 1541-1543 as narrated by Castanhoso By J. Bermudez pg 55)\ \ ( \ Ethiopia and the Red Sea by Mordechai Abir pg 100-102)\ \ ( \ Medieval Ethiopian Kingship, Craft, and Diplomacy with Latin Europe By Verena Krebs pg 212\ \ ( \ Mss ( \ ( \ see J. K. Thornton’s “Warfare in Atlantic Africa” and Rory Pilossof’s “Guns don't colonise people…”\ \ ( \ Medieval Ethiopian Kingship, Craft, and Diplomacy with Latin Europe by verena krebs pg 185-189)\ \ ( \ “_Ethiopians at the Council of Florence_” in : The African Prester John and the Birth of Ethiopian-European Relations by M. Salvadore\ \ ( \ The Jesuit Mission to Ethiopia (1555-1634) and the Death of Prester John by Matteo Salvadore pg 147)\ \ ( \ Linguistic and Cultural Data on the Penetration of Fire-Arms into Ethiopia by Richard Pankhurst pg 47\ \ ( \ Early Portuguese Emigration To The Ethiopian Highlands by Andreu Martínez d'Alòs-Moner pg 10)\ \ ( \ Firearms and Princely Power in Ethiopia in the Nineteenth Century by RA Caulk pg 609\ \ ( \ Ethiopia and the Red Sea by Mordechai Abir pg pg 198)\ \ ( \ manuscript page; ( \ ( \ The Other Abyssinians by Brian J. Yates pg 20-25)\ \ ( \ The Other Abyssinians by Brian J. Yates pg 33-34)\ \ ( \ Ethiopia and the Red Sea by Mordechai Abir pg 164-167)\ \ ( \ Ethiopia and the Red Sea by Mordechai Abir pg 190)\ \ ( \ The Ethiopian Borderlands by Richard Pankhurst pg 322-316\ \ ( \ The Political Economy of an African Society in Tranformation by Tesema Ta'a pg 61\ \ ( \ Ethiopia and the Red Sea by Mordechai Abir pg 103)\ \ ( \ The Jesuit Mission to Ethiopia (1555-1634) and the Death of Prester John by Matteo Salvadore pg 151)\ \ ( \ Ethiopia and the Red Sea by Mordechai Abir pg 104)\ \ ( \ The Jesuit Mission to Ethiopia (1555-1634) and the Death of Prester John by Matteo Salvadore 138-150)\ \ ( \ The Archaeology of the Jesuit Missions in Ethiopia (1557–1632) by Víctor Manuel Fernández pg 101\ \ ( \ Envoys of a Human God By Andreu Martínez d'Alòs-Moner pg 304\ \ ( \ Sisters Debating the Jesuits by WL Belcher\ \ ( \ Ethiopia and the Red Sea by Mordechai Abir pg 216-222)\ \ ( \ The Archaeology of the Jesuit Missions in Ethiopia (1557–1632) by Víctor Manuel Fernández pg 304\ \ ( \ Early Portuguese Emigration To The Ethiopian Highlands by Andreu Martínez d'Alòs-Moner pg 24)\ \ ( \ Muslim Partners, Catholic Foes: The Selective Isolation of Gondarine Ethiopia by Matteo Salvadore pg 54)\ \ ( \ Muslim Partners, Catholic Foes: The Selective Isolation of Gondarine Ethiopia by Matteo Salvadore pg 62-63)\ \ ( \ Mss ( \ ( \ Mss ( \ ( \ Muslim Partners, Catholic Foes: The Selective Isolation of Gondarine Ethiopia by Matteo Salvadore pg 53-54\ \ ( \ Envoys of a Human God by Andreu Martnez D'als-moner pg 321\ \ ( \ The Archaeology of the Jesuit Missions in Ethiopia (1557–1632) by Víctor Manuel Fernández pg 31-35, 471-472\ \ ( \ The Archaeology of the Jesuit Missions in Ethiopia (1557–1632) by Víctor Manuel Fernández pg 34\ \ ( \ The Archaeology of the Jesuit Missions in Ethiopia (1557–1632) by Víctor Manuel Fernández pg 334, 354\ \ ( \ Land and Society in the Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia by Donald Crummey pg 108.

# Global Encounters and Political Transformation in Gondarine Ethiopia (1529-1636) ## I. Introduction - **Context**: The article discusses the emergence of Gondarine Ethiopia in the context of early-modern globalization, particularly from 1529 to 1636. It examines how external pressures transformed the Solomonic empire's institutions, religion, and military systems. ## II. Background of the Solomonic Empire 1. **Historical Overview**: - The Solomonic Empire was preceded by three significant kingdoms: - **Aksumite Kingdom** (100-700 AD) - **Zagwe Kingdom** (1100-1270 AD) - **Solomonic Empire** (1270-1974 AD) - Participation in Afro-Eurasian trade and relationships with foreign nations was common. 2. **Challenges Faced**: - The empire faced internal power struggles and foreign invasions. - The arrival of foreign armies, particularly the Adal Kingdom, intensified conflicts leading to the near destruction of the empire by the 1530s. ## III. The Adal-Ethiopia War and Foreign Alliances 1. **Decline Preceding War**: - The Solomonic Empire was weakened by succession disputes and ineffective leadership. - The resurgence of the Adal Kingdom, led by Ahmad Ibn Ibrahim (Gran), posed a significant threat. 2. **Ahmad Gran’s Campaigns**: - Starting in 1527, Gran's forces achieved major victories over Ethiopian territories, culminating in the conquest of large parts of the Solomonic state by 1533. - The devastation caused by Gran’s campaigns severely impacted the Ethiopian populace, leading to religious conversions under duress. 3. **Recovery Under Gälawdewos**: - Gälawdewos, who ascended in exile, sought support from the Portuguese amidst their rivalry with the Ottomans. - The collaboration resulted in military aid that helped to stabilize the empire and culminated in the defeat of Gran in 1543. ## IV. Military Transformations 1. **Integration of Firearms**: - Initially, guns were not extensively integrated into Ethiopian military practices; however, the threat from Gran prompted a shift towards incorporating firearms. - The Solomonic army began forming specialized units comprised of Portuguese soldiers, although traditional military structures remained intact. 2. **Centralization of Military**: - The military underwent significant centralization, moving from feudal levies to a standing army directly accountable to the emperor. - This centralization laid a foundation for future military organization in the 19th century. ## V. Societal Changes and Oromo Expansion 1. **Oromo Interaction**: - The Oromo people, originally on the fringes of the Solomonic heartlands, began to migrate and expand, leading to conflict and eventual integration into the Solomonic state. - By the late 16th century, Oromo groups became a significant military and social force within the empire. 2. **Symbiotic Relations**: - A balance was established, wherein both the Solomonic and Oromo entities benefited from trade and cooperation. - Oromo elites gained influence within the Solomonic political structure, leading to a more integrated society. ## VI. Religious Transformations and the Jesuit Influence 1. **Restoration of the Orthodox Church**: - After defeating Gran, Gälawdewos initiated efforts to revitalize the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, focusing on restoring its institutions and addressing theological challenges posed by Jesuit missionaries. 2. **Jesuit Encounter**: - Jesuit missionaries arrived during a period of vulnerability for the Orthodox Church, aggravating tensions through aggressive proselytization. - The conflict between Jesuit and Orthodox interests led to revolts and the eventual expulsion of Jesuits in 1634. ## VII. The Establishment of Gondar 1. **Foundation of Gondar**: - In 1636, Fasilädäs established Gondar as a new capital, marking a shift towards a permanent center of governance. - Gondar became a cosmopolitan hub, reflecting the diverse cultural influences from various groups including Ethiopians, Indians, Greeks, and others. 2. **Architectural Developments**: - Construction projects in Gondar, influenced by Indo-Islamic architecture, represented the new concepts of power and kingship adopted by Fasilädäs. - The city evolved into a significant cultural and political center, symbolizing the strength of the Gondarine state. ## VIII. Conclusion: Global Encounters and Internal Transformation - The interactions between the Solomonic empire and foreign powers during this period prompted significant internal changes rather than mere decline. - The empire's ability to adapt its military, integrate diverse groups, and reaffirm its religious identity illustrates a broader narrative of resilience amidst globalization. - Gondarine Ethiopia entered a new era characterized by political autonomy and cultural renaissance, paving the way for future developments in the region.

The Portuguese and the Swahili, from foes to unlikely partners: Afro-European interface in the early modern era

How interlopers were transformed into guests

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The Portuguese and the Swahili, from foes to unlikely partners: Afro-European interface in the early modern era =============================================================================================================== ### How interlopers were transformed into guests ( Mar 13, 2022 6 Studies of early Afro-European history are at times plagued by anachronistic theories used by some scholars, who begin their understanding of the era from the perspective of colonial Africa and project it backwards to the 16th and 17th centuries when first contacts were made; such as those between the Swahili and the Portuguese. They construct an image of Portugal as a growing industrial power, with its formidable military; confronting a pre-industrial and fragmented Swahili society whose adherence to Islam reminded the Portuguese of their bitter conflicts with their own Moorish conquers, hence providing further impetus for the conquest of the Swahili; they thus characterize the relationship as primarily antagonistic, exploitative and destructive, and one that heralded a precipitous decline of the classical Swahili civilization.( This old understanding of Luso-Swahili relations has since given way to more comprehensive studies of the complex dynamics, shifting alliances and cultural exchanges between the Swahili and the Portuguese in the centuries following their first encounter, a closer examination of the era reveals a more equal and mutually beneficial level of political, economic and cultural exchange, in which the Swahili were indispensable commercial allies of the Portuguese, while the Portuguese became important political partners of the Swahili, despite the continuous tension and discordance between them, a significant level of cooperation was attained that resulted in the re-orientation of the intra-Swahili power dynamics as different Swahili cities leveraged Portuguese (and other foreign militaries) to expand their political control and grow their wealth, while managing to maintain their political autonomy. Rather than a rapid decline of the classical Swahili civilization, the era witnessed a resurgence of many ancient cities and the emergence of new city-states as the region entered a new golden age, enabling the Swahili to defeat the first wave of colonization. This article explores the intricacies of Luso-Swahili interactions in the political, cultural and economic spheres including key events that defined the dynamic of exchange between both groups. _**Map of the Swahili coast showing the city-states mentioned in the article**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The Swahili coast on the eve of the Portuguese; decline of Kilwa and Mogadishu, the rise of Mombasa and Malindi.** The east African coast from Mogadishu in southern Somalia to Sofala in Mozambique was in the late 15th century dominated by hundreds of independent city states and towns primarily populated by an African group of bantu-speakers known as the Swahili, these were mostly engaged in farming and fishing, with a significant merchant class that maintained extensive trade with the Indian ocean world, the mainland African kingdoms, and each other; in a pattern of exchange characterized by open ports, with multifaceted, reciprocal relationships which were governed by the commercial freedom and political autonomy, rather than through coercion.( The wealthy Swahili elites and rulers constructed large coral-stone houses with sunken courtyards and elaborately decorated reception rooms where trade was carried out, the majority of the population had adopted Islam over the centuries and worshiped in the lavishly built mosques, with their domed and vaulted roofs, and spacious layout, the largest mosques could accommodate hundreds of worshippers on Friday and the populations of the cities ranged between 30,000 and 5,000( . The cities were often governed by a council of elders derived from old, autochthonous descent groups whose authority was characterized by a degree of cooperation in kinship and marriage bounds that transcended individual city-states forming a sort of loose federation often for military alliances.( Matters of taxation, trade, justice, and military organization were in the hands of these descent group alliances and the appointed leader among these usually referred to as a sheikh (although sultan/king is used in Portuguese and later sources) levied duties from ships coming into their harbor, of which a significant portion was paid to the council of elders.( In the late 15th century, the coast was at the acme of its prosperity but important shifts in power and wealth had occurred, the most notable was the growth of the cities of Malindi and Mombasa and the gradual decline of Kilwa. While Kilwa had flourished from its re-export of gold and ivory from the southern city of Sofala to the Indian ocean merchants in southern Arabia and Gujarat (in India), the cities of Mombasa and Malindi exploited their hinterlands for ancillary products for trade, such as ivory, skins, agricultural products, ambergris, and cowries with trade items flowing through a series of hinterland cities such as Gedi, Mnarani and Ungwana that extended dozens of kilometers inland but remained politically autonomous of their coastal trading partners( . While the bulk of ocean-going vessels docked at Swahili ports appear to have been foreign owned, there are records of Swahili voyages to southern Arabia, western India (especially to Gujarat) and Malaysia (especially the city of Malacca)( , local industries primarily involved the production of cloth in the cities of Pate, Kilwa, Mogadishu and Sofala where fine cotton cloth was woven, dyed and attimes embroidered with imported silk threads, most of this cloth was consumed locally while some was exported inland to the south-east African kingdoms of the Zimbabwe plateau such as Mutapa and Great Zimbabwe where these Swahili cloths, as well as imported cloth, were exchanged for gold an ivory.( Large quantities of this gold were mined and brought from the interior to the coast, and while this mining process wasn't the primary economic activity of the interior states, the re-export of the gold was important for some of the Swahili cities especially Kilwa which retained a portion of the gold from the trade through taxes and some of which was spent locally in minting its coinage in the manufacture of jewelery and as a store of wealth. The city of Sofala is estimated to have exported between 1-1.3 million mithqals of gold a year (estimated around 8.5-12 tones at the end of the 15th century) as well as tens of thousands of kilograms of ivory( both of which were transshipped to Kilwa, and later to the northern Swahili cities and across the Indian ocean. In the patchwork of polities that dominated the coast, the powerful city-states, like Malindi, Mombasa and Kilwa, collected tribute from other smaller Swahili cities and towns such as Pemba, Songo Mnara and Mafia, cloth industry and maritime trade were the basis of their wealth, and Arabic literature and Islam were central to their cultural fabric; it was these familiar characteristics of the Swahili societies that were integral to expressions of what was deemed a “respected society” in the Portuguese imagination, laying the groundwork for a complex relationship between the two societies.( _**the 11th century Mosque of kilwa, a 14th century house at Songo Mnara and 14th century coins of a Kilwa sultan**_ * * * **"We seek Christians and spices": violent first contacts between the Portuguese and the Swahili** The Portuguese sailors led by Vasco Da gama first arrived at the island city of Mozambique in January 1498, a relatively small Swahili town, upon sighting its white-washed coral stone houses, its distinctive urban character, and its harbor with both local and Arab ships, the exhilarated sailors were glad they had arrived in familiar territory. a contemporary chronicler described the city as such: "_**The men of this land are russet in colour (**_ie: African/Swahili_**) and of good physique. They are of the Islamic faith and speak like Moors. Their clothes are of very thin linen and cotton, of many-coloured stripes, and richly embroidered. All wear caps on their heads hemmed with silk and embroidered with gold thread. They are merchants and they trade with the white Moors (**_ie: Arab_**), four of whose vessels were here at this place, carrying gold, silver and cloth, cloves, pepper and ginger, rings of silver with many pearls, seed pearls and rubies and the like.**_". The sheikh of the mozambique island (mentioned as Musa bin Bique in later sources) assumed that the Portuguese sailors were Ottoman Turks (and the Portuguese were aware of this presumption), he thus came out and exchanged gifts with the Portuguese sailors who invited them onto their ship where he was treated with ceremony, with the sound of trumpets and a parade, he asked them for a Quran but Da Gama said he had left his in Turkey, and that he was on his way to India to purchase spices, to which the sheikh responded that he would only need gold and silver to purchase the spices, afterwhich da Gama requested pilots from the sheikh to direct him to India which the sheikh later availed. After a while, one of the sheikh's pilots recognized the sailors as Christians and informed the sheikh who realized the deception, and prepared for war. The Swahili ships (_**mtepes**_) he had were light, sewn rather than nailed, and often had few sails, and were enough to carry several dozen fighters but the Portuguese ships which were mounted with matchlocks and cannon ultimately outmatched them and the sheikh was forced to retreat. The Portuguese later sailed off in haste after these hostilities, determined to reach Kilwa, only for their ships to be blown back to Mozambique island, and while the first battle had ended in a truce, the sailors once again demanded supplies and a dispute arose that ended with Mozambique island being looted of its grain, jewelry and books in Arabic, afterwhich it was bombarded.( _**15th/16th century House ruins and graves on Mozambique island from the Swahili era**_ Rather that Kilwa, the Portuguese had sailed past it to Mombasa where they arrived in April 1498, and a pattern started to emerge with their first encounters which were now colored by the events on Mozambique island. Despite an invitation from the Mombasa sultan to dock in the city’s harbor, Vasco Da Gama’s fleet declined the offer, and as news of events of the Portuguese actions in Mozambique reached Mombasa soon after their arrival; both the Mombasa sultan and Vasco Da Gama knew they had not arrived in peace, the Mombasa sultan then sent small boats to encircle the ships and sabotage them while Da Gama’s crew tortured some Mombasans they had lured onboard for information. The ships then sailed to Malindi a few days later, where they encountered a similar unease, but upon learning that Malindi and Mombasa were rivals and out of the need for more supplies for his crew, Vasco Da Gama was more open to meeting with the Malindi sultan especially for pilots to guide him to India. His sailors and the Malindi elites exchanged gifts until the sultan was invited on Da Gama's ship with ceremony and cannon fire, but Da Gama declined an invitation to visit the sultan's palace, sending his companions instead. Malindi's harbor, while smaller than Mombasa's, was frequented with many ships from Arabia, Persia and India especially from Gujarat, among the last group was a sailor named Ibn Majid who was directed to the Portuguese by the sultan, he then guided their ships to the Indian city of Calicut where they arrived in May 1498.( On their return voyage, Vasco da Gama's ships bombarded the coast of Mogadishu, most likely to scare off any local ships from attacking them as they hurried further south approaching Lamu where they repeated the same action until they reached Malindi, where they stopped for supplies as well as for pilots to guide them south along the coast, but a leaking ship from among their crew was abandoned, they then passed by Zanzibar which they attacked and seized four ships that they used for their return journey to Portugal.( _**ruins of a 16th century house in the city of Fukuchani**_( _**, Zanzibar**_ * * * **Conquests, resistance and an uneasy truce: the Portuguese on the Swahili coast in the 16th century** _**“The houses were ‘built in our ways’ with beautifully carved doors, the wealthier citizens wore ‘gold and silk and fine cotton clothes’. Around the town were orchards and gardens with ‘many channels of sweet water’. The palace, a complex of audience chambers and private rooms, surrounding a central pool with fountains, overlooked the ocean and had its own landing-place**_”( (Portuguese description of Kilwa) In 1500, a Portuguese fleet under the command of Pedro Cabral sailed for the indian ocean with the intent of controlling the gold trade from the Swahili and the spice trade from India, arriving at Kilwa after briefly passing by Sofala, the reigning sultan of Kilwa Ibrāhīm b. Sulaymān had prepared for their arrival as best as he could, fortifying access points along the coast and recruiting archers from the mainland, he invited Cabral for a customary tour of his palace but the latter declined, and Cabral offered the same for the sultan to tour his ships but the latter also declined, the sultan later sent a pretender to negotiate with the Portuguese (unbeknownst to them), the latter asked that Kilwa cedes to them control of Sofala and they also requested the conversion of Kilwa court to Christianity, but received no response from the pretender. Cabral then decided to continue to Mombasa and Malindi where he found that the former was attacking the latter for its alliance with the Portuguese, but only managed to stay a few days in Malindi for supplies and left a few settlers before continuing to India and later returning to Lisbon.( It was the 1502 voyage of Vasco Da Gama when the Portuguese crown was intent on conquering the Swahili coast, and establishing themselves at Kilwa and Sofala to control its gold trade, Da Gama forced the Kilwa sultan to sign a treaty placing his city-state under Portugal's suzerainty (although this act proved ephemeral), Da Gama sailed to Calicut which he ruthlessly bombarded. In 1505, another much larger fleet under Francisco de Almeida arrived at Kilwa, noticing the absence of the Portuguese flag and the insolence shown to them by the sultan whom hat they considered their vassal, Almeida invaded Kilwa with 200 armed men, looting it thoroughly of its gold and silver as well as luxury cloths, before setting it ablaze, the Portuguese then hurriedly installed a new sultan named sheikh Ankoni and a new treaty was signed with the latter that placed Kilwa under Portuguese crown and a fort was constructed. Almeida’s fleet then sailed for Mombasa where the sultan was ready for battle having constructed a fortress, salvaged a few cannons and guns form a wrecked Portuguese ship, and hired the services of one of the Portuguese settlers whom he had converted to Islam. A bitter war was fought and the Portuguese ships were damaged by Mombasa's cannon fire but after the fort's gunpowder had blown up in the cross exchange, the Portuguese invaded the city, looting it and setting it ablaze.( _**Mombasa beachfront in the late 19th century and the 15th century Mbaraki pillar built next to a now collapsed mosque**_( **Resistance in Mombasa, smuggling in Angoche and an intellectual synthesis at Kilwa** The Portuguese then attempted to establish a colonial administration that tied their east African and Indian coastal possessions after conducting several attacks on the cities of Mogadishu, Brava, Mafia, Zanzibar and Pemba, and the imposition of customs duties on every merchant ship sailing to their ports, they set up a captaincy at Mozambique island and Sofala, and a customs house in Malindi and Kilwa, but both were later abandoned in 1512 and 1513 as the Swahili and other merchant ships avoided Malindi, as well as in the face of local resistance in Kilwa that ultimately led to the restoration of the deposed sultan. The now collapsed gold, ivory and cloth trade was gradually revived, with gold exports rising from a few hundred kilograms in the early 16th century to about 1,487 kg by the mid 17th century, (although this was only a fraction of the pre-Portuguese volumes of 8,000-12,000 kg and much of it was smuggled through networks beyond Portuguese control), annual ivory exports recovered from 20,000 in 1520 to 110,000 kg by 1679 and cloth imports reached 280,000 pieces in the early 17th century.( Portuguese officials stationed at Sofala and Mozambique regulated commercial vessels through a pass system, leveeing taxes on both overland and maritime merchants, channeling their trade to Portuguese customs houses thus generating revenue for the colonial administration, but also giving the southern Swahili coast more importance than the north especially after the closure of the Malindi and Kilwa factories.( In general however, the Portuguese presence did not contribute to a weakening of the Swahili city-states but reshuffled the old networks which benefitted some of the polities at the expense of others notably Malindi which extended its control to the Pemba islands and Pate, which took advantage of its location at the junction of Portuguese and Arab spheres of interaction, and its local textile industries to grow its wealth and power at the expense of the older, established cities like Kilwa.( After the Portuguese abandonment of their Kilwa and Malindi factories, most of the Swahili cities had re-asserted their independence, the declining cities such as Kilwa then shifted their focus to their immediate hinterland’s ivory trade after their gold entrepot of Sofala had been seized by the Portuguese and the "smuggling" of gold by Kilwa merchants through the city of Angoche (north of Sofala) had been gradually suppressed, while Mombasa weathered several Portuguese attacks in 1528, 1529 and successfully repulsed one attack in 1541, remaining the wealthiest Swahili city in the mid 16th century, even as Malindi was leveraging Portuguese forces to attack Pemba and surrounding islands, the activities of the Portuguese officials in Malindi paradoxically eroded the Malindi sultan’s economic base and sent the city into a gradual decline ( _**ruins of the iconic pillar tombs of Malindi and surrounding houses, most of these date from the 14th and 15th century when the city was at its height before its steep decline in the 16th century, the existing city was built near these ruins but much later from 1640 to 1861**_( In the parts of the coast where there was a level of Portuguese control, Portuguese administrators came to depend on the Swahili elites and merchants, this dependence was not only born out of an ignorance of East Africa, but also as a result of the ease with which many Portuguese could interpret the Swahili world conceptually, materially, and religiously( This dependence is perhaps best attested in creation of the Kilwa chronicle, whose two versions, the _**Tārīkh**_ (also titled : Kitab al-Sulwa ft akhbar Kilwa ) and the _**Crônica de Kilwa**_, relay a complex myriad of historical events especially leading up to the early 16th century when it was written; at time when the Portuguese were attempting to install a favorable sultan Mohammed Ankoni, with the _**Tārīkh**_ being written in response to the _**Crόnica**_ after the old lineage of sultan Ibrahim was restored in 1512, the Crόnica was itself co-written by the allied Kilwa elites and the Portuguese themselves, the former group included Mohamed Ankoni who was installed in 1505 with little support from the Kilwa elders who assassinated him, the Portuguese then tried to install his son and later his nephew in 1506 but the rapid decline of the gold trade and the city's prosperity led them to abandon this project and the city altogether, allowing for deposed sultan Ibrahim to re-ascend to the throne in 1512, these two chronicles, which are the oldest preserved Swahili chronicles and among the oldest in Africa; are the legacy of this encounter.( * * * **The Ottoman threat and the creation of a colonial administration on the Swahili coast** Until the arrival of the Ottoman fleet in the late 16th century, a delicate political and economic equilibrium had been maintained between the Swahili cities and the Portuguese who were mostly concerned with the southernmost part of the coast and the interior kingdom of Mutapa. This allowed the cities of Mombasa, Mogadishu, Brava, Zanzibar and Kilwa to recovered and the cities of Malindi, Lamu, Pate, Faza to emerge as equally powerful.( But as early as 1542, the Swahili were initiating diplomatic contacts with the Ottomans to throw off the commercial yoke of the Portuguese, this action prompted a series of Portuguese attacks on several cities including Mombasa and Mogadishu but these were mostly repulsed, leaving them undeterred by the Portuguese threats, the Swahili diplomatic missions to the ottomans continued and in the 1550s and 1560s, the Ottoman corsair Sefer Reis travelled to the Swahili cities but wasn't open to the prospect of open military confrontation with the Portuguese at the time. This conciliatory state of affairs changed by the 1570s and in 1586, the Ottoman Corsair Mir Ali Beg arrived in Mombasa after responding to a request for military assistance from many of the coastal cities (except Malindi which stayed loyal to the Portuguese), he soon left to return in 1588 with a fleet, he then established a strong defensive position in Mombasa, constructing a stone tower with artillery mounts in preparation for the huge Portuguese armada that had been sent out from Lisbon for this encounter, but Mombasa was coincidentally attacked by a force from the hinterland known as the Zima, a northern offshoot of the Maravi kingdom that had flourished in the hinterland of Sofala from the Portuguese ivory trade, and had in the same year sacked the city of Kilwa before proceeding north to Mombasa( , The Zimba threat forced Ali to split his forces between defending the city from the land and the sea, resulting in the battle for the latter being easily won by the Portuguese fleet and the Zimba chasing the besieged forces of Ali out of the island and into Portuguese ships where they were captured as well as their Swahili allies including the sultan of Mombasa.( Mir Ali's expeditions were conceived by the Ottoman sultan as the first step in an extended effort to create a centralized Ottoman imperial infrastructure throughout the Indian Ocean but the loss at Mombasa affirmed Portuguese control of the coast which had previously been semi-independent. _**painting of Portuguese ships made in 1540, these types of vessels called carracks served both commercial and military functions ( No. BHC0705 royal museums greenwich)**_ * * * **The Portuguese era of the Swahili coast (1593-1698): an overview of a Luso-Swahili political and cultural synthesis** Between 1593 and 1596, the Portuguese constructed Fort Jesus to secure their east African possessions, in theory, all Swahili polities were subject to a single political entity: the Portuguese “Estado da India” with its administrative center in Goa (india) controlling the entire coast from Brava (in Somalia) to Sofala (in Mozambique), but in practice their presence at Fort Jesus didn't result in any significant political change in the rest of the Swahili coast , local rulers in other cities also remained in power, while cities such as Pate, Lamu, Angoche and Faza repeatedly asserted their independence and hardly submitted any tribute( , the city of Malindi exploited its advantageous alliance with the Portuguese, while it had lost its prosperity to Mombasa and was even the focus of an attack by the latter in 1590, Malindi's rulers leveraged Portuguese alliance to extend its control over the neighboring polities on Pemba island and was later granted the Mombasan throne and one-third of Mombasa’s lucrative customs revenues following the transfer of the Malindi royal family to Mombasa in 1593 which they controlled until 1630( , for much of the 1590s, the Malindi sultan exercised significant political power from Mombasa essentially as the ruler of a client state rather than a colonial vassal and several prominent Malindi elites are attested in other Swahili cities during this time especially at Mafia island where a factor of the Malindi sultan was stationed( and on Kilwa itself where a prominent Malindi family settled later constructing several monuments, this changed at the turn of the 17th century as the Portuguese administration set itself up at Fort Jesus, gradually eroding the Malindi sultan’s political and economic base. _**ruins of the “Malindi mosque” and cemetery in Kilwa, built by a prominent Malindi family living in the city**_( In the cities of Faza, Zanzibar, Siyu, Lamu, Pate and Mombasa, and Mombasa Island the Portuguese built churches were a small Christian community grew comprising of settlers and African converts, but the proselytizing zeal of the Portuguese missionaries eventually led to clashes that pitted the Muslim religious leaders against the increasingly parochial behavior of the missionaries( , but the uneasy relationship was nevertheless tolerated by the Swahili rulers such as the sultan of Faza who used the Portuguese and Augustinian missionaries as a defense against his rivals in Lamu, helping them construct one of their churches in Faza, explaining that "_**in the church I have walls which guard my city; and, in the Fathers, soldiers to defend it**_"( _**16th century Portuguese churches on Malindi (with surrounding Portuguese tombs) and the chapel of Our Lady of the Baluarte on Mozambique island**_ In this melting pot of diverse communities, the now established trade and political relationships were strengthened by strategic marriages between the Swahili elites and the Portuguese, while the majority of Luso-Swahili marriages were politically non- consequential unions between the settlers and the local women, a few marriages among the Swahili elites are noted such as the marriage between prince Yusuf bin Hasan of Mombasa to a Portuguese woman while he was living in Goa, another was the marriage of the brother of the sultan of Pemba to a Portuguese woman for which he received the island as dowry from the Portuguese, another was with a niece of the sultan of Faza who was married to a wealthy Portuguese settler which also earned him the factorship of Mombasa as dowry, the last two marriages and their exchanges of dowry in the form of political and economic privileges reveal their purely strategic nature and the equality with which the Swahili elites and the Portuguese perceived each other.( Despite the antagonism between Portugal and Pate, the Portuguese traders were forced to trade in Pate's cloth which was in demand across the coast as well as the interior in the Mutapa kingdom, inadvertently enriching their primarily coastal foes.( In Kilwa, the Portuguese set up a factor to monopolie the ivory trade with the Yao( , (a group from the interior that brought ivory to the coast), but succession disputes and political upheaval associated with the Portuguese presence had taken its toll on Kilwa's internal politics and in 1614 and 1616, two sultans were assassinated in close succession as rival factions allied and opposed to the Portuguese battled for control of the city.( In the coastal hinterland adjacent to Sofala, Swahili merchants played an important role hauling the interior goods like ivory and gold, and dominated the trade routes extending into the interior states of Mutapa and Great Zimbabwe. The Swahili traders who had been well established in the region before the Portuguese proved indispensable even after the Portuguese had established themselves at Sofala, between the 1520s and 1550s, the high customs duties the Sofala officials charged forced the Swahili merchants to redirect their gold trade through the city of Angoche, which prompted a Portuguese expedition into the interior to suppress this "smuggling", as well as establishing markets and settlements in the interior at Sena and Tete in 1531 and 1544 and a trading factory at Quelimane,( but all three already had substantial settlements of Swahili merchants and these merchants were intimately involved in the politics of the interior states especially Mutapa such that when a Jesuit mission arrived at the Mutapa court to convert its King in the 1560s, the Swahili merchants were found at the court and they are said to have been among the conspirators who killed the missionaries for their notoriety. When a Portuguese expedition to conquer the Mutapa Kingdom in 1571 travelled through Sena, hundreds of Portuguese died and the Swahili merchants of Sena were killed by the Portuguese in retaliation because they believed the Swahili were using a form of magic, this killing leading to the decline of Sena and the concentration of most Swahili merchants at Sofala and Mozambique island( _**Fort São Sebastião on Mozambique island, built in the mid 15th century**_ Mozambique island was sacked in 1607 and 1608 by the Dutch and much of the old Swahili town was destroyed, while it was rebuilt not long after and flourished into the 18th century, the position of its Swahili traders had been displaced by Portuguese interests, following the concentration of Portuguese captaincy activities at Mozambique in the course of the 17th century. This also brought the downfall of sofala, which went into rapid decline in the same century, its Swahili merchants abandoned it and by the mid 18th century, the great trading entrepot was mostly underwater. References to Swahili activities in these southern regions declined in the late 17th and early 18th century as the growing afro-Portuguese community in the region and the emerging autochthonous merchant groups on the Mozambique mainland gradually displaced the Swahili merchants.( * * * **A short lived colonial empire: the end of the Portuguese era of the Swahili coast (1631-1698)** Strains between the Portuguese colonists and their Swahili vassals begun to boil over in the 1630s, only a few decades after much of the coast had formally fallen under Portuguese control. In 1631, king Yusuf Hassan of Mombasa led a rebellion against the Portuguese, he had ascended to the throne as King of “Mombasa, Malindi and Pemba” in 1626 and upon observing the cruelty of his Portuguese overlords, seized the fort Jesus and killed most of the settlers in Mombasa. A massive Portuguese armada with 20 ships carrying 1,000 soldiers was sent against him that year but he was able to withstand its siege of Fort Jesus (since its excellent defenses had been built for the exact purpose) and defeat the soldiers on land forcing them to retreat, but he later decided to escape with two of the ships they had left behind hoping to appeal to the reluctant Ottomans to support his war and uproot the Portuguese from the coast, he occasionally returned to pirate the Swahili coast and raise rebellions against the Portuguese( In the mid 16th century, the Swahili city-states begun establishing political ties with the rising Omani empire in Muscat hoping to undermine Portuguese control, in 1652, Zanzibar were the first to leverage the Omani attack on Portuguese’ Swahili possessions to declare themselves independent ( although by the 1680s, they were again allied with the Portuguese against the Omanis), the city of Pate, which had for long escape direct Portuguese control and joined prince Yusuf in his ill fated rebellion of 1637, now became closely associated with the Omani attacking Portuguese possessions and rebelling in 1660,1678 and 1686; chipping away Portuguese control with each revolt, Pemba also joined in the frenzy of rebellion, attacking Portuguese possessions in Kilwa in 1652 and gradually expelling remnants of the Portuguese settlers on its island by 1694. This period of conflict culminated in the 1696 siege of Mombasa after the steady deterioration of Portugal's sea power in the western half of the indian ocean, a diverse coalition of disgruntled Mombasa elites, Majikenda (from the mainland), Omani (from Arabia), Pate, Bajuni, Oromo soldiers, fought against an equally diverse coalition of 6,500 defenders including 1,000 Portuguese, 2,500 Swahili soldiers from Malindi, Faza and the rest were Mombasa residents, and after more than 2 years, the impregnable Fort Jesus fell in 1698 and with its end concluded the period of Portugal's colonialism of the Swahili coast.( * * * **Keeping the Portuguese and the Omanis at arms-length: The era of Swahili independence (1698-1812)** The Omanis attempted to take over the colonial administration left by the Portuguese, trying to monopolize the Swahili trade and undermining the local authorities, especially those that had been allied with the Portuguese, their policies had the effect of limiting Swahili political autonomy and commercial freedom and thus proved very unpopular, very quickly. In the early 18th century (less than a decade into Omani control of the coast), some of the Swahili elites begun allying with the Portuguese to overthrow the Omanis; after the Omanis attacked Kilwa in 1699 for resisting their rule, Kilwa killed Omani traders and seized their goods and in 1708, and following this attack, the Omani soldiers that had garrisoned at Zanzibar, Mombasa, Pate, Kilwa and Pemba became the focus of increasing Swahili attacks and rebellions. When the reigning Zanzibar queen (who had been deposed and later restored by the Omanis) left a letter for the Portuguese imploring them to aid her daughter's ascension to the throne, this letter was intercepted by the Omanis who imprisoned her son Mfalme Hassan in Muscat, the Omanis also imprisoned the daughter of the Kilwa's Queen regent Fatima binti sultan named Mwana Nakisa in 1709, for attempting to ally with the Portuguese against them, but she was later released after a large ransom was paid, this heavy-handedness prompted a series of letters from the Kilwa royals to the Portuguese in which they expressed the very low opinion that Swahili elites had of the Omanis; Mwana Nakisa wrote that "_**this year the Arabs who came from Masqat are all scabs, striplings and weaklings**_", she urged the Portuguese to assist Kilwa in liberating the coast and resume the cloth trade from India which the Omanis had closed in favor of their own cloth, Kilwa's princes also wrote to the Portuguese about the Omani suppression of trade writing that "_**all the coast does not want the Arabs**_" complaining that the cloth they sent for trade was undesirable. In 1728, the Portuguese recaptured Fort Jesus as the Omanis were embroiled in civil war but the Swahili soon expelled their erstwhile liberators for their heavy hand-ness and this time without any external help.( Until the late 18th century Swahili polities maintained complete political and commercial autonomy that lasted well upto the battle of shela in 1812 when Most of the important cities came under Oman control. Some of the Swahili states nevertheless remained sympathetic to the Portuguese and in 1770, the Portuguese mounted a failed attempt to retake Fort Jesus from the Mazruis of Oman who had garrisoned themselves inside it and were wrestling control of the city from the swahili( , Other states such as Kilwa continued trade relations with the Portuguese merchants especially those settled on Mozambique island. _**letters written by Mfalme Fatima; queen of kilwa; her daughter Mwana Nakisa; and Fatima's brothers Muhammad Yusuf & Ibrahim Yusuf (heir to Kilwa’s throne) written in 1711 (Goa archive, SOAS london)**_ Fortress building increased along the Swahili coast in the 18th century as a consequence of the militarization and the political upheavals of the period. Swahili cities had since the 6th century been primarily defended by city walls with guard towers and gates, and the construction of free-standing fortresses was first used in Kilwa in the 13th century (pre-dating the Portuguese era), because the primary foes of the Swahili at the time came from the mainland rather than from the sea, so none of the fortresses and defensive constructions were built facing the sea. This changed during the political upheavals of the Portuguese and Omani era as Portugal’s swahili possessions where threatened primarily from the sea; initially by the ottomans and later by the Omanis and other Europeans such as the Dutch. The Swahili cities inherited these same naval threats after defeating the Portuguese, and new maritime threats such as the Sakalava of Madagascar and frequent Omani incursions necessitated the construction of sea-facing fortresses, some of the Swahili-built fortresses from this era include the 18th century fortified palace of the Kilwa sultans and the fortress of Mutsamudu on the Comoros island of Ndzawani, and later in the 19th century, the city of Siyu built its own fortress to guard against Omani incursions. These Swahili fortresses display some Portuguese and Omani influences but retain a largely distinct Swahili character in their spatial layout and construction style.( _**The ruined fortress of Husuni Ndongo in kilwa, built in the 13th century**_ _**ruins of Kilwa’s Makutani Palace, originally built in the 15th century but extended and fortified in the 18th century.**_ _**ruins of the 18th century Mutsamudu fortress on the island of Anjouan, Comoros**_ Conversely, the rebuilt Mozambique island of the 17th and 18th century, despite having a large number of Portuguese settlers, retained the typical Swahili aesthetic; with coral construction, sunken courtyards, zidaka interior decoration and narrow streets. Interspaced between these were Portuguese churches, governors residences and other buildings giving it a hybridized architectural style. _**beachfront of the island of Mozambique**_ The Mozambique island's prominence in the Swahili world withered away as the lucrative ivory trade gradually shifted to Zanzibar and Kilwa by the 19th century, and its function as a transshipment point for European ships was gradually eroded by the Comoros islands especially with the establishment the sultanate of Anjouan at Nzwani by a Kilwa diaspora in the 16th century whose capital Mutsamudu was a favorite of English and French ships on their way to India ( and the island was transformed into a major slave port in the late 18th and early 19th century but these were largely sold in Brazil. Portuguese presence in the southern region was gradually displaced by French and English interests in Mauritius and Madagascar in the late 18th century, confining the Portuguese to Mozambique and its immediate hinterland. * * * **Conclusion: from interlopers to visitors, the Portuguese legacy in Swahili history.** A closer study of Luso-Swahili relations reveals a familiar pattern in east African history, in which Swahili political elites used foreign powers to leverage factional interests and maintain control over the continental–oceanic interface. In this typical Swahili form of integrating newcomers, the Portuguese weren't treated exceptionally but like the rest of the foreign groups that had come before them, and despite the occasional violence between the two and the constantly shifting alliances, the Swahili and the Portuguese came to regard each other commercial, cultural and political equals, trading with each other, living next to each other and fighting together, as the historian Jeremy presholdt explains; “_**the Portuguese conceptualized the Swahili as familiar**_”; as both a commercial partner and a religious opponent, while the Swahili viewed the Portuguese as military power which they could manipulate to serve their interests, and an important commercial partner whose trade was vital to their cities' prosperity; "_**In comparison to other African societies which had contact with the Portuguese in the sixteenth century, the Swahili coast is unique in that nowhere else did the Portuguese arrive with such violence and yet build such intimate relationships with regional populations**_" ( The history of Luso-Swahili relations conforms to the general pattern of early afro-European political and cultural interface that explains how African societies such as the Swahili, Kongo, Mutapa defeated the first wave of colonialism (that had largely succeeded in the Americas and south-east Asia against similarly centralized societies); the equal political, economic and cultural partnerships which these African societies initiated with the various foreign powers that washed upon their shores ultimately served African interests, and enabled them to maintain their political autonomy while prospering from the increasing volume of trade. As the historian Randal Powells explains on why and how different groups of immigrants were integrated into Swahili society; “_**the basic challenge for the Swahili town was that of maintaining order and continuity in town life while creating unity out of diversity, one society out of many, it was from contesting binaries within towns that change took place**_, and their _**countervailing institutions which helped make the town a unit**_”( The Portuguese, like the Arabs, Indians and Chinese that had come to the east African coast before them, became another group of _**wageni (**_guests_**)**_; who were tolerated, courted or discarded according to the interests of the Swahili, blending into the cosmopolitan society. _**Fort Jesus, Mombasa**_ * * * _**To download Books on Portuguese-Swahili history and more, please subscribe to my Patreon account**_ ( ( the transition from “classical Swahili” history to the early modern era is briefly discussed by most Swahilists but a more comprehensive treatment of the topic can be read from Jeremystholdt’s “_Portuguese Conceptual Categories and the "Other" Encounter on the Swahili Coast_”, as well as J Thornton’s “_Early Kongo-Portuguese Relations_” for a similar encounter on the opposite side of central Africa. ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 518) ( Port Cities and Intruders by Michael Naylor Pearson pg 43 ( Horn and Crescent by RL Pouwels pg 26-34) ( A Comparative Study of Thirty City-state Cultures pg 470-471) ( Horn and Crescent by RL Pouwels pg 25-27) ( When Did the Swahili Become Maritime by J Fleisher ( Port Cities and Intruders by Michael Naylor Pearson pg 121-125) ( Port Cities and Intruders by Michael Naylor Pearson pg 48-50) ( Portuguese Conceptual Categories and the "Other" Encounter on the Swahili Coast by Jeremy Prestholdt pg 384-386) ( Empires of the Monsoon by Richard Seymour Hall pg 161-164) ( (the claim that Ibn Majid guided Da Gama’s ships is disputed) Empires of the Monsoon by Richard Seymour Hall pg 164-170), ( The Swahili world pg 243, Empires of the Monsoon by Richard Seymour Hall pg 176) ( The Swahili world by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 243 ( description of kilwa; Empires of the Monsoon by Richard Seymour Hall pg 187) ( Empires of the Monsoon by Richard Seymour Hall pg 186-188) ( Empires of the Monsoon by Richard Seymour Hall pg 202-214) ( Swahili Port Cities by Prita Meier pg 89-63 ( Port Cities and Intruders by Michael Naylor Pearson pg 49-50), ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 519-520) ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg pg 376) ( Ivory & Slaves in East Central Africa by Edward A. Alpers pg 46-48) ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 212 ( Portuguese Conceptual Categories and the "Other" Encounter on the Swahili Coast by Jeremy Prestholdt pg 387) ( The Arts and Crafts of Literacy by Andrea Brigaglia, ‎Mauro Nobili pg 181-203) ( Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century by Bethwell Allan Ogot pg 373 ( Ivory & Slaves in East Central Africa by Edward A. Alpers pg 50) ( Global politics of the 1580s by G Casale pg 269-273) ( Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century by Bethwell Allan Ogot pg 374) ( Swahili Origins by James De Vere Allen pg 206-208) ( Ivory and Slaves in East Central Africa by Edward A. Alpers pg 46 ( Kilwa: A History of the Ancient Swahili Town with a Guide to the Monuments of Kilwa Kisiwani and Adjacent Islands by John E. G. Sutton pg 142 ( The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 260-261 ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 520) ( Portuguese Conceptual Categories and the "Other" Encounter on the Swahili Coast by Jeremy Prestholdt pg 394) ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 615) ( Ivory & Slaves in East Central Africa by Edward A. Alpers pg 69) ( The Cambridge History of Africa: From c. 1600 to c. 1790, by Richard Gray pg 529) ( Ivory & Slaves in East Central Africa by Edward A. Alpers pg 43-44) ( A History of Mozambique by M. D. D. Newitt pg 57) ( A History of Mozambique by M. D. D. Newitt pg 132-136) ( Empires of the Monsoon by Richard Seymour Hall pg 266-274) ( The Cambridge History of Africa: From c. 1600 to c. 1790 pg 529-530, Empires of the Monsoon by Richard Seymour Hall pg 308-316) ( Ivory & Slaves in East Central Africa by Edward A. Alpers pg 71-75) ( Ivory & Slaves in East Central Africa by Edward A. Alpers pg 134) ( Swahili pre-modern warfare and violence in the Indian Ocean by Stephane Pradines ( The Comoro Islands in Indian Ocean Trade before the Nineteenth Century by M. Newitt pgs 145-160 ( Portuguese Conceptual Categories and the "Other" Encounter on the Swahili Coast by Jeremy Prestholdt pg 398-399) ( Horn and Crescent: Cultural Change and Traditional Islam on the East African Coast, 800-1900 Randall L. Pouwels pg 33-34.

# The Portuguese and the Swahili: From Foes to Unlikely Partners ## 1. Context of Luso-Swahili Relations - **Historical Projection**: - Early studies often used anachronistic theories that projected the colonial experiences of Africa backwards into the 16th and 17th centuries. - Portugal was viewed as a military power confronting a fragmented Swahili society. This framing depicted their relationship primarily as antagonistic and exploitative, leading to narratives of decline for Swahili civilization. - **New Understandings**: - Recent scholarship reveals a more nuanced relationship characterized by political, economic, and cultural exchanges. - The Portuguese and Swahili developed a complex partnership, employing shifting alliances and cooperation despite ongoing tensions. - The Swahili cities benefitted politically and economically from their ties with the Portuguese, entering a new golden age rather than experiencing decline. ## 2. Overview of the Swahili Coast Pre-Portuguese Contact - **Geographical and Societal Structure**: - The Swahili coast, stretching from Mogadishu to Sofala, consisted of independent city-states populated primarily by Bantu-speaking Swahili. - These states were engaged in trade across the Indian Ocean, fostering connections with various regions, including the Arabian Peninsula and the Indian subcontinent. - **Economic Dynamics**: - The Swahili merchant class developed wealth through extensive trade networks, primarily based on agricultural and fishing resources. - Cities like Kilwa were prominent for their trade in gold, ivory, and textiles. ## 3. Early Encounters with the Portuguese - **Initial Contacts (1498)**: - Vasco da Gama's arrival in Mozambique marked the beginning of contact. Initial exchanges were cordial, with misunderstandings about intentions. - Hostilities emerged as the Portuguese, armed with superior weaponry, began to assert dominance, looting local towns, including Mozambique Island. - **Continued Conflict**: - Following Mozambique, the fleet moved to Mombasa, where tensions escalated due to the Portuguese actions in Mozambique and the unwillingness of Mombasa's rulers to allow them safe harbor. ## 4. Conquests and Political Maneuvering - **Portuguese Military Objectives**: - In 1500, Pedro Cabral arrived at Kilwa with plans to control trade routes. Initial diplomatic efforts were unsuccessful, leading to military incursions. - **Systematic Conquest**: - The Portuguese sought to install a favorable administration, which included the imposition of treaties that were often disregarded. - Cities such as Mombasa experienced military invasions that resulted in significant looting and destruction. ## 5. Cultural and Political Synthesis - **Mutual Dependency**: - Despite hostilities, the Portuguese became reliant on Swahili elites for trade and local knowledge, leading to a degree of cultural synthesis. - The coexistence of communities fostered marriages between the Portuguese and local elites, integrating Portuguese settlers into the Swahili socio-political landscape. - **Swahili Resistance**: - Swahili cities such as Mombasa began leveraging their relationships with the Portuguese for their own political gains, highlighting a complex interplay of power instead of outright subjugation. ## 6. Decline of Portuguese Dominance and Rise of Swahili Independence - **Internal and External Pressures**: - By the 17th century, rising local resistance and the threat of Ottoman Empire expansion weakened Portuguese control. - Key revolts, including one led by Yusuf Hassan of Mombasa in 1631, exemplified the growing discontent with Portuguese rule. - **Final Expulsion**: - The siege of Mombasa in 1696 by a coalition of local elites and Omani forces culminated in the fall of Fort Jesus in 1698, marking the end of significant Portuguese colonialism in the region. ## 7. Legacy of Luso-Swahili Relations - **Cultural Integration**: - The narrative of Portuguese interlopers transformed into recognized partners underscores the adaptability of Swahili elite strategies. - The Swahili coast illustrates a broader pattern of African societies using foreign interactions to enhance their own stability and economic power. - **Historical Significance**: - This history reflects the complexity of Afro-European relationships in the early modern era, highlighting how local contexts shaped encounters and led to both resistance and collaboration. ## Conclusion The evolution of Luso-Swahili relations from conflict to partnership demonstrates a significant historical narrative where local agency prevailed in the face of external pressures, shaping the trajectory of trade and cultural exchange along the Swahili coast. The subsequent independence and resilience of the Swahili city-states illustrate the effectiveness of leveraging external powers to serve indigenous interests.

Christian Nubia, Muslim Egypt and the Crusaders: a complex mosaic of Diplomacy and Warfare.

The kingdom of Makuria, a medieval African power.

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Christian Nubia, Muslim Egypt and the Crusaders: a complex mosaic of Diplomacy and Warfare. =========================================================================================== ### The kingdom of Makuria, a medieval African power. ( Mar 06, 2022 15 For more than six centuries, the Nubian kingdom of Makuria is said to have maintained a relatively cordial relationship and the various Muslim dynasties of Egypt which was quite unique for the era; merchants from both countries plied their trades in either cities, pilgrims travelled safely through both regions, and ideas flowed freely between the two cultures, influencing the artistic, literary and architectural traditions of both states. Scholars have for long attributed this apparent peaceful co-existence to the _**baqt**_ treaty, according to a 15th century writer, the baqt was a written agreement between the Makurians and the Rashidun caliphate (the first Muslim state to conquer Egypt) in which the two sides agreed to terms of settlement that favored the Muslim Egyptians, with Makuria supposedly having to pay _**jizyah**_ (a tax on Christian subjects in Muslim states), maintain the mosque at Old Dongola and deliver a fixed quota of slaves. Historians have for long taken this account as authoritative despite its late composition, they therefore postulated that to the Muslim dynasties of Egypt, the kingdom of Makuria was a client state; a Christian state whose special status was conferred onto it by its more powerful neighbor, and that the peaceful relationship was dictated by the Muslim dynasties of Egypt. Recent re-examinations of the texts relating to this _**baqt**_ peace treaty as well as the relationship between Makuria and the Muslim dynasties of Egypt however, reveal a radically different picture; one in which the Makurian armies twice defeated the invading Rashidun armies in the 7th century and in the succeeding centuries repeatedly advanced into Muslim Egypt and played a role in its internal politics, supporting the Alexandrian Coptic church and aiding several rebellions. Rather than the long peace between Makuria and Egypt postulated in popular historiography, the relationship between the two states alternated between periods of active warfare and peace, and rather than Muslim Egypt dictating the terms of the relationship; Makuria imposed the truce on the defeated Egyptian armies and carried out its relationship with Egypt on its own terms often maintaining the balance of power in its favor and initiating its foreign policy with Egypt; the latter only having to react to the new state of affairs. This relationship significantly changed however once the crusaders altered the political landscape of the Near east, their conquest of the Christian ‘holy lands’ and establishment of crusader states created a radically different dynamic; the threat of Makuria allying with the crusader states and combined with both Christian states' attacks into Muslim Egypt in the 12th century led to the emergence of a military class in Egypt which seized power and attacked the Christian states on both fronts; advancing south into Makuria and north into the crusader states in the late 13th century, managing to conquer the latter but failing to pacify the former for nearly two centuries until Makuria's eventual demise from internal processes. This article explorers the relationship between Makuria and the Muslim dynasties of Egypt, focusing on the prominent events that shaped their encounters, the relationship between the crusaders and Christian Nubia and the gradual decline of Makuria _**Map of medieval North-east Africa, showing the wars between Makuria and Muslim Egypt**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **First encounters: the emergence of Makuria, warfare, Egypt’s defeat, and an uneasy peace.** The fall of the kingdom of Kush in the late 4th century was followed by the emergence of several Nubian small states along the length of its territories; with Noubadia emerging in the 5th century in the northern most regions (southern Egypt), Makuria and Alodia by the 6th century (in what is now north and central Sudan). In all three new kingdoms new capitals were established and they became centers of political and religious power; the heavily fortified city of city of Old Dongola (or Tungul) emerged as the center of the centralized state of Makuria by the 6th century with Faras as the capital of Noubadia and Soba as the capital of Alodia, after a number of Byzantine missions in the mid 6th century, the royal courts of the three kingdoms adopted Christianity, which became the state religion.( _**The ruins of the 7th century Kom H monastery at Old Dongola**_ _**The ruins of Sabagura, a 6th century Noubadian city**_ **Makuria defeats the Rashidun caliphate and imposes a the baqt treaty** Between 639 and 641, the Arab armies of the Rashidun caliphate had conquered much of Egypt from byzantine control and soon after, advanced south to conquer the territory of the Nubians. In 641, the Rashidun force under the leadership of famous conquer Uqba Ibn Nafi penetrated south of Aswan and further into the territory of the kingdom of Noubadia (which at the time was independent of Makuria, its southern neighbor); it was against the Noubadian military that Uqba's first invasion was fought in 641/642( , the chronicler Al-Baladhuri (d. 892) describes the battle which was ultimately won by the Noubadian armies as such : "_**When the Muslims conquered Egypt, Amr ibn al-As sent to the villages which surround it cavalry to overcome them and sent 'Uqba ibn Nafi', who was a brother of al-As. The cavalry entered the land of Nubi like the summer campaigns against the Greeks. The Muslims found that the Nubians fought strongly, and they met showers of arrows until the majority were wounded and returned with many wounded and blinded eyes. So the Nubians were called 'pupil smiters … I saw one of them \ saying to a Muslim, 'Where would you like me to place my arrow in you', and when the Muslim replied, 'In such a place', he would not miss. . . . One day they came out against us and formed a line; we wanted to use swords, but we were not able to, and they shot at us and put out eyes to the number of one hundred and fifty**_."( . Undeterred by this initial defeat however, the Rashidun armies would again send an even large force to conquer Nubia in 651 under the command of Abd Allah who now faced off with the combined Noubadian and Makurian army led by King Qalidurut of Makuria, this attack took place in the same year the Aksumite armies were attacking Arabia and the speed with which Abdallah's forces moved south, bypassing several fortified cities in the region of Noubadia was likely informed by the urgency to counter the threat of what he thought was as an African Christian alliance between Aksum and Makuria( Abdallah's forces besieged Old Dongola and shelled its fortifications and buildings using catapults that broke down the roof of the church, this engagement was then followed by an open battle between the Makurian forces and the Rashidun armies in which the latter suffered many causalities ending in yet another decisive Nubian victory, as the 9th century historian Ahmad al-Kufı wrote: _**"When the Nubians realized the destruction made in their own country, they . . moved to attack the Moslems so bravely that the Moslems had never suffered a loss like the one that they had in Nubia. So many heads were cut off in one battle, so many hands were chopped, so many eyes smitten by arrows and bodies lying on the ground that no one could count"**_.( In light of this context of defeat it was therefore the Rashiduns who sued for peace rather than the Makurians, as the historian Jay Spaulding writes "_**it is unlikely that the party vanquished at Old Dongola would have been in a position to impose upon the victors a treaty demanding tribute and unilateral concession**_" The oldest account of this "truce of security" treaty was written by the 9th century historian Ibn Abdal-Hakam, it was understood as an unwritten obligation by both parties to maintain peaceful relations as well as a reciprocal exchange of commodities annually known as the _**baqt**_ wherein the Muslims were to give the Makurians a specified quantity of wheat and lentils every year while the Makurians were to hand over a certain number of captives each year.( Centuries later however, the succeeding Muslim dynasties of egypt conceived the original treaty as a written document obliging the Nubians to pay tribute in return for the subordination to the caliphate, but the actions of the kings of Makuria reveals that the original treaty's intent continued to guide their own policy towards Muslim Egypt.( _**The makurian fortresses of Hisn al-Bab and el-usheir occupied from the 6th to 15th century**_ * * * **Makuria and the first Muslim dynasties of Egypt; the Ummayads (661-750), the Abbasids (750-969)** The unification of Noubadia with Makuria took place during the reign of king Qalidurut in the face of the Rashidun invasion of both kingdoms and siege of Old Dongola that year, but this unification wasn't permanent and the two kingdoms split shortly after, only to be reunified during the reign of Merkurios( (696-710) who also introduced the policy of religious tolerance; uniting the Chalcedonian and Miaphysite churches of either kingdoms, the latter of which was headed by the coptic Pope of Alexandria who from then on appointed the archbishops at Old Dongola.( While the now much larger kingdom Makuria flourished, an uneasy peace with Muslim Egypt followed and during the reign of Ummayad caliph Hišām (r. 724-743), the Ummayad armies twice invaded Makuria but were defeated, and in retaliation to this; the Makurian army under King Kyriakos invaded Egypt twice, reportedly advancing as far as its capital Fustat,( ostensibly to force the Ummayad governor of Egypt to restore the persecuted Alexandrian pope Michael (r. 743–67) after the Makurians had learned of the ill-treatment he had suffered, as well as his imprisonment and the confiscation of his finances, the Makurian army is said to have done considerable damage to the lands of Upper Egypt during this attack until the governor of Egypt released the patriarch from prison, Kyriakos's army then returned to Makuria and peace between the Ummayads and Makurians resumes.( Similar attacks from the Makurian army on the then Abbasid controlled Egypt are recorded in 862 at Akhmin that also included the cities of Edfu and Kom Ombo, a significant portion of upper Egypt (the region geographically known as southern Egypt) was occupied by the Makurians in the 9th century and Edfu became a center of Nubian culture until the 11th century.( At a time when the Muslim population of Egypt is said to have surpassed the Christian population. During this time, Abbasid governor of Egypt Musa Ibn Ka'ab (r. 758–759) complained about the decorating state of relations between Makuria and Abbasid Egypt, writing to the Makurian king Kyriakos that "_**Here, no obstacle is placed between your merchants and what they want, they are safe and contented wherever they go in our land. You, however behave otherwise, nor are our merchants safe with you**_"( and he demanded that the Makurian king pays 1,000 dinars for an Egyptian merchant who had died in Makuria( , but there's reason to doubt this claim by the governor about the safety of Nubian traders in egypt as another contemporary account writes that the "_**Arabs ‘were in the habit of stealing Nubians and sold them as slaves in Egypt \"**_.( In 830, an embassy from the Abbasid caliph at Baghdad arrived at the court of the Makurian King Zacharias demanding payment of about fourteen years of arrears in Baqt payments, King Zacharias is however only ruling as a regent of the rightful king George whom he sends to Bagdad to negotiate the terms of the treaty( , which at this time had been re-imagined by the Abbasid judges as a customary payment of 360-400 slaves a year from Makuria in exchange for Egyptian wheat and textiles, but the boy-king George explained that Makuria had no capacity to acquire that number of slaves, (indeed, the only instance of Makuria sending slaves to Egypt in the context of _**baqt**_ before the 13th century was when it exported two slaves), the Abbasid caliph then agreed to lower the obligation by 2/3rds of the previous figure and king George returned to Makuria, but there is little evidence that this lower figure of slaves was remitted by king George nor by his successors until the late 13th century.( Besides, the attacks that the Makurians launched into Abbasid Egypt in 862, a few decades after these negotiations, and the Makurian occupation of much of upper Egypt upto Edfu for nearly three centuries reveals the relative weakness of Abbasid control in their southern region, much less the ability to ensure the Makurians met their obligations. _**Painting of the members of the royal court of Makuria from Old Dongola, commissioned by King Ioannes II (c. 770–804 AD)**_ * * * **Makuria and late-period Abbasid Egypt; its offshoot dynasties and the rise of the slave armies.** During the late Abbasid period in the 9th century; its offshoot dynasties of the Tulunids (868–905) and the Ikshdids (935-969); as well as the era of the Fatimid caliphate (969-1171), the institution of slave armies in Muslim Egypt was greatly expanded, these slaves taken from a diverse range of ethnicities and were reputed to be fiercely loyal to their Kings which allowed the latter to centralize their power, the bulk of military slaves were Turks, Greeks, and Armenians but a sizeable percentage were African; especially during the period between the 9th and 12th century.( While the African portion of these armies is often thought to have been purchased from Nubia( , there are several reasons why Makuria is very unlikely to have been the source, one is that the use of African slave soldiers which increased during the Tulunid and Fatimid era, and later sharply declined in the Ayyubid and Mamluk era in the 12th and 13th century,( contrasts with the period when slaves from Makuria are documented to have been exported into Egypt in the 13th/14th century; these slaves are often associated with the Mamluk wars with Makuria and the latter’s payment of the _**baqt**_, added to this reason is the above mentioned lack of significant Nubian slave trade prior to the Mamluk invasion as well as the lack of mention of slave trade from 10th century descriptions on Makuria made by travelers, all of which make it unlikely that the more 30-40,000 African soldiers of Muslim Egypt passed through Makurian cities unnoticed. The most likely source for these were the red-sea ports of Aidhab and Badi (where a significant slave market existed in the 8th century), and from the Fezzan region of southern Libya; where a large slave market existed in the city of Zawila from the 8th to the 12th century, many of whom were ultimately sold to the Maghreb and Muslim Egypt( . Despite the red sea region primarily falling under the political orbit of the Muslim empires that also controlled Egypt, the ports of Aidhab and Badi were also politically important for the kingdom of Makuria, Aidhab was founded during the reign of Rashidun caliph Abû Bakr \ while Bâdi was founded in 637, the latter was established to contest Aksumite hegemony over the red sea which it had maintained through its port of Adulis in Eritrea, while the former served as a base for the conquest of Egypt( , both ports traded in the usual African commodities of gold, cattle, ivory and slaves, but it was slaves that became important to its trade in the 8th century. These slaves were drawn from various sources but primarily from the neighboring Beja groups. In the late 9th century, Gold became the primary export of Aidhab, most of it was mined from Wadi Allaqi in the eastern desert ( and brought through caravan routes to the coast, along these routes; goods, pilgrims and caravans travelled from Aidhab to Aswan from where they were sold to Fustat. _**medieval ruins of Deraheib in the Wadi Allaqi region a region in the eastern desert under Beja control**_( In 951 and 956, more invasions from the Makurian army into upper Egypt are recorded that reached upto the western oases of the desert at Kharga and the city of Aswan, these inturn led to an invasion into the northern parts of Nubia by the forces of the Ikhshidid egypt which briefly captured Qsar Ibirim in 957, the later action promoted a response from the Makurian army that advanced as far north as Akhmin in 960s and occupied much of the region for atleast 3 years( . in 963, the Ikhshidid army led by the famous African slave general Kafur al-Ikhshidi attacked Makuria reportedly upto Old dongola( although there’s reason to doubt this claim( , this invasion was soon retaliated by another Makurian attack shortly before his death in 968. After the Fatimid conquest of egypt in 969, relations between the Fatimid sultans and the kings of Makuria became much better save for a minor raid by the rebellious Turkish slave Nasir ad-Dawla who led his forces into Makuria in 1066 but was crushingly defeated by the Makurian army( , No wars were conducted by any of the Fatimid caliphs into Makuria and none were conducted by the Makurian kings into Egypt for the entire period of Fatimid rule. The lull in warfare between Makuria and Egypt from the 10th to the late 12th century allowed for an extensive period of trade and cultural exchanges between the two states, coinciding with the unification of Makuria and the southern Kingdom of Alodia to form the Kingdom of Dotawo in the mid 10th century( * * * **The long peace between Makuria Fatimid Egypt: Trade, pilgrimage, correspondence and the coming of the crusaders** Evidence for this relatively peaceful coexistence is provided by the appearance of several Makurian Kings in Fatimid Egypt beginning with King Solomon who left Nubia for Egypt after his abdication, where he retired to the church of Saint Onnophrios near Aswan and died later in the 1070s( to be buried in the monastery of St George at Khandaq.( This act of personal piety by King Solomon who believed that “_**a king cannot be saved by God while he still governs among men**_”( would be repeated by successive Makurian Kings from the 11th through the 13th centuries, including King George who ascended to the throne in 1132, and left for Egypt after his abdication to retire to an Egyptian monastery in Wadi en-Natrun where he later died in the late 1150s( . Nubian pilgrims as well found it much easier to journey through Egypt on their way to the holy lands as well as to other Christian states in Europe such as the Byzantine empire; the Makurian King Moses George (who reigns during the end of the Fatimid era) also abdicated the throne to travel to Jerusalem, he later reached Constantinople in 1203 where he was met by the crusader Robert de Clari, whose chronicle of the Fourth Crusade mentions a black Christian king with a cross on his forehead who had been on a pilgrimage through Jerusalem with twelve companions, although only two continued with him to Constantinople( , the King said he was on his way to Rome and ultimately to the church of Santiago de Compostela in Spain.( Moses George’s pilgrimage to Jerusalem and parts of the Byzantine realm was part of a larger stream of Christian pilgrims from Nubia into the holy lands, several of whom were mentioned by Theoderich in 1172( and by Burchard of Mount Sion in 1280AD when they had obtained possession of Adam’s Chapel in the Church of the Holy Sepulcher( . Direct contacts between Makuria and Christian Europe which now included European travelers and traders visiting Old Dongola, thus provided European cartographers, diplomats, church officials, and apocalyptic mythographers with more material for locating Nubia within the wider sphere of Christendom( . The Makurian economy was relatively monetized using Fatimid coinage which arrived through external trade, these coins were used in purchasing land and other commodities by the Makurians as well as in paying rent and taxes( _**10-12th century wall painting of the nativity scene from Faras cathedral, King Moses George is also shown in the bottom right.**_ _**12th century painting from Old Dongola depicting a financial transaction**_ The robust literary tradition of Makuria which had by this time been sufficiently indigenized with extensive the use of Old Nubian script displacing Greek and Coptic in many textual works including the production of lengthy scribal masterpieces such as the Attiri book of Michael (an original 300-page codex written by a Makurian scribe under the patronage of the eparch)( and a Coptic version of the book of Enoch, which had for long been assumed to be lost to the rest of the Christian world save for Ethiopia, thus providing further evidence of Nubia’s place in medieval Mediterranean ecumenism.( Correspondence between Makuria and other African Christian states increased during this time, firstly was with the Coptic community of Egypt whose pope appointed the archbishops at Old Dongola, but the Nubian church was distinguished from its Ethiopian peer because the former retained the right to recommend its own candidates for the post of Archbishop of Old Dongola, who was taken from among its own citizens, attesting to the relative degree of independence of the Makurian church had that lasted even during its decline in the late 14th century.( Makuria also had fairly regular contacts with Christian Ethiopian especially the kingdom of Aksum and the Abyssinian empire; in an 11th century account, an unnamed Ethiopian king sent a letter to the Makurian king Georgios II describing the deteriorating political situation of his kingdom which he interpreted as God’s punishment for the inappropriate treatment of the Abuna (the appointed head of the Ethiopian church) by previous rulers, and asked King Georgios to negotiate with the Patriarch Philotheos for the ordaining of a new Abuna. Georgios responded sympathetically to this request, sending a request letter to the patriarch who nominated Daniel as the new Abuna for Ethiopia. In the later years, other Ethiopians are noted to have travelled through Makuria on their way through Egypt (or from it) including an Ethiopian bishop who passed by the Makurian church of Sonqi Tino in the 13th century, and an Ethiopian saint who travelled through Makuria in the mid 14th century.( A 13th century Ethiopian painting of a dignitary at a church in Tigray also depicts a Nubian visitor who may have come from Makuria or Alodia. _**Fragments of the “Attiri Book of Michael” written in Old nubian**_ _**13th century Ethiopian painting of a Nubian dignitary from the Maryam Korkor church**_ Fatimid travelers and embassies were also sent to Makuria, the most famous was Ibn Salim al-Aswani in 970 who was sent by the Fatimid governor to Old Dongola and stayed in the capital for about six months, providing the most detailed account of the kingdom of Makuria (and its southern neighbor of Alodia) describing its “_**beautiful buildings, churches, monasteries and many palm trees, vines, gardens, fields and large pastures in which graze handsome and well-bred camels**_”( this account was later collaborated by Abu salih writing before 1200, he was an Armenian chronicler in Egypt who described Old Dongola as "_**a large city on the banks of the blessed nile, and contains many churches and large houses and wide streets. the king's house is lofty with several domes built of red-brick and resembles the buildings in iraq"**_( _**,**_ these descriptions match those of earlier writers such as Ibn Hawqal in the mid 10th century (who didn’t visit Old Dongola but did visit its southern neighbor Alodioa) and the recent archeological discoveries of the medieval Makurian cities and monuments in Sudan. _**The monastery of el-Ghazali, built in the 7th century and occupied until the late 13th century**_ _**The church of st. Raphael at Banganarti, originally built in the 7th century and reconstructed over the centuries until the late 13th century when it became a major pilgrimage site.**_( * * * **Makuria and the Ayyubid Egypt (1171-1250): An uneasy peace and the coming of the crusaders** The rise of the Ayyubid Egypt heralded the end of the cordial relations between Muslim Egypt and Makuria, the new foreign policy of the Ayyubids towards Makuria was colored by the political and religious upheaval brought about by the crusader invasions of Egypt in the 12th century. The crusaders had taken over the holy lands of the near east (the region from Sinai to Syria) and succeeded in establishing four crusader states, among which, the kingdom of Jerusalem (1099-1291) which directly bordered the Fatimids, was the most powerful. While Egypt had previously been peripheral to crusader concerns, it became the primary target of various Christian European armies with the beginning with Amalric of Jerusalem in 1163 and continued with several attacks that lasted for nearly a century, these attacks coincided with the decline of Fatimid power with the ascendance of child-kings between 1149 and 1160 the ultimately led to the rise of powerful military officials who ruled with full authority. One of these military officers was Saladin who became wazir (a vizier) of the last Fatimid caliph Al-Adid, in 1169, Saladin then begun expanding his power at the expense of his caliph by weakening the caliph’s army and strangling its revenues, these actions prompted the army to revolt and the African infantry soldiers, led by Mu'tamin al-Khilafa sought an alliance with the crusaders, this conspiracy that was uncovered by the Saladin who crushed their revolt, leading to the soldiers fleeing to upper Egypt, allowing Saladin to seize power in 1171 following the death of the caliph al-Adid.( The conspiracy to ally with the Frankish crusader armies to overthrow Saladin also included Nubians from Makuria, and when the remnants of the african soldiers he had defeated retreated to upper Egypt, they attacked the city of Aswan in alliance with (or support from) the Makurians, Saladin sent an army under Shams ad-Dawla who then sacked Qasr Ibrim in 1173( Shams then sent a messenger to negotiate with the Makurian King Moses George demanding that he submit to Saladin’s authority and convert to Islam but the king is said to have "_**burst into wild laughter and ordered his men to stamp a cross on the messenger's hand with redhot iron”**_( Frustrated with the collapse in negations, Shams tortured the bishop of Qasr Ibrim for money but "_**nothing could be found that he could give to shams ad-daulah, who made him prisoner with the rest**_", Shams would later award Ibrim in fief to a soldier named Ibrahim al-Kurdi but this only lasted a two years aftewhich al-Kurdi drowned in the Nile and his soldiers abandoned the city which reverted back to the Makurians. King Moses George continued to rule for nearly half a century( until his abovementioned pilgrimage through the holy lands and Europe, Makuria itself maintained an uneasy but rather quiet relationship with Ayyubid Egypt until its fall to its own Mamluk slave soldiers in the late 1240s, which happened at a critical time during the invasion of Egypt by the seventh crusade. **Interlude: Makuria and the Crusader states** The late 1240s also mark the beginning of a concerted effort by Christian European kings to establish relations with the Makurian kings through their crusader offshoots, initially these were missionary efforts since the Miaphysite church of Alexandria which was followed by the Makurians, had existed in opposition to the roman catholic church of the western Europeans, Pope innocent IV thus called for a general council that met in Lyon in 1245 where he issued a papal bull that delegated Franscian friars to several Christian states urging them to join the Roman catholic church, one of their countries of destination was Makuria, he also dispatched emissaries with letters to the Makurian rulers (among other Christian kings) with the same instructions.( While little is known about the letter reaching its intended recipients at Old Dongola, the discovery of a 13th/14th century graffito written in the Provençal dialect of southern France, at the Makurian city of Banganarti (which is less than 10 km from Old Dongola) attests to a direct contact between Christian Europe and Makuria by this time, and by the early 14th century, Genoese merchants were already active at Old Dongola.( In the late 13th century, plans were being made by the crusaders that explicitly included a proposed alliance with the Makurians to split the forces of the Mamluk Egyptians, especially after the latter’s defeat of the Kingdom of Jerusalem in 1291 (the last of the crusader states to fall), and several of these proposed military alliances between Makuria and the crusader armies were presented to the Pope clement V in 1307 and to Pope John XXII in 1321.( But the Mamluks were aware of the threat such an alliance would bring and worked to stifle any contact between the Nubians and the crusaders, and Mamluk sultans became more active in the succession struggles in Makuria with the intent of undermining its power. _**Barely visible graffito scratched onto the walls of the Bangnarti church by a visitor from provance, this 4cm text is one of the oldest Latin inscriptions in sub-Saharan Africa, the more visible inscriptions below it, written in Greek and old Nubian were inscribed by local Nubian pilgrims**_( _**14th century painting of a battle between the crusaders and the Muslim armies**_ _**(Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, France)**_ * * * **Makuria and the Mamluk sultanate of Egypt (1250-1517): warfare, decline and the end of Christian Nubia.** Its within the above mentioned context that the Mamluk policy towards Makuria turned decidedly hostile, But the Makurians themselves had already understood the threat the Mamluks posed and In 1268, the Makurian king David sent messengers to the Mamluk sultan Baybars about his deposition of the previous king whom he claimed was blind and that he had expelled him to al-Abwab (a small state between Makuria and Alodia). The Mamluk red sea trading interests also posed a threat to the Makurians, especially the port of Aidhab which had since grown into the principal port of the region at the expense of the southern ports of Badi and Suakin both of which allowed the Kings of Makuria and Alodia access to the sea.( In 1182/3, the crusader armies under Renaud de chatillion attacked Aidhab (not long after Shams had attacked Qasr Ibrim in 1173), but the town had recovered( and in 1272 the Makurian armies of king David attacked the same town as well as the city of Aswan and killed the governors stationed there, this promoted a retaliation from the Mamluk armies a few months later who attacked the city of Qasr Ibrim.( In 1276, A disgruntled nephew of King David named Shekanda arrived at the sultan's court, claiming the throne of Nubia and requesting assistance from the Baybars to reclaim his throne in exchange for Shekanda meeting the _**baqt**_ requests, the Mamluks then invaded Makuria a few months later, sacking Qsar Ibrim where they killed Marturokoudda, the eparch of Nobadia and a prominent local landowner, they then advanced south to Old Dongola (which was the first time Muslim Egypt’s armies had fought on Nubian soil in the 600 years since their defeat in 652), this time the battle ended with a Makurian defeat as David's divided forces couldn't withstand the Mamluk forces and he was captured and imprisoned not long after. Shekanda was the enthroned as King of Makuria, but the Mamluk sultan Kalavun (the successor of Babyars) now considered Makuria only as a province of his Mamluk sultanate as he made clear in his negotiations with King Alfonso of Aragon in 1290 in a treaty that explicitly describes Kalavun describes himself as the “_**sultan of Makuria , the territory of David**_”( this last emphasis was most likely added to suppress any attempts of the crusaders to form an alliance with the Makurians. The Mamluk army under would in the same year prepare for a siege of Acre and they ultimately defeated the forces of the crusader kingdom of Jerusalem in 1291, taking the remaining Frankish footholds on the coast (Tyre, Sidon, Beirut, Haifa) and ending Christian Europe's permanent presence in the holy lands.( Before preparing the siege of Acre however, the sultan Kalavun had been involved in the succession disputes in Makuria where another disgruntled claimant appealed to him for military assistance to recover his throne which he claimed had been seized by the then reigning King Shamamun (Simeon), who was his maternal uncle. Kavalun sent an expedition in 1287 to take Old Dongola but Simeon retreated with his army and also informed his eparch/governor of Noubadia, Gourresi, to retreat, but the latter was captured by the Mamluks and turned to their side, allowing Kavalun's army to install Simeon's nephew to the throne and Gourresi as his deputy. Soon after the Mamluk forces returned to Egypt, Solomon re-emerged and deposed his nephew in 1288, the deposed nephew and Gourresi fled to Cairo to report this, which prompted Kavalun to send an even larger army in 1289 to reinstall the deposed nephew, but since the latter died on the journey, a son of David was chosen instead, Simeon retreated again and allowed the installation of the puppet but after the Mamluks had returned to Cairo in 1290, Simeon deposed their puppet, killing him and Gourresi. Simeon's rule continued unabated till his passing between 1295-1297( , he is said to have sent his share of the _**baqt**_ to sultan Kavalun after assessing that the latter was tired of installing weak rulers to the Makurian throne, and this is perhaps the earliest mention of a _**baqt**_ payment and it consisted of 190 slaves( . Simeon was succeeded by King Ayay who reined until 1311 or 1316, he sent two embassies to the Mamluk court in 1292 and 1305, explaining his failure to pay the _**baqt**_ obligation, offering small customary present of camels instead of slaves, he also requested military assistance against the Arab incursions in upper Egypt which had for made the region insecure for the Mamluk sultans but had also begun extending their predations south to the northern regions of Makuria( Ayay was succeeded by his brother King Kudanpes likely after a palace coup, the latter travelled to the Mamluk court in the following year likely to deliver a _**baqt**_ and is said to have brought about 1,000 slaves as payment for decades worth of arrears.( (this was the last recorded _**baqt**_ payment by the Makurians) But Kudanpes wasn't secure on the throne and his claim was again challenged by his nephew Barshanbu, a son of King King David's sister who had grown up in Cairo and had since converted to Islam, Barshanbu requested the Mamluk sultan Al-Nasir to grant him forces and install him at Old Dongola, to which King Kudanpes responded by nominating his own Muslim nephew Kanz al-Dawla to the sultan as a better alternative, but the latter was detained by al-Nasir who then sent a force to depose Kudanpes and install Barshanbi which was accomplished in 1317; whereafter the administrative building at Old Dongola was converted to a mosque (this is the first mention of a mosque in Makuria). Soon after his installation however, sultan Al-Nasir released al-Dawla who then deposed Barshanbu and reigned as king of Makuria. Still unsatisfied with the continued Makurian independence, sultan al-Nasir released the deposed king Kudanpes in 1323 to depose al-Dawla but this ended in failure( Kanz al-Dawla was however the only Muslim ruler of Christian Makuria until its fall in the 15th century, and all of his known successors are mentioned to be Christian, as the reign of King Sitti in the 1330s indicates a restoration of Makuria's prominence with a firm control over the northern provinces as well as its capital Old Dongola, and Makurian institutions seemed to have successfully weathered the turbulence of the earlier decades quite well.( although a number of monasteries had been abandoned by this time.( _**Plaque in the administrative building at Old Dongola commemorating its conversion to a mosque in 1317**_ _**14th century painting depicting a Makurian royal under the protection of Christ and two saints.This may be the last painting of a Makurian king**_ ( The internal tension of the late 13th and early 14th century should not lead us to imagine Nubia heading into a rapid decline, as Makurian literacy, arts and construction appear to continued in the 14th century and 15th century.( Internal strife returned in the 1365 as another king was yet again challenged by his nephew, the latter of whom reportedly formed alliances with the Banu Kaz, (a mixed Arab-Beja tribe that had over the 14th century come to control much of the red sea region including the port of Aidhab and challenged both Mamluk and Makurian authority in their eastern regions) the usurper seized Old Dongola forcing the reigning king to retreat to his new capital called al-Daw from where he requested the Mamluk armies aid him in his war, the Mamluk forces defeated the usurper who agreed to become the eparch at Qasr Ibrim under the reigning Makurian king, but Old Dongola was abandoned permanently after serving 800 years as the capital of Makuria. The Makurian state nevertheless persisted and a Nubian bishop named Timotheos is appointed in the 1370s to head its church, little is known about Makuria in the succeeding years, the constant predations of the Banu Kaz and the Beja on the red sea ports and eastern regions remained a looming threat, and had prompted the Mamluk sultan Baybars to sack Aidhab in 1426 and the town was permanently abandoned( . In 1486 Makuria is ruled by King Joel who is mentioned in local documents, which attests to the relatively seamless continuity of Nubian legal practices and traditions in the late 15th century; eparch still govern Makuria’s northern province of Noubadia and Bishops (now stationed at Qasr Ibrim) are still present throughout the same period.( By the turn of the 15th century, Makuria only existed as rump state, in 1517 Mamluk Egypt fell to the Ottomans and in 1518, Ali b. Umar, the upper Egypt governor of Mamluks who had turned to the Ottoman side is mentioned to have been at war with the “lord of Nubia”( , the old kingdom of Makuria limped on for a few years and then slowly faded to obscurity. _**leather scroll of a land sale from 1463 written in Old Nubian, found at Qsar Ibrim**_ * * * **Conclusion: Makuria as an African medieval power** A closer inspection of the history of the relations between Makuria and Muslim Egypt throughout the millennia of Makuria’s existence reveals a dynamic that upends the misconceptions in the popular accounts of medieval north east Africa. The kingdom of Makuria is shown to be a strong, stable and centralized power for much of its existence outlasting 6 Muslim Egyptian dynasties, it consistently represented a formidable challenge to centralized Egyptian authority. Its dynastic continuity relative to the various Muslim dynasties of Egypt also serves as evidence of Makuria's much firmer domestic political position which enabled it to dictate the terms within which both states conducted their relationship; for more than 600 years after the initial Muslim advance onto Nubian soil, it was Makuria which fought on Egyptian soil with several recorded battles in every century of its existence against each Egyptian dynasty (save for the Fatimids). Makuria’s elites were actively involved in Egyptian politics, and the strength of Makuria's army became known to the crusaders as well who devised plans to ally with it against a common foe, all of which indicates a balance of power strongly in favor of the Makurians and quite different from that related in al-Maqrizi's 15th century account, as the historian Jay Spaulding writes "_**Present Orientalist understanding of the baqt thus rests largely upon a single hostile Islamic source written eight hundred years after the events it purports to describe…The baqt agreement, from a Nubian perspective, marked acceptance of the new Islamic regime in Egypt as a legitimate foreign government with which, following the unfortunate initial encounter, normal relations would be possible**_"( Even after the Mamluks succeeded in turning the balance of power against the Makurians, their attempt at interfering in Makurian politics was ephemeral, its institutions, particularly the Makurian church, remained a powerful factor in the royal court eventually restoring the Christian state until its gradual decline a century later. The largely hostile relationship between the Makurians and Muslim Egypt reveals that it was military power that sustained Makuria’s independence rather than a special status of peaceful co-existence as its commonly averred. This is similar to the relationship between the early Muslim empires and the Kingdom of Aksum, the latter of which is often assumed to have been “spared” by the Arab armies (as per the instructions of Prophet Muhammad) but evidence shows that Aksum was the target of several failed Arab invasions beginning in 641, just 9 years after the prophet’s death, and their defeat by Aksum’s armies is what secured the kingdom’s independence( ; sustaining it and Makuria as the only remaining Christian African states of the late medieval era. _**the 7th century Makurian church of Qasr Ibrim**_ * * * **Read more African history on my patreon** ( * * * ( The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce Williams pg 760, 808-810 ( The Rise of Nobadia by Artur Obłuski pg 199) ( Ancient Nubia by P. L. Shinnie pg 123) ( The power of walls by Friederike Jesse pg 132) ( The Nubian past by David Edwards pg 249) ( Medieval Christian Nubia and the Islamic World by Jay Spaulding pg 584) ( Medieval Christian Nubia and the Islamic World by Jay Spaulding pg 578 ( Was King Merkourios (696 -710), an African 'New Constantine', the unifier of the Kingdoms and Churches of Makouria and Nobadia by Benjamin C Hendrickx pg 17-18) ( The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce Williams pg 762) ( The Rise of a Capital: Al-Fusṭāṭ and Its Hinterland by Jelle Bruning pg 106-7 ( The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce Williams pg 763), ( Ancient Nubia by P. L. Shinnie pg 125) ( Medieval Christian Nubia and the Islamic World by Jay Spaulding pg589) ( The Archaeology of Medieval Islamic Frontiers pg 112 ( The Rise of a Capital: Al-Fusṭāṭ and Its Hinterland by Jelle Bruning pg pg 106-7) ( The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce Williams pg 763 ( Medieval Christian Nubia and the Islamic World by Jay Spaulding pg 592) ( Race and Slavery in the Middle East By Bernard Lewis pg 63-65 ( Possessed by the Right Hand by by Bernard K. Freamon pg 206-218) ( Race and Slavery in the Middle East by Bernard Lewis pg 67-68 ( Across the Sahara by Klaus Braun pg 133-135 ( The Origin and Development of the Sudanese Ports by T Power pg 5, 7, 9) ( The Origin and Development of the Sudanese Ports by T Power pg 10-12, 13-15) ( The Archaeology of Islam in Sub-Saharan Africa by T. Insoll pg 103-105 ( The Rise of the Fatimids by Michael Brett ( The Red Sea from Byzantium to the Caliphate by T power pg 157 ( Conflict and Conquest in the Islamic World by Alexander Mikaberidze pg 458 ( the nubian past by David Edwards pg 215) ( The Medieval Kingdoms of Nubia by Derek A. Welsby pg 88-89 ( Medieval Nubia by G Ruffini p.248) ( Ancient Nubia by P. L. Shinnie pg 129) ( The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce Williams pg 765 ( The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce Williams pg 764) ( The Fourth Crusade The Conquest of Constantinople by Donald E. Queller pg 140) ( Medieval Nubia by G Ruffini p.252) ( New discoveries in Nubia: proceedings of the Colloquium on Nubian studies, The Hague, 1979 by Paul van Moorsel pg 144) ( Medieval Kingdoms of Nubia by D. Welsby pg 77) ( Medieval Nubia by G Ruffini pg 262-264) ( The Archaeology of Medieval Islamic Frontiers pg 105-114) ( The Old Nubian Texts from Attiri by by Vincent W. J. van Gerven Oei ( Medieval Nubia by G Ruffini pg 231) ( Medieval Nubia by G Ruffini pg 255-256) ( An Unexpected Guest in the Church of Sonqi Tino by Ochala pg 257-265 ( Nubia a corridor to Africa by W. Adams pg 461-462 ( Africa from the Seventh to the Eleventh Century pg 199 ( Banganarti on the Nile, An Archaeological Guide by Bogdan Zurawski ( The age of the crusades by P.M. Holt pg 46- 51) ( Medieval Nubia by G Ruffini pg 263-264) ( Medieval Nubia by G Ruffini pg 249) ( Medieval Nubia by G Ruffini pg 250-251) ( The other ethiopia Nubia and the crusade (12th-14th century) by R Seignobos pg 309) ( Medieval Nubia by G Ruffini pg 263-263) ( The other ethiopia Nubia and the crusade (12th-14th century) by R Seignobos pg 310-312), ( A man from Provance on the Middle Nile by Adam Łajtar and Tomasz Płóciennik ( The kingdom of alwa by Mohi el-Din Abdalla Zarroug pg 86) ( The Archaeology of Islam in Sub-Saharan Africa by Timothy Insoll pg 94-97) ( The age of the crusades by P.M. Holt pg 133) ( Early Mamluk Diplomacy (1260-1290) by by Peter Holt pg 132) ( The age of the crusades by P.M. Holt pg 103-104), ( From Slave to Sultan: The Career of Al-Manṣūr Qalāwūn by Linda Stevens Northrup pg 147-149) ( Medieval Christian Nubia and the Islamic World by Jay Spaulding pg 592) ( The age of the crusades by P.M. Holt pg pg 134) ( Medieval Christian Nubia and the Islamic World by Jay Spaulding pg pg 592) ( The age of the crusades by P.M. Holt 135) ( Medieval Nubia by G Ruffini pg 29-30) ( The Monasteries and Monks of Nubia by Artur Obłuski ( The 'last' king of Makuria (Dotawo) by W Godlewski ( The last king of makuria by by W Godlewski ( The Archaeology of Islam in Sub-Saharan Africa by Timothy Insoll pg 97) ( Medieval Nubia by G Ruffini pg 254-257) ( The Medieval Kingdoms of Nubia Derek A. Welsby pg 254 ( Medieval Christian Nubia and the Islamic World by Jay Spaulding pg 585 ( The Red Sea from Byzantium to the Caliphate by Timothy Power pg 93.

# Christian Nubia, Muslim Egypt, and the Crusaders: A Complex Mosaic of Diplomacy and Warfare ## Overview of the Kingdom of Makuria 1. **Historical Context**: The kingdom of Makuria emerged as a significant medieval African power in Nubia during the 6th century. 2. **Cordial Relations**: For over six centuries, Makuria maintained a relatively peaceful relationship with various Muslim dynasties in Egypt, which was unusual for the era. - **Trade and Culture**: Merchants from both regions engaged in trade, and pilgrims traveled safely through both territories, fostering cultural exchange and artistic, literary, and architectural influences. ## The Baqt Treaty 1. **Origins**: Scholars have attributed the peace between Makuria and Muslim Egypt to the _baqt_ treaty, supposedly established between Makuria and the Rashidun caliphate. 2. **Content of the Treaty**: It was said that Makuria agreed to pay _jizyah_ (a tax for Christian subjects), maintain a mosque in Old Dongola, and deliver a fixed number of slaves annually. 3. **Criticism of Historical Interpretation**: Recent re-examinations of historical texts suggest a different narrative: - Makuria's armies defeated Rashidun invasions in the 7th century and actively engaged in Egyptian politics, supporting internal rebellions, rather than merely existing as a client state of Egypt. - The relationship was characterized by alternating periods of warfare and peace, indicating that Makuria often dictated the terms of engagement with Egypt. ## Military Engagements 1. **Defeats of Rashidun Armies**: Makuria successfully resisted Rashidun incursions in 641 and 651, with accounts indicating significant Nubian victories. 2. **Subsequent Relations with Muslim Dynasties**: - The Umayyad and Abbasid caliphates faced military resistance from Makuria, notably during the reign of King Kyriakos. - Despite invasions, the kingdom retained significant influence, with Makuria occupying parts of Upper Egypt during the Abbasid period. ## Interaction with Crusaders and Changing Dynamics 1. **Crusader Influence**: The crusader states established in the Near East altered the political landscape, leading to increased tensions. - Makuria's potential alliance with crusaders represented a significant threat to Muslim Egypt. 2. **Military Responses**: The emergence of a military class in Egypt led to offensive actions against both Makuria and crusader states in the late 13th century. 3. **Decline of Makuria**: Makuria engaged in warfare with Mamluk armies in the late 13th century, suffering defeats that ultimately led to its decline. ## Cultural and Economic Exchanges 1. **Religious Dynamics**: Christianity was a unifying factor in Makuria, with the adoption of religious tolerance during King Merkurios's reign. 2. **Pilgrimages and Trade**: The Fatimid period allowed easier pilgrimages for Nubians and increased trade with Egypt, facilitating cultural exchanges. 3. **Literary and Economic Developments**: Makuria developed a unique literary tradition and adopted Fatimid coinage for transactions, indicating a monetized economy. ## Interaction under Ayyubid and Mamluk Rule 1. **Ayyubid Period**: Relations soured under Saladin, leading to military confrontations, but Makuria maintained its sovereignty through military strength. 2. **Mamluk Dominance**: Hostility increased post-1250 as Mamluks sought to undermine Makuria, leading to military invasions and changing political dynamics. - The Makurian kings became involved in succession disputes, often influenced by Mamluk interests. ## Decline and Legacy of Makuria 1. **Final Years**: Internal strife, external pressures, and changing political landscapes led to the gradual decline of the kingdom. 2. **Cultural Resilience**: Despite challenges, Makuria preserved its Christian identity and legal traditions until its eventual obscurity. 3. **Historical Significance**: Makuria represented a formidable challenge to Muslim authority, illustrating a complex relationship characterized by both conflict and cooperation in medieval northeast Africa. ## Conclusion The history of Makuria reveals it as a strong, centralized power in medieval Africa that actively engaged with Muslim Egypt and crusader states, often dictating the terms of its relationships. Its military resilience and cultural contributions highlight the kingdom's significance in the broader narrative of African history.

Between Africa and India: Trade, Population movements and cultural exchanges in the Indian ocean world

African and Indian interactions during the medieval era of globalization

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Between Africa and India: Trade, Population movements and cultural exchanges in the Indian ocean world ====================================================================================================== ### African and Indian interactions during the medieval era of globalization ( Feb 27, 2022 7 The Indian ocean world was a dynamic zone of cultural, economic and political exchanges between several disparate polities, cities and societies on the Afro-Eurasian world whose exchanges were characterized by complex, multi-tired and shifting interactions conducted along maritime and overland routes; communities of artisans, merchants, pilgrims and other travelers moved between the cosmopolitan cities along the ocean rim, hauling trade goods, ideas and cultural practices and contributing to the diverse “Indian ocean littoral society”. Despite this their long history of connections, contacts between Africa and the Indian subcontinent have often been overlooked in favor of the better known interactions between Africa and the Arabian peninsular, ignoring the plentiful documentary and archeological evidence for the movement of traders, goods and populations between either continents as early as the 1st millennium AD; in this reciprocal exchange, Africans in India and Indians in Africa established communities of artisans, soldiers, merchants and craftsmen and contributed to both region’s art and architecture, and played an important role in the politics and economies of the societies where they settled. Studies of the “Indian ocean history” have revealed the complex web of interactions predating the era of European contact as well as highlighting connections between India and Africa that had been overlooked, but these studies have also shown the limitations of some of their theoretical borrowings from the studies of other maritime cultures (especially the Atlantic and Mediterranean worlds), such as the application of the world systems theory in the Afro-Indian exchanges, that positions India as the “core”, African coastal cities as the “semi-periphery”, and the African interior as the “periphery”; recent studies however have challenged this rigid “core–periphery” framework, highlighting the shared values, aesthetics, and social practices between the two regions and revealing the extensive bi-directional nature of the trade, population movements and cultural influences between Africa and India ( This article explores the history of interactions between eastern Africa and the Indian subcontinent focusing on trade, population movements, architectural influences and other cultural exchanges between the two regions from late antiquity to the modern era. _**Map of the western Indian ocean showing some of the cities mentioned in the article**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The movement of merchants, ships and trade goods between Africa and the indian subcontinent from antiquity to the early modern era** **African trade to the Indian subcontinent** The earliest direct contacts between the Indian subcontinent and Africa seem to have been initiated from the African side( ; the Ethiopian empire of _**Aksum**_ with its extensive maritime trading interests and its conquests of southern and western Arabia sought to dominate the important red sea conduit of trade between India and the Roman empire at the turn of the 3rd century AD, while little documentary evidence has come to light on direct travel of Aksumite or Indian ships to either's ports at this early stage, the existence of a late 2nd century stupa from Amravati in India, depicting the _**Satavahana**_ king Bandhuma receiving presents from Aksumite merchants( attests to early contacts to india from Aksum. By the early 6th century, the chronicler Cosmas Indicopleustes describes at length the operation of the Indo-Roman trade in silk and spices in which Aksum was the main middleman, with Aksumite ships and merchants sailing from the Aksumite port of Adulis to the island of Sri lanka, paying for Indian (and Chinese) silk and spices with Aksum’s gold coinage as well as exchanging these for roman items such as amphorae, the Aksumite merchants then shipped this cargo to the Roman controlled port cities such as the Jordanian port of Aila (Aqaba) where 6th century writer Antoninus of Piacenza wrote that all the "_**shipping from Aksum and Yemen comes into the port at Aila, bringing a variety of spices**_" as well as to the Romano-egyptian port of Berenike where a significant Aksumite community resided( . There is however, plenty of evidence that direct trade from Aksum to Sri lanka and the rest of the Indian subcontinent was already well established before the time of Cosmas’ writing, besides the direct request by emperor Justianian to the Aksumite emperor Kaleb for the latter to instruct his merchants to purchase more Indian cargo for the roman market( ; evidence of Aksum-India trade includes; the presence of Aksumite coins in the India particularly at Mangalore and Madurai dated to the 4th and 5th century, as well as at Karur in Tamil Nadu, and the 3rd century Kushan coins recovered from Debre Damo in Ethiopia( ; the substitution of the direct route between Rome and India by the 2nd century in favor of a multi-stage route from Sri-Lanka to the Aksumite port of Adulis to the Mediterranean( ; this multi-stage route via Adulis can be seen in the travels of Scholasticus of Thebes (d. 360), Palladius (d. 420) and Cosmas Indicopleustes (d. 550)( , showing that that the Aksumite trade with India was well established by the 4th century and likely earlier. The decline of Aksum after the 7th century and its withdraw from the maritime trade, saw the rise of the Dahlak island polity in the late 10th century, this Dahlak sultanate was essentially an Aksumite offshoot dominated by Ethiopian slave soldiers, its political activities were mainly concentrated in Yemen where it eventually conquered the city of Zabid and ruled the country for a little over a century as the Najahid dynasty (1022-1158), evidence that the Najahid commercial interests extended to India can be gleaned from the escape of prince Jayyash (one of the Najahid royals) to India where he lived as a Islamic scholar before his return to Zabid in 1089( . _**Foreign merchants (including Aksumites in the bottom half) giving presents to the Satavahana king Bandhuma, depicted on a sculpture from Amaravati, India**_ _**the ruins of Aksum in ethiopia**_ In the medieval and early modern era, indirect and direct trade contact between India and the horn of Africa was maintained through the sea ports of Zeila, Berbera and Massawa as well as the islands of Dahlak and Sorkota, while direct references to Indian imports to Ethiopia and Ethiopian exports to India are scant before the 16th century they include a mention of Indian silks bought by ethiopian King Zara Yacob (r. 1434-1468), trade between the two regions increased by the early 16th century when King lebna Dengel (r. 1508-1540) is mentioned to have been receiving silk and cotton cloths from India as tribute from his coastal governors on the red sea coast. Several portuguese writers such as Tome Pires, Miguel de Castanhoso and Alvares also mentioned that Ethiopia exported gold to India in exchange for cotton from Cambay (both raw and finished) and that ethiopian churches were decorated in Indian silks, in the 17th and 18th century (during the _**Gondarine**_ era), the import of Indian textiles grew significantly and Ethiopian nobles are known to have decorate the interiors of their churches with Indian cloths eg empress Mentewab's qweqwam church that was lavishly covered with curtains from surat, Indian clothing styles also became influential in the Gondarine art of the era complementing its cosmopolitan style that incorporated designs from a diverse range of visual cultures .( _**Narga Selassie monastery wall paintings in the second gondarine style , an 18th century painting of Mary and child with empress mentewab (at the bottom) all wearing richly colored silk and brocade robes from india.**_( In the 19th and early 20th century, a significant amount of trade passing through the red sea area, the gulf of Aden and the horn of Africa was dominated by Indian merchants especially in the importation of gold and ivory from Ethiopia that were exchanged for spices and textiles. Most of these traders supplied goods from Bombay and Malabar in the western half of the Indian subcontinent as well as from Bengal, many settled in the eastern African ports such as; the Somali city of Berbera, that is said to have been visited by about 10-12 indian ships from Bombaby which supplied over 300 tonnes of rice, 50 tonnes of tobacco, as well as about 200 bales of cloth annually, exchanging it for African ivory amounting to 3 tonnes, and while the Horn of Africa's domestic cloth production was significant, many of the people also wore cloth from India that was reworked locally to supplement the domestically produced textiles. The Somali cities of Mogadishu, Merca and Kismayo were home to several itinerant Indian merchants active in the cities’ trade with similar trade goods ast in Berbera, especially rice and textiles, a number of the Indian traders in these ports were agents of the Zanzibar-based sultans of Oman. The eritrean city of Massawa was home to a few dozen indian merchants, and on top of the usual trade items such as the 500 kg of gold a year exported from ethiopia and around 108,000 pounds of cotton, these indian merchants were also engaged in money lending, some were also craftsmen involved in shipbuilding, but their population remained small with no more than 80 resident in the city in the late 19th century. By 1902, imports to the italian colony of eritera from india still totaled over 3.1 million lire about 40% of all imports before falling to 20% by the end of the decade. In the ethiopian interior, significant quantities of raw cotton from india were imported which was then spun locally for domestic markets, indian spices and indian furniture were also imported, the indian community numbered a few dozen in Harar and Addis in the late 19th century but were nevertheless an important group in the domestic market's foreign trade (although much of the domestic trade was in local hands) by the 1930s, the indian community in ethiopia had grown from round 149 in 1909 to about 1,700 in 1935 and there were atleast 100 trading houses in the capital owned by indian merchants( _**Indian house in Addis Ababa likely belonging to a merchant (mid 20th century photo)**_ **Trade between the Swahili city-states and the Indian subcontinent** The _**Swahili city-states**_ of eastern Africa were in contact, either directly or indirectly, with the Indian subcontinent from the 7th century AD, this stretch of coast whose urban settlements emerged in the mid 1st millennium from bantu-speaking Swahili communities, had long been incorporated into Indian Ocean networks of trade and was widely known as an exporter of luxuries to the Arabian Peninsula and the Persian Gulf, and onward to markets in India and China. In the 10th century, Al-Mas’udi reports that the people of East Africa were exporting ambergris and resins, leopard skins, tortoise-shell, and ivory, the last of which were highly prized in the workshops of India and China as it was easier to carve that the local alternatives, al-Biruni (d. 1030) mentions that the port of Somanatha in Gujarat, India became famous "_**because it lay between Zanj (swahili coast) and China**_" as the main trading port for east African commodities especially ivory, Al-idrisi (d. 1166) also mentions that east African iron was exported to India in significant quantities from the region of sofala (a catch-all term for the southern Swahili coast in Tanzania and northern Mozambique).( Swahili traditions also preserve early connections with merchants from the kingdom of sindh (in southern-Pakistan, northen-India), they mention the waDebuli (or waDiba) which were ethnonyms associated with a range of historical events and periods in different parts of the Swahili coast in the city-states of Pemba, Zanzibar, Kilwa, and Mafia and refer to a direction of cultural contanct between the Swahili and the port of Debal/Daybul in pakistan (perhaps the site of Banbhore), or Dabhol in india. The dubious nature of this tradition however, which involves the typical telescoping and conflation of once separate histories that is commonly found in swahili acounts makes it difficult to interpret the Sindh-Swahili relationship with certainty, and while Daybul features prominently in Arab and Persian texts as one of the important cities in the Sindh kingdom between the 9th and the 13th centuries, its yet to be identified on ground conclusively.( In the city state of Kilwa, there is mention of a Haj Muhammad Rukn al-Dabuli and his brother Faqih Ayyub who were in charge of the city’s treasury when the Portuguese had arrived in 1502, al-Dabuli was installed by the Portuguese but later killed by rival claimants, his nisba (al-Dabuli) suggests that both him and his brother traced their ancestry to Daybuli, but it may as well be a pretentious connection similar to the usual al-Shirazi nisba in most indigenous Swahili names.( _**Representation of an Indian prince eating in the land of the Ethiopians or East Africans (Zangis). Mughal, Akhbar period, c. 1590. Museum Rietberg Zurich**_ _**Ruins of the Swahili cities of Kilwa and Songo Mnara in Tanzania**_ Indian artisans may have also been present on the early Swahili coast, the bronze lion figurine dating from the 11th century found at shanga, while modeled on an African lion was stylistically similar to the range of lion figurines in the deccan region of western India, a few of the early kufic inscriptions on the coast may have also been carved by these Muslim Indian artisans; at least one architectural feature from Kilwa was most certainly taken from Hindu temple( although Swahili architecture displays little, if any, Indian influences, and there seems to have been little direct contact or settlement between India and the Swahili coast before the late 15th century.( A significant trade in glass beads made in India is attested at various Swahili cities although these are most likely derived from trade with the Arabian peninsular, and the Swahili also engaged in secondary manufacture of raw Indian glass especially at the site of Mkokotoni on Zanzibar where large quantities of glass waste, molten glass and several million glass beads were found, the site was a huge depot for finishing off sorting and distribution of Indian trade beads.( A small but salient influence of sidh coinage can be seen in Swahili coins especially the silver coinage from Shanga which shares a few characteristics similar to coinage excavated at the site of Banbhore indicating some sort of contact between the two regions albeit minor( . A substantial trade in grain was noted from the Swahili cities that supplied parts of India and Arabia, in particular; the cities of Mombasa and Malindi are known to have grown wealthy supplying Indian, Hadrami-Arab, and other Red Sea ships with millet, rice, and vegetables produced on their mainland, as well as fruits grown on the island itself.( _**Bronze lion from the city of Shanga**_ _**architectural element from the Kilwa sultan’s Mausoleum (Berlin museum)**_ _**Mombasa beachfront in the 1890s**_ While the vast majority of cloth along the Swahili coast was manufactured locally especially in the cities of Pate and Mogadishu, a significant trade in Indian cloth developed by the 15th century, especially with imports from Gujarat. In 1498, Vaso Dagama located Gujarat indians resident in the cities of Malindi and Mombasa and used the services of one of them, Ibn Majid (a confidant of the Swahili sultan of Malindi) to guide his fleet to western india from Malindi to Calicut, Tom Pires (1512-1515) also described trade between Khambhat in the gujarat region and the swahili cities of Kilwa, Malindi and Mogadishu that included rice, wheat, soap, indigo, butter, oils and cloth, in 1517-18, Duarte Barbosa noted great profits made by these Khambhat merchants especially in cloth, he also recorded Gujarat ships at Malindi and Mombasa, mentioning that the “presence of Gujaratis in East Africa was neither unusual nor new”( however, no significant Indian community is attested locally whether in recorded history or archeology and most writers note that the itinerant Indian traders "_**were only temporary residents, and held much in subjection**_”.( Gujarati ships are said to have bought "_**much ivory, copper and cairo (rope manufactured on the coast)**_" as well as gold and silver, from the swahili merchants from the cities of Malindi, Mombasa. These Swahili cities also sent ships to Gujarat, the most notable being Pate as was ecorded in the pate chronicle, when the ruler of Pate Mwana Mkuu is mentioned to have sent several swahili ships to Gujarati for cloth( , by 1505, Tome Pires noted the presence of several eastern African merchants from ethiopia, Mogadishu, Kilwa, Mombasa and Malindi in Malacca in Indonesia, its likely that many would have been trading directly with India by that time as they are mentioned to have used Gujarat as a transit point.( The Swahili were re-exporting much of the Gujarati cloth and the Cambay cloth into the African interior where it supplemented the existing cloth industries in the Zambezi and Zimbabwe plateau.( In the early 16th century, a Swahili merchant bough 100,000 Indian cloths from Malindi to Angoche where they was traded throughout the Zambezi valley, between 1507 and 1513, 83,000 Gujarati cloths were imported into Mozambique island from India, by the mid 17th century, an estimated 250 tonns of Gujarati cloth was entering the eastern african region annually including the swahili coast, the Comoro islands and Madagascar with annual imports exceeding 500,000 pieces most of these textiles were exchanged for ivory and gold( , despite this large volume of trade, east African cloth manufacture continued virtually unabated in most regions and flourished in the 19th century Zanzibar as a result of it.( _**the Comorian city of Moroni in the early 20th century**_ * * * **Population movements between the Indian subcontinent and Africa** **African population movements to India** While a significant number of Africans in the Indian subcontinent came as merchants and travelers, and as already mentioned itinerant east African traders were active in most of the western Indian ocean and temporarily resided in some regions such as Gujarat and like their Indian counterparts in Africa, the numbers of these African traders were small and are effectively archeologically invisible, save for the exceptional case of southern Arabia where a large African community of (free) artisans is distinctively archeologically visible in the city of Sharma, an important transshipment point between the 10th and 12th century( , the bulk of the population of African descent arrived as enslaved soldiers seemingly via overland routes through arabia but also some came directly from overseas trade. African slaves were however, outnumbered in India for long periods by Turkic slaves originating from Central Asia and never made up a significant share of the enslaved population in (islamic) India which also include Persians, Georgians and other Indian groups.( The majority of the african slave soldiers were also male and many were assimilated into the broader Indian society, marrying local women (often those from Muslim families) to the extent that, as one historian observed and geneticists have recently confirmed "its rare to find a pure siddi"( , a number of enslaved women also arrived near the close of the trade in the early 19th century( The vast majority of the siddis served as soldiers and some rose to prominent positions in the courts of the Deccan sultanate with some ruling independently as kings, the figures often given in Indian texts, of these enslaved Africans should be treated with caution considering the comparably small numbers of slaves that were traded in the 18th and 19th century at the height of the slave trade. The various names given to the African-descended populations on the Indian subcontinent is most likely related to their places of origin, initially they were called _**Habashi or Abyssinian**_ which is an endonym commonly used in the horn of Africa (Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti and Somalia), this was probably in use in the first half of the 2nd millennium, by the late 16th century, they were referred to in external texts as _**Cafire**_, a word used by the Portuguese and derived from the Swahili (and also Arabic word) Kaffir (non-believer) used to refer to the non-Muslim inhabitants of the interior of south-east Africa, the term Siddi was popularized during the British colonial era in the 19th century and remains in general use today, it was originally a term of honor given in western Indian sultanates to African Muslims holding high positions of power and is said to have been derived from syd (meaning master/king in Arabic).( While they are commonly referred to as “Abyssinian”, “Habashi” or even “Ethiopian” in various texts, studies on their genetic ancestry reveals that the siddi were almost entirely of south-east African origin, with some Indian and Portuguese genetic admixture but hardly any from the horn of africa( , and because of this, I'll use the generic term Siddi rather than Habshi/Abyssinian unless the ancestry of the person is well known. The earliest among these prominent siddi was Jamal-ud-Din Yaqut who lived between 1200-1240, serving as a soldier of high rank in the Delhi sultanate then under the reign of Iltutmish (r. 1211-1236), the latter was a turkic slave who became the first ruler of the Delhi sultanate, his daughter Raziya succeeded him in 1236 and ruled until 1240, throughout her short ruler, Yaqut was her closest confidant and the second most powerful person in the kingdom, but his status as a slave and an African close to the queen was resented by the turkic slave nobility who claimed the queen was in love with Yaqut and feared Yaqut's intent to seize the kingdom himself, they therefore overthrew the queen and ambushed Yaqut's forces, killing him in 1240 and killing Razia herself a few weeks after.( In the Bengal sultanate, the Indian ruler Rukh-ud-Din Barbak (r. 1459-1474) sought to strengthen his army with slave soldiers of various origins (as was the norm in the Islamic world where European, African, Turkic, Persian and Indian, who were used to centralize the army more firmly under the king's rule), he is said to have purchased a bout 8,000 african slaves, these slaves occupied very privileged positions and soon became king makers and kings themselves, As Tome Pires wrote “_**The people who govern the kingdom \ are Abyssinians. These are looked upon as knights ; they are greatly esteemed; they wait on the kings in their apartments. The chief among them are eunuchs and these come to be kings and great lords in the kingdom. Those who are not eunuchs are fighting men. After the king, it is to this people that the kingdom is obedient from fear.**_”( The first siddi to rule the Bengal sultanate was Shahzada Barbak who ruled in 1487 who was originally a eunuch, he was after a few months overthrown by another siddi, Saifuddin Firuz Shah (Indil Khan) who was formerly the head of the army but was supported by the elites of the sultanate, he ruled until 1489 and is credited with a number of construction works including the Firuz Minar in west Bengal, he was succeeded by Shams ud -din Muzaffar Shah in 1490 shortly after the latter had killed the rightful heir who had assumed the throne after Firuz Shah’s death, he ruled until 1493 and is said to have possessed an army of 30,000 with atleast 5,000 siddis, but his reign wasn't secure and he was overthrown by local forces, the rebellious but powerful siddi army was disbanded by later sultans of Bengal and it dispersed to the neighboring kingdoms of Bijapur and Ahmadnagar in the 15th and 16th centuries. In Bijapur, the various slave officials and soldiers from across many regions jockeyed for power and at one point a Georgian slave official who served as governor threatened other siddi slave governors with a decree prohibiting Deccanis and Habashis from holding office in 1490 but by 1537, this was policy was later reversed and the siddis were active again in Bijapur’s court politics one of these was Siddi Raihan who formed a siddi party and served as chief advisor of ibrahim Adil shah II (r. 1580-1627) and as regent of his son, who later assumed power as Muhammad Adil Shah (r. 1627-1656), the latter was then served by Siddi Raihan as prime minister and he was given the name Ikhlas Khan. Throughout this time Ikhlas Khan was in charge of the state's finances and adminsitration until 1686 when Bijapur fell to the mughals. There were several other outstanding generals and govenors of African descent active in Bijapur during this time including Kamil Khan, Kishwar Khan, Dilawar Khan, Hamid Khan, Daulat Khan (known as Khawas Khan), Mohammad Amin (known as Mustafa Khan), Masud Khan, Farhad Khan, Khairiyat Khan and Randaula Khan (known as Rustam -i Zaman), the last one in particular, oversaw the the silk producing southwestern provinces of Bijapur bordering the Portuguese colony of Goa, another was Siddi Masud who served as regent of the last sultan of Bijapur Sikandar Adil Shah (r. 1672 -1686) and is credited with patronizing arts, as well as undertaking several constructions such as Jami Masjid in 1660 and establishing the townships of Imatiazgadh and Adilabad, he retired in 1683 and ruled in Adoni province until surrendering to the mughals in 1689.( _**Sultan Muhammad Adil Shah of Bijapur and African courtiers, ca, 1640.**_ _**Ikhlas Khan with a Petition ca. 1650 (San Diego Museum of Art)**_ _**Ikhlas Khan and his son and successor, Muhammad Adil Shah. (San Diego Museum of Art)**_ In the sultanate of Ahmadnagar, several Siddis rose to prominence but the most famous was the Abyssinian general Malik Amber who was born in Harar in 1550, and passed through several slave owners in africa and arabia where he was educated in administration and finance, he was then purchased by a minister in the Ahmadnagar sultanate, he was later freed and briefly served in Bijapur before returning in 1595 serving under the Siddi prime minister Abhangar Khan, he fought in the succession disputes of the Ahmadnagar sultanate and installed Murtaza Nizam Shah II as a boy-King in 1602 and reigned as his regent effectively with full power, he also defeated several Mughal incursions directed against Ahmadnagar, he later replaced Murtaza II with a lesser rebellious puppet Nizam Shah Burhan III (r. 1610-1631) allowing him to attain even more control as the most powerful figure in the sultanate as well as the entire western india region, with an army of 60,000 that included persians, arabs, siddis, deccani Muslims and Hindus. Upon his death in 1626, one chronicler wrote; "_**In warfare, in command, in sound judgment, and in administration, he had no rival or equal. He kept down the turbulent spirits of that country, and maintained his exalted position to the end of his life, and closed his career in honour. History records no other instance of an Abyssinian slave arriving at such eminence**_". Ambar was succeeded by his son Fath Khan who reigned until 1633 when he surrended to the Mughals along with his puppet sultan Husain III ending the state's independence. Shortly after its fall however, the emerging Maratha chieftains had crowned another sultan Murtaza III on the Ahmadnagar throne hoping to preserve the state but his reign was shortlived, the primary force during Ambar's rule, besides an alliance with the siddis of Janjira fortress, seems to have been an alliance with the emerging Maratha state, and the actions of Malik Ambar helped maintain the independence of Amadnagar making the state "_**the nursery in which Maratha power could grow, creating the political preconditions for the eventual emergence of an independent Maratha state**_".( _**Portrait of Malik 'Ambar early 17th century (Victoria and Albert Museum)**_ _**The tomb of Malik Ambar, Khuldabad, ca. 1625**_ The institution of diverse slave contingents wasn't continued by the Mughals and the presence of the Africans in India was diminished although some imports continued to trickle in some semi-independent regions as well as those controlled by the Portuguese, The last stronghold of the siddis remained the janjira fort, built by the siddis in the 15th century as the home of an independent Siddi state whose rulers were initially appointed as commanders of the fortress by Malik Ambar, the state lasted until the 20th century, it resisted several Mughal, Maratha and British sieges throughout the 16th-18th century and was ruled by a Siddi dynasty who also extended their power to parts of the mainland where they constructed a necropolis complex for their rulers.( In Wanaparthy Samsthanam (a vassal of the Hyderabad kingdom), the Raja Rameshwar Rao II (1880-1922) is said to have constituted a cavalry and bodyguard force of siddis, because of their mastery in training horses and trustworthiness, they later became part of the regular forces of the Nizam of Hyderabad in the early 20th century, only being disbanded by colonial authorities in 1948. ( In the kingdom of Awadh, the last king Wajid Ali Shah had several soldiers of African decsent in his guard including women, his second wife queen Yasmin was a siddi, his siddi soldiers were part of the armies that faced off with the British in 1856 ( . Other prominent siddis include Yaqut Dabuli, a prominent siddi architect of Sultan Muhammad Adil Shah (r. 1627 -1656), who was responsible for elaborate color decoration of the great mihrab in the Bijapur Jami Masjid.( _**Yasmin Mahal wife of wajid ali shah 1822-1827 the last king of Oudh in uttar Paradesh**_ _**Tombs of; Siddi Surur Khān (d. 1734), Siddi Khairiyāt Khān (d. 1696) and Siddi Yāqut (born Qāsim Khān, d. 1706) in Khokri on the mainland near the Janjira fortress**_( In the Portuguese era between the late 16th and early 19th century, a small but visible level of slave trade existed between their southern Indian and eastern African colonies, the Portuguese presence in India was established at Goa in 1510, Diu in 1535, Daman in 1559 and Nagar Haveli in 1789, but it was the first three where most African trade was directed primarily involving ivory, gold and slaves the last of whom were mostly from south-east Africa but also from the horn of africa where the Adal-Abbysinia wars and the Portuguese predations along the Somali coast had resulted in a significant number of slaves being sold into the Indian ocean market in the 16th century, but from the 17th-the early 19th century, the bulk of slaves came from the Mozambique coast.( while the vast majority (over 90%) of the Mozambique slaves were shipped to brazil, a few dozen a year (an average of around 25) also went to the cities of Diu, and Daman, while around 100 a year were sold to Goa, the lowest figure being 3 slaves in 1805 and the highest were 128 slaves in 1828 for the entire region.( **Population movement from the Indian subcontinent to Africa.** While many Indians arrived in east Africa as merchants and travelers as already mentioned, their numbers were relatively small in most parts well into the 19th century, compared to these pockets of settlements in east african cities, the bulk of Indians on the east African coast arrived as slaves during the 18th and early 19th century, almost all were confined to the islands of Mauritius and Reunion, their populations were latter swelled by Indian workers (both free and forced labour) that arrived during the colonial era in the late 19th century. By the 18th century, a large number of enslaved Indians were present in some of the Portuguese and French controlled east african coastal islands especially the Mascarene islands such as the islands of Reunion and Mauritius where roughly 12% of the 126,000 slaves in 1810 were of Indian descent, (with Malagasy slaves making up about 45% and south-east African slaves making up about 40% and the rest drawn from elsewhere)( in 1806, the over 6,000 Indian slaves on Mauritius constituted around 10% of the island’s population and by 1810, enslaved Indians in Mauritius numbered around 24,000.( Unlike the African slave soldiers of the Deccan, these enslaved Indians (as well as their Malagasy and African peers) couldn’t rise to prominent positions in the plantation societies; a pattern which was characteristic of European slave plantations elsewhere in the Atlantic world. This Indian slave trade ended in the mid 19th century when all slave exports above the equator were banned, despite the ban however, a significant trade in slaves from the Indian subcontinent continued especially from balochitsan region; one that lasted well into the early 20th century to an extent that it replaced the east African slave trade entirely, meeting the slave demand of the Omani sultanate whose capital was Zanzibar( , these Balochi slaves were almost exclusively employed as soldiers for the Omani sultans of Zanzibar and numbered several hundred in the 19th century.( but a significant number of the Balochi slaves also included women who served various household tasks, as well as other slaves from other parts of the Indian subcontinent that were also used in the Zanzibar clove plantations.( By the 19th century, a significant proportion of Indian merchants that included Banyans and Khojas begun to settle in Zanzibar following the Omani sultans' conquests along the Swahili coast, the movement of these Indian merchants was based on the long-standing relationships that the Omani sultans had with them while in southern arabia,( their population is estimated to have been around 1,000 in 1840 and between 2,000-6,000 in 1860 (although scholars think these figures are likely exaggerated even if they represented the entire east African domain of the Zanzibar sultanate)( The Indian merchants’ importance in local trade was such that upto 50% of imports to Zanzibar consisted of Surat clothes, as well as 50 tonnes of iron bars, sugar, rice and chinaware imported annually from Bombay, Surat and Muscat.( The Zanzibar-based Banyans also provided credit as money lenders to the handicraft industries, to merchants travelling into the interior for ivory as well as those active in the city’s markets, but they didn't engage much in the plantation agriculture of zanzibar( , The indian merchants became particularly skilled in this field of finance such that in the late 19th century, the Zanzibar sultan Majid was heavily indebted to several Indian merchant houses, eg the _**Kutchi House**_ demanding about $250,000 while the _**Shivji Topan House**_ demanded upto $540,000, these debts had been previously paid in kind by the sultans in the form of reciprocal commercial and protection rights in the Omani ruler’s territories but as the Zanzibar sultanate increasingly came under British rule, the latter forced the Omani sultan to quantify the figure however arbitrary( By 1913, the number of Indians in colonial Tanganyika was around 9,500 although the vast majority of them were contractual laborers brought in by the colonial government rather than descendants of the older populations, a similar trend was observed in Kenya where the vast majority came in the late 19th century and early 20th century as contractual laborers for the Uganda railway.( _**The Ithna sheri Dispensary in zanzibar built in the late 19th century by Tharia thopan, an Indian Muslim trader from Gujarat, its construction combines Indian styles with swahili and European designs**_ _**Zanzibar beachfront in the early 20th century**_ * * * **Cultural exchanges between the Indian subcontinent and Africa** **Indian architecture in Eastern Africa and Other cultural influences** As mentioned earlier, there was a small presence of Indian craftsmen in the eastern Africa since the early second millennium, in ethiopia beginning in the 17th century, a hybridized form of Ethiopian, indo-Islamic (Mughal) architecture developed in the capital of Gondar with increased contacts between the two regions, one notable Indian architect named Abdalkadir (also called Manoel Magro) is credited in local texts with making a new form of lime in the early 1620s and is said to have designed the castle of king Susenyos (r. 1606-1632) along with the Ethiopian master builder Gäbrä Krǝstos, this castle was the first among several dozen castles of the gondarine design( , emperor Fasilides (r. 1632-1667) is also said to have employed several Indian craftsmen after his expulsion of the Portuguese Jesuits, these craftsmen are said to have constructed his palace "_**according to the style of his country**_”( A number of gondarine constructions incorporated Mughal styles, a noted example was the bath of Fasilides that in execution is similar to an Indian _**jal mahal**_ (water palace), a common form of elite construction in northern India, this bath is traditionally credited to Fasilides but was likely built by emperor Iyasu II in the late 17th century.( _**Fasilides’ bath in Gondar built in the 17th century**_ In the 19th and early 20th century, an influx of Indian craftsmen into ethiopia was encouraged by emperor Menelik (r. 1880-1913), most of them stayed in the capital Addis Ababa but some went to the city of Harar. The number of skilled craftsmen among these Indian immigrants was quite small numbering less than two dozen, with the vast majority of the estimated 150 indians in Ethiopia in 1909 being involved in foreign trade for which they are said to have successfully displaced the French and the Greeks who had been the leading foreign traders in the capital. Despite their small numbers, the Indian artisans of Menelik are nevertheless credited with some unique construction designs that fused Ethiopian and Indian architecture such as the works of the indian architects _**Hajji Khwas Khan**_ and _**Wali Mohammed**_ which include, the church of Ragu'el at Entoto built in 1883, the church of Elfen Gabriel in Addis Ababa, the church of Maryam at Addis Alam built in 1902, the palace at Holoto built in the 1900s, and the House of the cross at Dabra Libanos( . Indian influence on the architecture of Ethiopia was however limited in extent not just by the small numbers of craftsmen but also the fact that few buildings display Indian styles, the general architecture of Ethiopia conforms to the broader domestic styles present in the region since the Aksumite and Zagwe era. _**church of Ragu'el at Entoto**_ Other Indian architectural influences can be observed in some of the Indian-style constructions in the city of Zanzibar (most are occupied by people of Indian descent) as well as several of the elite house doors in a number of Swahili cities such as Lamu and Mombasa that incorporate Gujarat designs( _**gujarati style door in Lamu**_ Other faint Indian influences in east Africa can be gleaned from the manuscript illumination styles of the eastern African coast especially in the cities of Harar and Zanzibar in the 18th and 19th century( , as well as the study of some Buddhist texts in Ethiopia. _**Ethiopic Version of a Christianized story of the Buddha, from an 18th century Munscript Or. 699 (british library)**_( **African architecture in the Indian subcontinent** **and other African cultural influences in India** Architectural connections between siddi and African constructions can be drawn in the Siddi Sayed Mosque, built by the Ethiopian Siddi Sayed in 1570-71 in Gujarat which compares well with the numerous rock-hewn churches in northern Ethiopia, and the intricate lattice work in the arches of the Mosque that has parallels in the processional crosses of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. Despite a few african parallels, siddi architecture in general and siddi funerary architecture in particular largely conforms to the indo-Muslim styles present in the Deccan region( _**The Siddi Sayed Mosque in Ahmedabad, Gujarat; showing its intricate latticework**_ In the Khandesh sultanate (1382-1601), the practice of confining all possible successors of the reigning dynasty away from the royal court may have been a practice brought by the Habshi slaves in India, as it was already a well established royal custom in Christian Ethiopia in the early 14th century, although there were a few later Indian parallels to this custom making it difficult to determine its origin.( The use of Amulets among the siddis is also a practice likely derived from the African mainland where they were ubiquitous among Muslim and non-Muslim and Christian (Ethiopian) communities, these talismans are believed to protect the individual from disease and misfortune.( * * * (**SIDE-NOTE**: the writings of the 18th century west African scholar Salih al-Fullani were very influential in India’s Ahl al-Ḥadīth school in the 18th and 19th centuries and his Indian students published a number of his books in India during the early 20th century, you can read more about him on my ( ) * * * **Conclusion: Afro-Indian cultural exchanges beyond “cores” and “peripheries”** The history of contacts between Africa and the Indian subcontinent reveals the dynamic and complex nature of the cultural exchanges between the two regions, African goods, merchants, ideas and people moved to India as often as Indian goods, merchants, ideas and people moved to Africa, in an exchange quite unlike the unidirectional movement of people from Africa and goods from India as its often misconceived in Indian ocean historiography. The reciprocal nature of the trade also meant that far from the exploitative nature of exchange that characterizes the core-periphery hypothesis, manufactures from the Indian “core” such as textiles supplemented rather than displaced manufactures from the African “periphery” and there is indication that in some parts of the Swahili coast, Indian textile trade begun almost simultaneously with domestic manufacture in a pattern that continued well into the 19th century when Zanzibar was importing large amounts of yarn from india for local cloth industries.( The influences of Indian and African immigrants on either continent has at times been overlooked especially in Indian historiography and other times been overstated especially in east African historiography in a pattern largely influenced by the current status of the African or Indian communities in either regions which is mostly a product of the colonial era as i’ve demonstrated with the population movements that after the late 19th century became rather asymmetrical with an influx of Indian laborers and merchants not matched by a movement of Africans of similar status into India while those populations of African descent were stripped of the relatively privileged status that they had in the pre-colonial kingdoms. Indians of African descent certainly played a prominent role in western India especially between the 15th and 17th century but also in other parts well into the early 20th century despite the marginalized status of siddis in modern India, and Africans of Indian descent were also important in the foreign merchant communities of Africa and some craftsmen are credited with introducing Indian architectural styles in eastern Africa, although their influence has been attimes overstated in African historiography which is unmatched by their fairly small communities whose residents were itinerant in nature, and their confinement to foreign trade that made up a small proportion of the largely rural domestic economy, as the historian Randall Pouwels writes of both Arab and Indian immigrants on the swahili coast : “_**evidence overwhelmingly suggests that immigrants came to these societies almost always as minorities, and there are few indications prior to the late eighteenth century that immigrants succeeded in forcing the direction of change, which generally tended to be gradual and subtle and definitely given effect within the frame work of existing structures, values, and Institutions**_”( A deeper study of the Indian ocean world that is free of reductive theoretical models and the hangover of colonial historiography is required to uncover the more nuanced and robust connections between Africa and the Indian subcontinent, inorder to understand the salient role Africans and Indians played in pre-modern era of globalization. * * * **Download some of the books on India African relations and read more on Salih Al-Fullani’s influence in India on my patreon** ( ( see “India in Africa: Trade goods and connections of the late first millennium by Jason D. Hawkes and Stephanie Wynne-Jones” for a more detailed discussion of this ( Aksumite Overseas Interests by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 138-139 ( Trade And Trade Routes In Ancient India By Moti Chandra pg 235) ( The Red Sea region during the 'long' Late Antiquity by Timothy Power pg 45-47 ( The Indo-Roman Pepper Trade and the Muziris Papyrus by Federico De Romanis pgs 68 ( Cultural Interaction between Ancient Abyssinia and India by Dibishada B. Garnayak et al. pg 139-140 ( The Indo-Roman Pepper Trade and the Muziris Papyrus by Federico De Romanis pgs 67-70 ( The Red Sea region during the 'long' Late Antiquity by Timothy Power pg 84-85 ( A History of Chess: The Original 1913 Edition By H. J. R. Murray pg v ( New Aspects of India's Influence on the Art and culture of Ethiopia pg 5-9, African Zion pg 194 ( “ Major themes in Ethiopian painting" by Stanisław Chojnacki pg 241-243 ( Indian Trade with Ethiopia, the Gulf of Aden and the Horn of Africa in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries pg 453-497 ( art orientalis 34, the arts of islam pg 66-67) ( Deep memories or symbolic statements? The Diba, Debuli and related traditions of the East African coast by Martin walsh, Art orientalis the arts of islam pg 68 ( Indian relations with east africa before the arrival of the portuguese by Neville Chittick pg 119) ( Indian relations with east africa before the arrival of the portuguese by Neville Chittick pg 122 ( Art orientalis 34, the arts of islam pg 66, 68) ( Art orientalis 34, the arts of islam pg pg 72) ( India in Africa: Trade goods and connections of the late first millennium, The Indian Ocean and Swahili Coast coins, international networks and local developments ( Eastern africa and the indian ocean to 1800 by Randall L. Pouwels pg 399) ( Art orientalis 34, the arts of islam pg 67) ( Indian relations with east africa before the arrival of the portuguese by Neville Chittick pg pg 120) ( As artistry permits and custom may ordain by Jeremy G. Prestholdt pg 11) ( Indian relations with east africa before the arrival of the portuguese by Neville Chittick pg 121) ( As artistry permits and custom may ordain by Jeremy G. Prestholdt pg 26-27) ( the spinning world byPrasannan Parthasarathi pg 167) ( Ocean of Trade by Pedro Machado pg 136-9, Twilight of Industry by Katharine Fredrick ( Art orientalis 34, the arts of islam pg 77) ( Between Eastern Africa and Western India by Sanjay Subrahmanyam pg 816) ( The African Dispersal in the Deccan by Shanti Sadiq Ali pg 199-200) ( Structure of Slavery in Indian Ocean Africa and Asia by Gwyn Campbell pg 25) ( From Africans in India to African Indians by R Czekalska pg 193) ( Unraveling the Population History of Indian Siddis by R Das ( From Africans in India to African Indians by R Czekalska 196-198) ( Between Eastern Africa and Western India by Sanjay Subrahmanyam pg pg 817) ( From Africans in India to African Indians by R Czekalska pg 197-205) ( A social history of the deccan by Richard M. Eaton pg 128) ( The african dispersal in the deccan by Shanti Sadiq Ali pg 157-189) ( The african dispersal in the deccan by Shanti Sadiq Ali pg 193-198) ( From Africans in India to African Indians by Renata Czekalska pg 195 ( The african dispersal in the deccan by Shanti Sadiq Ali pg 137) ( Memorials of Sovereignty: Funerary Architecture of the Siddis of Janjira at Khokri (Maharashtra) by Pushkar Sohoni ( The african dispersal in the deccan by Shanti Sadiq Ali pg 202-219) ( structure of slavery in indian ocean africa pg 19-20) ( structure of slavery in indian ocean africa pg 35-37) ( structure of slavery in indian ocean africa pg pg 41-43) ( slaves of one master by by Matthew S. Hopper pg 183) ( Makran, Oman, and Zanzibar by Beatrice Nicolini ( The Swahili Coast by Christine Stephanie Nicholls pg 288 ( Trade and Empire in Muscat and Zanzibar by M. Reda Bhacker pg 12-13) ( Indian Africa: Minorities of Indian-Pakistani Origin in Eastern Africa edited by Adam, Michel pg 103 ( Trade and Empire in Muscat and Zanzibar by M. Reda Bhacker pg 67) ( Trade and Empire in Muscat and Zanzibar by M. Reda Bhacker pg 132-133) ( Trade and Empire in Muscat and Zanzibar by M. Reda Bhacker pg 176-178) ( Indian Africa: Minorities of Indian-Pakistani Origin in Eastern Africa edited by Adam, Michel pg 104,118) ( The Archaeology of the Jesuit Missions in Ethiopia (1557–1632) by Víctor Manuel Fernández pg 30-34 ( The Indian Door of Täfäri Mäkonnen's House at Harar by Richard Pankhurst pg 381, ( New Aspects of India's Influence on the Art and culture of ethiopia pg 11-12 ( The Role of Indian Craftsmen in Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth-Century Ethiopian Palace, Church and Other Building Richard Pankhurst pg 11-20), The Indian Door of Täfäri Mäkonnen's House at Harar by Richard Pankhurst pg 389-391 ( The Nineteenth-century Carved Wooden Doors of the East-African Coast by Judith Aldrick ( The visual resonances of a Harari Qur’ān by Sana Mirza ( ( ( Memorials of Sovereignty: Funerary Architecture of the Siddis of Janjira at Khokri (Maharashtra) by Pushkar Sohoni ( The African Dispersal in the Deccan by Shanti Sadiq Ali pg 153) ( An African Indian Community in Hyderabad by Ababu Minda Yimene pg 191-103) ( see “Rise of the Coastal Consumer: Coast-Side Drivers of East Africa’s Cotton Cloth Imports, 1830–1900” in Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick ( Eastern Africa and the Indian Ocean to 1800 by Randall L. Pouwels pg 412-413).

# Between Africa and India: Trade, Population Movements, and Cultural Exchanges in the Indian Ocean World ## Overview of African and Indian Interactions during the Medieval Era of Globalization 1. **Dynamic Indian Ocean World**: - The Indian Ocean served as a vital zone for cultural, economic, and political exchanges among various Afro-Eurasian societies. - Interactions were complex, involving artisans, merchants, pilgrims, and travelers who facilitated diverse exchanges in goods, ideas, and cultural practices. 2. **Overlooked Connections**: - Historical research often emphasizes African-Arabian interactions, neglecting the rich history between Africa and the Indian subcontinent. - Evidence indicates trade and population movements between Africa and India date back to the 1st millennium AD, with communities of artisans and merchants established in both regions. 3. **Trade and Cultural Exchanges**: - Africans settled in India and Indians in Africa contributed significantly to local economies, art, and architecture. - Research on Indian Ocean history reveals intricate connections predating European contact, refuting the simplistic "core-periphery" model often applied to these exchanges. ## Historical Context of Trade and Movement ### African Trade with the Indian Subcontinent 1. **Early Contacts**: - The Ethiopian Aksumite Empire began maritime trading with India by the 3rd century AD, controlling trade routes between the Red Sea and India. 2. **Documentation of Trade**: - Aksumite coins have been found in Indian sites such as Mangalore and Madurai, indicating established trade networks by the 4th century. - Historical accounts (e.g., by Cosmas Indicopleustes) describe Aksumite traders engaging in the Indo-Roman trade. 3. **Post-Aksumite Developments**: - Following the decline of Aksum, the Dahlak Sultanate emerged in the 10th century, continuing trade relationships, including with India. ### Medieval and Early Modern Trade 1. **Continued Trade Relations**: - Indian and Ethiopian trade intensified in the 16th century, with mentions of Indian textiles being sent to Ethiopia as tribute. 2. **Influence of Indian Goods**: - Indian textiles, especially cotton and silk, gained popularity among Ethiopian nobility and were used to adorn churches and royal buildings. 3. **19th and Early 20th Century Trade**: - Indian merchants dominated trade in the Red Sea and Horn of Africa, exchanging spices and textiles for ivory and gold, particularly from Ethiopian ports. ### Swahili City-States and Indian Subcontinent 1. **Early Links**: - From the 7th century, Swahili city-states engaged in trade with the Indian subcontinent, exporting ivory and other luxury goods. 2. **Trade Specifics**: - By the 10th century, commodities like ivory were being extensively traded, with evidence of Indian ships visiting Swahili ports. 3. **Cultural Exchange**: - Indian artisans influenced Swahili architecture, and Indian textiles were integral to local economies despite the dominance of local fabric production. ## Population Movements between Africa and India ### Movement of Africans to India 1. **Merchants and Slaves**: - African traders arrived in India, primarily as merchants or enslaved individuals, with many assimilating into Indian society. 2. **Siddi Community**: - The Siddi, descendants of Africans in India, include notable figures who served as soldiers and officials in local courts, particularly during the Delhi Sultanate and Bengal Sultanate. 3. **Prominent Siddis**: - Individuals like Jamal-ud-Din Yaqut rose to power within Indian courts, illustrating the integration of African-descended populations into Indian political structures. ### Movement of Indians to Africa 1. **Merchants in East Africa**: - Indian merchants established communities in East Africa, especially during the 18th and 19th centuries, in response to trade opportunities. 2. **Labor Migration**: - Significant numbers of Indians were brought to East Africa as laborers, particularly during the construction of the Uganda Railway. 3. **Cultural Impact**: - Indian merchants contributed to the local economies of East African coastal cities and influenced trade patterns and cultural practices. ## Cultural Exchanges Between Africa and India ### Indian Influences in East Africa 1. **Architectural Contributions**: - Indian architectural styles were introduced to Ethiopia in the 17th century, notably the blend of Indo-Islamic and Ethiopian designs in Gondar. 2. **Cultural Fusion**: - Structures built by Indian craftsmen in Ethiopia and the Swahili coast combined elements of Indian and local architectural traditions. ### African Influences in India 1. **Siddi Architecture**: - The Siddi Sayed Mosque in Gujarat illustrates African architectural techniques integrated into Indian styles. 2. **Cultural Practices**: - Practices such as the use of amulets among the Siddis reflect African cultural influences, emphasizing the interconnectedness of both regions. ## Conclusion: Afro-Indian Cultural Exchanges - The historical narrative of African and Indian interactions illustrates a reciprocal exchange of goods, knowledge, and culture, challenging the notion of a unidirectional flow. - A deeper examination of these intertwined histories reveals the nuanced connections that shaped both regions beyond colonial interpretations, emphasizing the significance of Afro-Indian exchanges in the broader context of global history.

The kingdom of Dahomey and the Atlantic world: a misunderstood legacy

On the mythical "Black Sparta" of Africa.

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The kingdom of Dahomey and the Atlantic world: a misunderstood legacy ===================================================================== ### On the mythical "Black Sparta" of Africa. ( Feb 20, 2022 24 There's no doubt that the Kingdom of Dahomey has the worst reputation among the African kingdoms of the Atlantic world, "the black Sparta" as it was conveniently called by European writers was an archetypal slave society, and like the ancient Greek city-state of Sparta which was known for its predominantly slave population( , human sacrifice( and its famed military ethos; Dahomey was said to have been a highly militarized state that lived by slave trade and relished in its human sacrifices; it was described by some as a pariah state dedicated to the capture and sale of people to European slavers, by others as a state so addicted to violence that sale of its victims was an act of mercy, and by the rest as a state involuntarily attracted to the wealth of trade as well as the fear of becoming a victim of it.( In all contemporary accounts of Dahomey's society, which were written solely by European traders and travelers, the central theme is slave trade, military and ritual violence, and the kingdom’s struggle to adjust to the end of slave trade. The challenge with accurately reconstructing Dahomey's past became immediately apparent to modern historians, the bulk of written accounts about it prior to the early 20th century came from external observers, the vast majority of whom were actively involved in the slave trade in the 18th century, or were involved in suppressing the trade in the 19th century. And as historians soon discovered, the problem with these accounts is that European observers often assumed that their central concerns in visiting the kingdom, such as slave trade and its abolition, as well as the development of "legitimate commerce", were equally the central concerns of the monarchy; but this was often not the case, as traditional Dahomean accounts of its history seemed more concerned with its independence from its overlords such as Oyo and Allada, as well as the expansion of the kingdom, the consolidation of new territory and its religious customs.( This was in stark contrast to what the European writers were pre-occupied with, especially the British, whose primary concern at the time was the heated debate about slave abolition between pro-slavery camps and abolitionist camps. British writers such as William Snelgrav (1734), Robert Norris (1789), and Archibald Dalzel (1793) who belonged to the pro-slavery camp and were concerned with defending the trade, argued that Dahomey was essentially an absolutist and militaristic state, describing its “despotic” monarch who presided over “unparalled human sacrifice” to an extent that made the export of slaves a humane alternative. On the opposite side were writers such as John Atkins (1735) and Frederick Forbes (1851) who were abolitionists and were primarily concerned with proving the negative impact that slave trade had on African societies, they thus argued that it was because of slave demand and the subsequent capture of slaves, that Dahomey's militarism and the autocracy of its kings arose, along with its sacrifices.( Neither of these camps were therefore concerned with providing an accurate reconstruction of Dahomey's past but were instead pre-occupied with making commentary on Dahomean culture to prove their polemic points in relation to the slave abolition debate, its thus unsurprising that Dahomean elites' response to the debates about the abolition and the European conception of Dahomey was one of astonishment at the brazen mischaracterization; when the king kpengla (r. 1774-89) was informed of the debates about abolition and Dahomey's centrality in them, he replied that Dahomey was in the middle of a continent and was surrounded by other people, and that it was “_**obliged, by the sharpness of our swords, to defend ourselves from their incursions, and to punish the depredations they make on us . . . your countrymen, therefore, who allege that we go to war for the purpose of supplying your ships with slaves, are grossly mistaken**_".( This article provides an overview of the history of Dahomey focusing on the misconceptions about its Militaristic nature, its role in the Trans Atlantic slave trade, its religious practices as well as its transition from slave trade to legitimate commerce. _**Map showing Dahomey and its neighbors in the Bight of Benin during the late 18th century**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Dahomey’s origins ; from the emergence of complex societies in the Abomey plateau to the rise of the kingdoms of Allada and Hueda** The Abomey plateau in southern Benin, which was the heartland of Dahomey kingdom, had been settled since the mid 1st millennium by a series of small shifting societies with increasing social complexity. These incipient states were characterized by household production with crafts manufactures including iron smelting, pottery and textile production. They were engaged in long distance trade with the interior and the coast, that was carried out at large markets held every four days where the biggest trade item was most likely iron whose production in the southern Benin region had increased from 5 tones a year in 1400 to 20 tones a year in 1600 making it one of the largest production centers at the time in west Africa.( The first of the large polities to emerge in the region was the kingdom of Allada in the 16th century with its capital, Grand Ardra housing more than 30,000 people, it exported ivory, cloth, slaves, palm oil, into the Atlantic world, it had a beauractraic system that administered the kingdom under the king with several offices such as a grand captain (prime minister), religious chiefs and a "captain of the whites"; the latter of whom was in charge of trade with the Europeans at its port city of Offra. Allada’s social and political life included an elaborate annual custom that legitimated royal power and venerated deceased kings and was an occasion where luxury goods were distributed by the King among the state’s title-holders. By the late 17th century, slaves constituted the significant portion of Allada's exports but the King's share of the trade fell from 50% to less than 17% by volume, as private traders (both local and regional) provided the rest of the 83% among the approximately 8,000 slaves who left the region each year. These private traders may have procured their slaves from the wars that characterized the emergence of Dahomey (which was previously subordinate to Allada), or more likely, these private traders were caravans from the larger kingdom of Oyo which had a well established slave trading system tapping into sources from further inland such as Borgu and Nupe, and which, after Dahomey's rise, seems to have redirected its trade from the Ouidah port to its own ports.( By the late 17th century, Allada was in decline, and the kingdom of Hueda would emerge as a significant rival, attracting the construction of a number of European "forts", but also possessing a large local market with an attendance of over 5,000 people where a variety of local manufactures, commodities and food was sold for domestic consumption( . On the Atlantic side of the economy, the export of slaves rose despite the decline of Allada, likely because the Hueda kingdom incentivized the slave caravans coming from long distance routes into the interior states like Oyo and Borgu mostly by reducing taxes paid on each slave to a low of 2.5% of the selling price, rather than through warfare since Hueda was a small polity demographically and geographically, with an equally weak army despite its possession of firearms. More than 15,000 enslaved people embarked from its port at Ouida annually in the early 18th century making up the bulk of the 20,000 slaves sold in the entire “Bight of Benin” region, this figure was attained after Hueda redirected the trade from the port of Offra which had rebelled against Allada.( _**coronation of the King of Hueda in 1725 by Jacob van der Schley**_ Dahomey was in origin an offshoot of Allada, founded by a prince of the royal house of that kingdom in the interior to the north, and adopted many of Allada’s customs. In the early 18th century, Dahomey emerged as the most powerful kingdom in the area, and invaded and conquered both Allada and Whydah in the 1720s under the reign of King Agaja (r. 1718-1740). The formative period of state formation in Dahomey, like in the any other state, was a drawn out process, neighbors were conquered, political rivals silenced, and subjects integrated into a new political system, an administrative structure was set up centered at Abomey, which became the kingdom’s capital, as well as at Cana the royal residence, and at Ouidah its “port” city, in the latter, it was headed by the Yovogan (captain of the whites) and a viceroy who was later assisted by other officials and several private merchants. The town of Ouidah housed about 10,000 people, while Abomey had 24,000 people and Cana had 15,000 people in the 18th century( . Dahomey emerges in the 18th century as a centralized state with a complex bureaucratic apparatus, neither an autocratic bureaucracy nor geared solely toward the Atlantic commerce but incorporating a range of administrative practices and policies that extracted wealth from the kingdom's rural and agricultural activities as well as tribute from subordinate polities and booty from conquests.( the conquest of the coastal kingdoms was a long process that lasted well into the mid 18th century( _**Map of southern Benin in the 18th and 19th centuries**_ **Dahomey’s slave trade and militarism** After Dahomey’s conquest of the coast, slave trade at Ouidah immediately fell from 15,000 slaves in the 1720s to less than 9,000 in the 1750s, further to 5,000 in the 1760s and even further to 4,000 in the 1780s; representing a greater than 70% drop in slave exports despite the general rise in slave exports in the Bight of Benin region which at the time was exporting well over 14,000 slaves a year, and in an era when slave prices were rising.( The king (or rather, the royal court) only supplied about 1/3 of the slaves of the 4,000 annual figure, this was after an attempt to monopolise the trade from private merchants during king Kpengla’s reign had failed, these private merchants supplied the majority of the slaves sold in Ouidah and it was the effects of the Dahomean policies on these private merchants which explain why slave exports fell after the conquest of the coast, one of these policies was the increase of taxes to 6.5% on each slave sold, from the previous low of 2.5%( But even this wasn't the only factor because in 1787, the same King Kpengla mentioned that slaves "in the bush" (ie the price at which he bough them from the northern traders) cost less than 10% below the price which the Europeans were purchasing them, leaving Dahomey’s court with an extremely narrow profit margin, and he therefore tried to force the northern traders to sell to him at a lower price but they instead diverted their business from Dahomey’s port of Ouidah to the slave ports of Oyo whose exports now rose from nearly zero to over 10,000 annually( such as Porto Novo, Badagry and even further to the port of Lagos in the Ijebu kingdom which emerged as the busiest port at the time. “_**Dahomeans’ lack of commercial and other acumen …and its conquests, disrupted a sophisticated trading network**_”( or to put it simply, Dahomey was bad at business and bad for business. While the decline of slave volumes from private merchants could have been offset by slaves procured from warfare, this alternative wasn't possible because Dahomey itself had a rather unsuccessful army despite its exaggerated reputation as a militarized “Black Sparta”. The notion that Dahomey was a beleaguered state required to make constant war inorder to survive is a regular theme in Dahomean discussion especially in the correspondence between its kings ad the Europeans; including those involved in debates about slavery abolition such as the English as well as those unconcerned with abolition such as the Portuguese, and Dahomean leaders usually saw their wars as meeting primarily strategic and defensive aims in which the capture of slaves was secondary, this was not only made explicit in King Agonglo’s statement “_**in the name of my ancestors and myself I aver, that no Dahoman man ever embarked in war merely for the sake of procuring wherewithal to purchase your commodities.**_” but also in letters written by many Dahomean kings to the Portuguese describing several defensive wars where slavery was never the reason for waging war but appears as an afterthought. That slave capture was marginal to Dahomey’s wars is rendered even more tenable by the fact that Dahomey won only a third of the wars it was involved in.( Dahomey’s relative military weakness compared to its peers such as Oyo and Asante is also unsurprising since Dahomey lay within a vulnerable region (militarily speaking) called the “_**Benin gap**_”, where savannah cut through the forest region down to the coast, allowing the northern cavalry armies such as Oyo’s to invade south but not allowing Dahomey itself to raise horses to defend itself because of it occupied a tsetse fly infested region, worse still was its vulnerability to coastal raiders such as the deposed Hueda kingdom that attacked (and attimes raided) the kingdom’s southern flanks routinely into the late 18th century. the supposed military ethos of Dahomey is more likely a consequence of this vulnerability rather than an inherent cultural trait; as one historian observes "_**It is not surprising that Dahomey’s rulers lived so much by war, for they were almost incapable of winning any war decisively, and were constantly vulnerable**_"( , and it was for this same reason that Dahomey was a tributary state of Oyo for much of the 18th century, subject to attacks which often ended in Dahomey’s defeat( and an annual payment of a humiliating tribute. It wasn't until Oyo's collapse in the early 19th century that Dahomey was able to decisively defeat its former suzerain in the 1820s, during this time, large groups of Yoruba speakers fleeing the disintegration of Oyo occupied Dahomey's eastern flanks establishing large settlements such as Abeokuta in its south-east which became the focus of a number of failed invasions from Dahomey in 1851 and 1864 proving yet again Dahomey's relative military weakness.( as historian Edna Bay concludes "_**Dahomey was neither a military state nor a state with warring as its raison d’ ê tre. A military spirit was part of a larger pattern of ritual and political strategies to promote the well-being of the state**_"( Given its status as a tributary state from the mid 18th to the early 19th century, it even harder to argue for the case of a full dominant and autonomous Dahomey state prior to the 1820s. * * * **Dahomey religion and the question of human sacrifice** As with most religions, the principle of sacrifice was central to Dahomey’s religious beliefs, and while various animal sacrifices offered by the majority of the Dahomey society, human sacrifice was considered an extraordinary offering and was virtually restricted to the rulers. The nature of human sacrifice in Dahomey as well as in some west African societies, was related to their religious beliefs in which the dead were commonly believed to exercise an influence over the world of the living, and humans were offered, among other sacrifices, inorder to secure the favor of supernatural beings that included both ancestors and deities (both of whom were considered interchangeable), added to this was the deliberate effect of sticking terror into those armies it had conquered, for example, the "Oyo customs" that started in King Gezo’s reign after Dahomey’s defeat of Oyo took place at Cana after the annual season of war, they commemorated the freeing of Dahomey from the suzerainty of Oyo that happened in the 1820s, and involved the ceremonial reenactment of the humiliating tribute Dahomey was forced to pay to Oyo, only this time the tribute carriers were 4 Yoruba captives from Oyo, after which they were ritualistically killed.( The practice of human sacrifice was tied directly to the Dahomey’s ancestor veneration, Dahomey's religion recognized thousands of vodun, majority of which were said to link people to their deified ancestors, these vodun occupied the land of the dead (_**kutome**_) in a kingdom that mirrored the visible world of the living where the same royal dynasty reigned in both worlds and people enjoyed the same status and wealth in Kutome as in the visible world. The living King had power to influence the position of a person in the visible kingdom as well as in the Kutome and a living person who elevated their status had the power to elevate their status in the Kutome as well, and communication between the two worlds was mediated by diviners.( The bulk of the sacrificial victims were often criminals of capital offences and their sacrifice was essentially an execution postponed to a singular date along with others( , these were also supplemented by war captives, as one observer in 19th century Dahomey noted: "_**what were commonly taken as human sacrifices 'are, in fact, the yearly execution, as if all the murderers in Britain were kept for hanging on a certain day in London**_". The issue with contextualizing human sacrifice in west African history is interpreting the contemporary European accounts from which we derive most of our information on the practice, as the historian Robin law writes: "_**European observers undoubtedly, through ignorance or malice, often interpreted as human sacrifices killings which were really of a different character for example, judicial executions, witchcraft ordeals, or even political terrors, European sources therefore unquestionably give a greatly exaggerated impression of the incidence of human sacrifice in West Africa, and have to be used with the greatest caution**_".( We therefore have no reliable estimates of how many were sacrificed at the annual customs, in the 18th century, the total annual customs are said to have involved between 100 to 200 victims, peaking at 300 in the early 19th century before falling to 32 in the mid to late 19th century.( But these figures are at best guestimates that rose and fell depending on how each Dahomean ruler was perceived to be conceding to British demands of ending the tradition, the true figures rose and fell depending on the military successes achieved in war.( The exclusiveness of the tradition of human sacrifice to the royals was linked to legitimating the ideology of royal power, perhaps more importantly for the funeral sacrifice when the King died, the vast majority of the sacrificial victims; all of whom participated in the custom voluntarily, were closest associates of the deceased king who wielded the most influence in his government, these included some of his relatives, wives, guards and powerful officials. Paradoxically, to exempt these high officials from the death requirement gave them life but also reduced their status within the political system of the succeeding king underscoring the prestige attached with the act of dying with the king, the sacrifices were also politically convenient as the officials knew their fate even before taking office, thus proving their loyalty to the King knowing that they will have to die with him.( * * * **Dahomey and the so-called "crisis of adaptation": the era of Legitimate commerce** The ending of the slave trade and the replacement of slave exports with "legitimate trade" commodities exports such as palm oil, gum Arabic and groundnuts has generated a wealth of theories about its effects on the political and economic structures of the Atlantic African states, this era initially studied by pioneering researchers who described it as “a crisis of adaptation” in which coastal African states such as Dahomey were thought to have struggled to transition from the royal monopoly of slave exports to the less centralized agricultural exports like palm oil. Recent studies of the era have however have challenged if not wholly discredited this theory of “crisis”, showing that Atlantic states transitioned into the era of legitimate commerce without significant economic or political repercussions, for Dahomey in particular the historian Elisée Soumonni concludes that “_**the transition from slaves to palm oil was a relatively smooth process, and the 'crisis of adaptation' was successfully surmounted”**_( That states such as Dahomey were able to "transition" successfully into legitimate commerce was doubtlessly enabled by the rise in palm oil prices throughout the mid 19th century but also the apparent marginality of slave trade to the economies of the region. In his sweeping study of the African Atlantic economy, the historian John Thornton shows that African states imported items that were non-essential to their economies with the vast majority being produced (or could be procured) locally, such as textiles, glass-beads and iron as well as cowrie shells which had for long trickled in from the north through the Sahel, the majority of the items could not meet domestic African demand especially iron and textiles which at best contributed less than 2-10% of the domestic demand, he therefore concludes that the African side of the Atlantic trade "_**was largely moved by prestige, fancy, changing taste, and a desire for variety**_" and the imports were far from disruptive as its often assumed( _**estimates of cargo sold in the bight of Benin in the late 17th century showing the importance of glass beads, textiles, cowries and iron all of which were also acquired locally**_( Recent studies of pre-colonial Africa's textile trade also reveal that rather than being displaced by European imports, textile production expanded concurrently with them, well into the 20th century and that regions which were large importers of cloth (including the bight of Benin) were also large exporters of cloth( , and Dahomey traditions also reveal that imported textiles and other goods weren’t primarily serving local markets but instead served a symbolic purpose; they "_**provided a means by which the monarchy and powerful persons in the kingdom solidified their patronage**_".( _**procession of the King’s wealth, Abomey, 1851**_ _**(illustration by Frederick Forbes)**_ While the demographic impact of slave trade on Dahomey itself hasn't been studied, the estimates in the region of west-central Africa (where half of all slaves were procured) reveal that the dispersed nature of procuring slaves (through private merchants along long distance routes) meant that there wasn’t a depopulation of the region but quite the opposite, there was instead a natural population growth that continued uninterrupted from the 16th to the 19th century in Kongo( Some historians of Dahomey have also challenged the theory that slave trade depopulated the region by pointing out that older theories ignored the slave supply of interior kingdoms in Dahomey's north east such as Oyo and Borgu which constituted the bulk of private supplies offsetting the need for procuring them nearby, contending that even in the case of more localized enslavement, such as after Dahomey’s wars with Mahi kingdom, "_**the effects of the loss of a fair percentage of the male population may not necessarily affect radically the rate of natural increase**_".( It should be noted that Dahomey had strict laws against enslaving its own citizens and protecting them from enslavement was a constant pre-occupation of the Dahomey rulers.( **(read this for more on the effects of the Atlantic slave trade)** [African History Extra\ \ What were the effects of the Atlantic slave trade on African societies?: examining research on how the middle passage affected the Population, Politics and Economies of Africa\ \ Debates about Africa's role in the Transatlantic slave trade have been ongoing ever-since the first enslaved person set foot in the Americas, to say that these debates are controversial would be an understatement, the effects of the Atlantic slave trade are afterall central to discourses about what is now globally recognized as one of the history's wors…\ \ Read more\ \ 2 years ago · 12 likes · isaac Samuel]( * * * **The political effects of the Abolition of slave trade: the figure of Francisco de Souza** The historiography of the transition to legitimate commerce used to be preoccupied with the correspondence between the Dahomey Kings Gezo (r. 1818-1858) and Glele (r. 1858-1889) and the Europeans especially the British who were concerned with ending the slave trade and to a lesser extent, human sacrifice, both of which Gezo seems to have reduced. But the policies of Gezo were complicated and unlikely to have been dictated nor even influenced by British demands, for example his predecessor Adandozan (r. 1797-1818) whom he deposed is according to tradition said to have reduced the export of slaves and the number of human sacrifices which Gezo is claimed to have reversed. Gezo also initially actively pursued alternative buyers of slaves after the British ban but later reduced these exports, and the fact that Gezo's coup was supported by the Brazilian slave trader Francisco Felix de Souza is often used to point to an influence of the Atlantic trade, but such violent successions were the norm rather than the exception in Dahomey’s history; with palace skirmishes often following the death of each king.( _**Francisco Félix de Sousa**_ The position of De Souza in Dahomey’s politics has been greatly exaggerated by later historians based on an uncritical reading of contemporary accounts written by european travelers who at times dealt with him directly in correspondence rather than the king, not only was De Souza not an important figure in Dahomey politics, but he was also not a singularly powerful figure in the town of Ouidah itself where he lived, with the Yovogan Dagba remaining the paramount local authority. The Yovogan Dagba belonged to an aristocratic family in Abomey and served the office for 50 years at Ouida in reward for his support of Gezo's coup and is unlikely to have had his power overshadowed. De Souza's position was also largely commercial rather than political, but even in this field he was not the greatest among his peers because there were several private merchants flourishing at the same time he was active in Ouidah such as the Adjovi and Houenou families who were much older and had even stronger ties to the Abomey court than De Souza. The irony in De Souza's supposed influence on Gezo is that the trader spent his later life as a pauper and was deeply in debt to Gezo on his death to a tune of $80,000 (about $280,000 today), with his son having to borrow to pay for his funeral expenses! It turns out that of all the traders active during the era of legitimate trade, it was De Souza who suffered the "crisis of adaptation"; while the rest were planting palm oil, De Souza’s slave ships were being seized by the British navy, his slaves freed and the rest of his wealth confiscated. The coup of Gezo and his reign “_**owed his success to the support, not of de Souza alone, but of the Ouidah merchant community**_” and the singular focus on De Souza is therefore a product of European exaggeration and later historian's accounts that, which, added to the family's prominence in the colonial era as well as recently as a tourist site, resulted in overstating the role of De Souza in Dahomey’s history.( _**Brass ceremonial staff (Asen) from the mid 19th century depicting the Yovogan with his attendants**_ _**(barbier mueller museum)**_ * * * **Conclusion : on Dahomey’s mischaracterization, retrospective guilt and Atlantic legacies** The reconstruction of Dahomey's history has been plagued by the general mischaracterization of the African past in which historians paint a European image of Africa that is decidedly more European than African, an image that is largely determined by and changed in accordance with European preconceptions, rather than African realities. The pre-occupation that European writers had with the African export goods such as slaves, ivory or gold was assumed to be central to African economies and politics but this was often not the case, historians in south east Africa for example have shown that gold and ivory exports were peripheral to the economies and political life of the regions' states( , so have historians in west Africa and west central Africa argued against the presumed centrality of slave exports to these regions economies, not just qualitatively in terms of the share of the trade to the domestic economy, but also qualitatively in terms of the effects its ban had on the politics of the legitimate trade.( The pervasive eurocentric conception of African past has led to the creation of an arbitrary moral campus on which African rulers and states are measured based on their participation in the slave trade, with some kingdoms/rulers held up as opponents of slave trade while others are vilified as “bloodthirsty patrons of the slave trade”.( This myopic exercise in moralizing history is a lazy attempt at retrospectively ascribing guilt for what was then a legal activity and a deflection from the the true crime of slave trade; which is its legacy, this is the point where African slave societies and American slave societies diverge, because while African slave societies assimilated former slaves into their societies, and the colonial and independent states that succeeded them were able to establish a relatively equal society for both its slave descendants and free descendants( , the American slave societies created robust systems of social discrimination which ensured that the decedents of slaves continued to occupy the lowest rungs of society, depriving them of any economic and social benefits that were realized by the descendants of free-born citizens once these states transitioned from slave society to free societies.( While the debates about slavery, abolition and reparations are beyond the scope of this article, the eurocentric interpretation of Dahomey's history has dragged it into these discourses with themes of African "culpability" and African "agency" in which detractors point to Dahomey’s slave selling history as a counter to the accusations leveled against the European slave buyers and the settler states which they established with slave labor, but besides the deliberate misdirection of such debates, the basis of the arguments which they use against Dahomey are often pseudohistorical. African states, were not defined by phenomena happening in Europe nor its colonies, their economies weren't dominated by European concerns and their political trajectory owed more to internal factors than coastal business. A faithful reconstruction of the African past should be sought outside the western-centric conceptual framework, or as one historian puts it crudely, it should be divorced from the "_**incestuous relationship between history and what is traditionally called Western Civilization**_" that binds Africanists into an apologetic tone and forces them to compare the subjects of study to the European ideal( . The religion, practices, customs of Dahomey don't subscribe to the fictional moral universalism defined by European terms but rather to the world view of the Fon people of Benin, and its these that created and shaped the history of their Kingdom. In his observation of the modern Beninese wrestling with Dahomey's past, its legacy and its position in the republic of Benin, the writer Patrick Claffey concludes that "_**Dahomey is a narrative of Pride and suspicion, but it's equally a narrative of pain and division**_"( its history remains as controversial and as exotic as it was in the 19th century polemics; "the Black Sparta" of Africa. _**ruined entrance to the palace of Abomey, Artworks taken from the Palace (now at the Quai Branly museum in France)**_ * * * **Read more on Dahomey and the Slave trade in these books on my Patreon account** ( ( Slaves and Slavery in Ancient Greece By Sara Forsdyke ( Human Sacrifice in Ancient Greece By Dennis D. Hughes ( The Precolonial State in West Africa By J. Cameron Monroe pg 15-19 ( Wives of the leopard by Edna G. Bay 27-39 ( The pre-colonial state in west-africa by J. Cameron Monroe pg 15-16) ( Abolitionism and Imperialism in Britain , Africa, and the Atlantic Derek R. Peterson pg 55 ( The pre-colonial state in west-africa by J. Cameron Monroe pg 36-42) ( Slave Traders by Invitation by Finn Fuglestad pg 96-101) ( Ouidah The Social History of a West African Slaving 'port' 1727-1892 by Robin Law pg 28-40 ( Ouidah The Social History of a West African Slaving 'port' 1727-1892 by Robin Law pg 46-49) ( Ouidah The Social History of a West African Slaving 'port' 1727-1892 by Robin Law pg 73) ( The pre-colonial state in west-africa by J. Cameron Monroe pg 73) ( Ouidah The Social History of a West African Slaving 'port' 1727-1892 by Robin Law pg 59-70) ( Ouidah The Social History of a West African Slaving 'port' 1727-1892 by Robin Law pg 123-124) ( Ouidah The Social History of a West African Slaving 'port' 1727-1892 by Robin Law pg 112-118) ( Ouidah The Social History of a West African Slaving 'port' 1727-1892 by Robin Law pg 145) ( Slave Traders by Invitation by Finn Fuglestad pg 97 ( Africa's Development in Historical Perspective by Emmanuel Akyeampong et al. pg 444-458) ( Warfare in Atlantic Africa, 1500-1800 by John Kelly Thornton pg 76) ( Warfare in Atlantic Africa, 1500-1800 by John Kelly Thornton pg 75-79) ( Wives of the Leopard by Edna G. Bay pg 185-186) ( Wives of the Leopard by Edna G. Bay pg 130) ( Wives of the Leopard by Edna G. Bay pg 215 ( Wives of the Leopard by Edna G. Bay 22-23), ( Human Sacrifice in Pre-Colonial West Africa by R LAW pg 57-59) ( Human Sacrifice in Pre-Colonial West Africa by R LAW pg pg 60) ( Human Sacrifice in Pre-Colonial West Africa by R LAW pg 68-69) ( Wives of the Leopard by Edna G. Bay pg 266-267, ) ( Wives of the Leopard by Edna G. Bay 162-164 269) ( From Slave Trade to 'Legitimate' Commerce by Robin Law pg 1-20) ( Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World by John Thornton pg 44-53) ( The pre-colonial state in west-africa by J. Cameron Monroe pg 44 ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick ( Wives of the Leopard by Edna G. Bay pg 123-126) ( Demography and History in the Kingdom of Kongo, 1550–1750 by John Thornton ( Slave Traders by Invitation by Finn Fuglestad pg 100) ( Africa's Development in Historical Perspective by Emmanuel Akyeampong pg 455 ( Wives of the Leopard by Edna G. Bay pg 159-165) ( Ouidah The Social History of a West African Slaving 'port' 1727-1892 by Robin Law \`165-178) ( see Port Cities and Intruders Michael N. Pearson and The Zimbabwe Culture by Innocent Pikirayi, ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John K. Thornton and From Slave Trade to 'Legitimate' Commerce by Robin Law, although the effects of slave trade on african economies is still subject to debate see Joseph E. Inikori, Paul E. Lovejoy and Nathan Nunn ( Abolitionism and Imperialism in Britain, Africa, and the Atlantic by Derek R. Peterson pg 38-58) ( for Dahomey’s case on the fate of slaves in colonial benin and independent republic, see “Conflicts in the domestic economy” in Slavery, Colonialism and Economic Growth in Dahomey by Patrick Manning ( there’s plenty of literature on this but “Born in Blackness” by Howard W. French provides the best overview of American slave societies and their modern legacy. ( Slave Traders by Invitation by Finn Fuglestad pg 54) ( Christian Churches in Dahomey-Benin By Patrick Claffey pg 99-113.

# The Kingdom of Dahomey and the Atlantic World: A Misunderstood Legacy ## Introduction - The Kingdom of Dahomey, often referred to as "the Black Sparta" by European writers, has historically been portrayed negatively. - It was characterized as an archetypal slave society, known for its militarization and human sacrifice. - European accounts primarily focused on Dahomey's involvement in the slave trade and violent practices, leading to a distorted understanding of its history. ## Historical Context 1. **European Observations**: - Most contemporary accounts of Dahomey were written by European traders and travelers, many of whom participated in the slave trade. - These accounts often misconstrued Dahomey's priorities, which centered more on its autonomy and expansion rather than solely on slave trade. 2. **Mischaracterization of Militarism**: - European writers depicted Dahomey as a despotic and militarized state. For instance, British pro-slavery writers argued that the kingdom’s violence justified the slave trade as a humane alternative. - Conversely, abolitionist writers claimed that Dahomey’s militarism and autocracy emerged as a direct consequence of the slave trade. 3. **Responses from Dahomean Leaders**: - King Kpengla rebutted European claims about Dahomey’s motives for warfare, stating that the kingdom fought to defend itself against incursions rather than to supply slaves to European ships. ## Origins of Dahomey 1. **Geographical and Social Foundations**: - Dahomey was situated on the Abomey plateau in present-day Benin, where complex societies developed since the mid-1st millennium. - The emergence of the Kingdom of Allada in the 16th century marked the beginning of large polities in the region, which included trade in goods like ivory and slaves. 2. **Development and Expansion**: - In the early 18th century, Dahomey emerged as a powerful kingdom, conquering Allada and Whydah under King Agaja, establishing a centralized state with administrative structures. ## Dahomey's Role in the Slave Trade 1. **Slave Trade Dynamics**: - Following its conquests, Dahomey initially engaged in a robust slave trade, but this began to decline in the mid-18th century due to internal policies and increased competition from neighboring regions. - King Kpengla's attempts to monopolize the slave trade failed, resulting in a significant drop in the number of slaves exported each year. 2. **Militaristic Reputation**: - Despite its reputation, Dahomey's military strength was overstated; the kingdom experienced significant vulnerability due to geographical disadvantages and was often a tributary to the more powerful Oyo kingdom. ## Religious Practices and Human Sacrifice 1. **Sacrificial Beliefs**: - Human sacrifice, central to Dahomean religion, was seen as an extraordinary offering generally reserved for rulers, often linked to ancestor worship and securing favor from deities. - Reports of human sacrifice were often exaggerated by European observers, conflating practices such as judicial executions with ritualistic offerings. 2. **Contextual Approaches**: - Evidence suggests that the victims of sacrifice in Dahomey were often criminals or those captured in warfare, not all of whom were sacrificial in the contemporary sense. ## Transition to 'Legitimate Commerce' 1. **Economic Transition**: - With the decline of the slave trade, Dahomey transitioned to legitimate commerce in palm oil and other goods without significant disruption to its political or economic structures. - Historians debate the impact of this transition, challenging the notion of a "crisis of adaptation" that characterized Dahomey’s shift from slave to legitimate trade. 2. **Impact of Trade on Society**: - The region's involvement in the African Atlantic economy was largely shaped by local needs and practices rather than European demands, contradicting the idea of dependency on slave exports. ## Political Changes Post-Abolition 1. **Gezo's Reign**: - King Gezo (r. 1818-1858) navigated the challenges of British abolition efforts, but his policies were not solely dictated by external pressures. - The role of Francisco Félix de Souza, a Brazilian slaver, in Dahomey politics was overstated, as local merchant dynamics played a more significant role. ## Conclusion - Dahomey’s history has been misrepresented, leading to a skewed perception of its legacy. - The narrative surrounding Dahomey should be contextualized within its own cultural and political frameworks, separate from European interpretations. - The complexities of Dahomean society and its practices should be recognized without the retrospective moral judgments placed upon them by later historians.

Hausa urban architecture: construction and design in a cosmopolitan African society

On the question of Decline or Metamorphosis of African vernacular architecture

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Hausa urban architecture: construction and design in a cosmopolitan African society =================================================================================== ### On the question of Decline or Metamorphosis of African vernacular architecture ( Feb 13, 2022 8 Architecture represents an essential emblem of a distinctive social system and set of cultural values, combining a diverse range of cultural aesthetics, spatial concepts that govern the interactions of people and their environment, as well as the society's cosmologies. The architecture of Hausa compound, which is the basic dwelling unit of an extended family, is an ordered hierarchy of spaces which adhere to an implicit cultural paradigm. Houses weren't simply lodging places sheltered by a roof and confined within walls, but were laid out in an elaborate spatial order that included courtyards, gardens, compounds, entrances and open spaces where both public and private festivities took place, where craftworks were carried out and religious rites were held —the physical buildings were only the most visible component of the wider system. Hausa architecture participated in a broader cultural agenda of Hausa society, serving as a mechanism and symbol for communicating concepts of power, religion and visual arts, with royals and the wealthiest urban residents constructing extensive compounds with imposing edifices and intricately decorated façades. They utilized a wide range of architectural features and designs in Hausa construction including vaulting, double-story buildings, large domes and spacious interiors and entrances, their compounds contained multiple buildings housing dozens of their extended families as well as servants and craftsmen; and the ostentatiousness of each compound served as an easily recognizable gauge for its owners' social status. Hausa masons and architects used locally occurring building materials especially palm-wood and rammed earth to create some of the grandest architectural feats attested in the medium, constructing buildings that served both a functional and monumental purpose, and that were best suited for the alternating humid and dry climate of the region. As a cosmopolitan society, the Hausa masons also tapped into the broader range of architectural styles and techniques of construction across west Africa while retaining a distinctively original style. This article provides an overview of Hausa architecture including the profession of construction in the Hausa city-states, the most commonly used building materials, as well as a select look at a number of Hausa buildings and their architectural features. _**Map of the hausa city-states and their neighbors in the 18th century**_ * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The builders: Hausa architects and masons.** The stable urban environment that followed the rise of the Hausa cities by the mid 2nd millennium enabled the emergence of a wealthy elite class which employed a professional building class of artisans and masons. In most Hausa cities, this building class was organized under the Sarkin Magina, (chief of the builders) responsible for maintaining the standard of workmanship controlling the recruitment of officials and retainers into the building profession conscripting labour for public works and maintaining the palaces and other public buildings( It was the Sarkin Magina’s guild of craftsmen and master builders (_**gwanaye**_) who constructed the elite houses, mosques and palaces that the Hausa cities are famous for( . A typical Hausa mason used knowledge acquired after a 10-year apprenticeship course under a masterbuilder, as well as their own personal skills acquired through experience to know the highest quality timber and mortar, standard measurements of roofs, foundations and walls as well as the construction of arches, plastering and decorating plus the most useful basic instruments of measurement.( In 1823, the explorer Hugh Clapperton described the construction of a mosque in the city of Sokoto by a Hausa architect from Zaria and his team of craftsmen who were at the time building a flat-roofed hypostyle-mosque, some of whom were decorating, others roofing while the architect supervised them, the architect told Clapperton that his father been to Egypt and acquired formal training in architecture and left him with his papers, he also asked Clapperton for a Günter's scale( . Another architect active at the time was the famous Malam Mukhaila Dugura who was born in Katsina in 1784, he is famous for building a number of palaces in several Hausa cities as well as the Zaria Friday mosque in 1840; a domed mosque with several arches spanning over 8 meters and arguably the most iconic pieces of Hausa architecture.( Hausa masons were a fairly prestigious profession and each city often had several hundred at a time, their diverse skillset from building to roofing to decorating allowed them to claim fairly high wages and reside in some of the most spacious homes in the cities at times rivaling those of their clients.( * * * **The building materials: brick, mortar and timber in Hausa construction** sundried mud-bricks are arguably the most ubiquitous construction material across west Africa (often supplemented by dry -stone and fired-brick), the earliest sundried mud-bricks (both cylindrical and “loaf-shaped” rectangular bricks) are attested in the second half of the first millennium at the city of Djenne jenno, while fired bricks were used for reinforcement possibly as early as the late 1st millennium AD, and not long after their increased use, the erection of rectilinear buildings appears around the 9th-10th century.( Rectangular sundried mud-bricks and fired-bricks also appear around the 8th and 9th century at the city of Gao in Mali as well as large rectilinear building complexes( , as well in the cities of Tegdaoust and Kumbi saleh where many similar buildings have been found( , fired bricks and mud-bricks also appear in construction of elite houses in several cities in the region of Kanem-Bornu near lake chad by the 11th century( , however, the technology of making the type of conical/egg-shaped Hausa mud-bricks (_**tubali**_) is purported to have originated from the Hausa cities themselves into the lake chad region; given the extensive contacts the Hausa city-states had with these regions.( The exact size of tubali varies from city to city, they are made by brickmakers after wetting and trampling earth until its malleable, the lump of earth is then molded to form the tubali and left to dry in the sun for several days. Specially selected types of clay is preferred for making such bricks, eg clay with a high gravel content called _**burgi (**_rammed earth_**)**_, while swamp mud (_**tabo**_) is primarily used in plastering, as well as earth with a high clay content (_**kasa**_) that is used for mortar and plaster, with the latter often containing red pigmentation that gives Hausa houses their iconic reddish-brown finishing. The other primary construction material is deleb palm-wood (_**azara**_) whose rough, fibrous surface creates a good bonding surface and provides a lightweight timber relative to its length that enables the construction of flat roofs and is ant resistant.( _**Profile of an un-plastered Hausa construction showing the conical mudbricks, azara timber and rammed earth**_ _**tubali mud-bricks in the 14th century city-wall of Garoumélé, Niger**_ * * * **The constructions: a profile of Hausa walls including household enclosures and city walls** The most distinctive feature of Hausa cities were their extensive system of walled fortifications that served both military and symbolic functions, enclosing both agricultural and residential land that comprised the city (_**Birni**_). The birni sits at the apex of the hierarchical notions of settlement in Hausa culture, such cities were often surrounded by smaller towns (_**Gari**_) and villages _**(Kauaye)**_ which were also enclosed within high perimeter walls.( Hausa house walls are made of rectilinear courses of tubali, with each brick laid between thick mud-mortar, these walls are constructed with about 5 to 6 pieces of tubalis at the bottom and grow thinner to the top with 2 tubalis inorder to ensure strength and stability by having the walls taper up rather than rise with the same width to the roof( . City walls are substantial earthen ramparts on the inside that is several feet thick at the base, that are faced with mudbrick on the exterior, with large wooden gates punctuating the length of the wall, the earliest of such walls were built around the city of Kano in the 11th century( , and later in the cities of Katsina, Zaria( , Daura, Gobir by the 15th century. These city walls were often reinforced with stone and a few of them were completely built with stone such as the city walls of surame, the scale of these walled fortifications was extensive, the city-state of kano alone having more than 40 towns and villages within a 48 mile radius, all of which were enclosed in high walls.( Most of these walls have since the early 20th century, been allowed to deteriorate as the cities expanded outside their original enclosed core. _**sections of the kano walls on the exterior and interior**_ _**section of the Katsina walls**_ _**section of the Zaria walls**_ _**Gates of Bauchi**_ **Windows, Doors and other architectural features** The windows (_**taga**_) of Hausa houses were typically small (almost slit-like) and were located high on the exterior walls of the household complex, with wooden shutters to allow daylight in and a controlled draught of air, this was ideal for both the humid climate; permitting maximum airflow through the building in the wet season while allowing for the thick walls to provide thermal insulation through the dry season as well as relying on the highly reflective surfaces to regulate the heat.( External doorways in Hausa buildings were closed using wooden or iron doors (_**kofa**_) which rotated a pivot while inner doorways which were often covered with curtains. The use of lintels, beams, brackets and corbels were common in the design of the doorway. _**profile of houses in Zaria showing the positioning of windows and doors**_ * * * **The household complex: Hausa Compounds and Palaces** The Hausa compound; the basic housing unit, is an ordered hierarchy of spaces which adhere to an implicit cultural paradigm derived from both traditional Hausa and Islamic customs, a traditional Hausa residence is conceptually subdivided into three parts, an inner core (private area), a central core (semi-private area), and outer core (public areas). Upon entering the main door/gate (_**kofa**_), visitors access the house through the entrance (_**zaure**_) this is where most of the public is restricted, while more familiar visitors are ushered into the first hall (_**shigfa**_) that is separated from the zaure by a forecourt (_**kofar gida**_), this in turn leads to the private inner court (_**cikin gida**_) that is restricted to close relatives and is the primary residential unit of the household containing kitchens, sleeping places, and quarters for extended family.( _**Layout of a typical Hausa compound, the compound of the Mallawa Family in Zaria**_ **Hausa Palaces** In its basic spatial layout, the Hausa palace is an extended form of the Hausa compound, retaining the main features such as the zaure, the kofan gida and the cikin gida but constructing them on a much larger scale. The palatial construction is comprised of a complex of buildings and open spaces partially open to the public while the residential quarters and inner quarters house the royal family and the king's wives. The vaulted spaces of the interior of a typical Hausa palace employ combinations of azara timber that is cantilevered at angles from the walls to create arches to support the roof, allowing for open spaces spanning over 8m in length and tall roofs upto 9m high, the interior walls are often richly decorated with a range of Hausa and arabesque motiffs.( _**Layout of the Kano and Zaria Palaces**_ Arguably the oldest palace still in use is the Gidan rumfa in Kano built in the late 15th century by Muhammad Rumfa, the entire complex covers around 33 acres with the built up section measuring 540m x 280m, the palatial residence houses the king's chambers, the meeting place of the kano council, the royal stables, the residential quarters for the king's family and wives, as well as quarters for craftsmen and guards.( Similar palace were erected in the Hausa cities of Katsina, Zaria, Daura, Dutse ; the erection of these spacious buildings with audience chambers and council chambers within the palace, reveal an imposing type of construction employed by Hausa architects and their patrons that could accommodate large spans of open space to compliment their monumental character.( _**sections of the 15th century Gidan Rumfa in Kano**_ _**sections of the Katsina Palace**_ _**sections of the Daura Palace**_ * * * **A unique architectural feat in west-African mud-brick construction: The Hausa Vault and Dome** Domes are a prominent feature of Hausa architecture, Hausa master masons devised a variety of structurally appropriate arch configurations to maximize the free-span of rectilinear buildings, and despite the structural limitations of the construction materials, they attained incredible feats of architecture with the largest free-spaning areas under a domed roof measuring 8.2mx8.65mx6.75m in Kafin Madaki (built in 1861), and another in the Soron inglia (built in 1935) inside the kano palace, which spanned 7.5mx8.25mx9m( . The origin of the Hausa dome can be traced to the traditional houses of the Hausa which often contained domed ceilings under thatched roofs, these domes were built of mud mixed with straw and were constructed without centering, beginning from the top of the building’s round walls and rising in layers to the apex.( As the architect Labelle Prussin writes; “_**The Hausa vault and the Hausa dome are based on a structural principle completely different form the north African, Roman-derived stone domes, On the other hand the 'Hausa' Domes incorporate, in nascent form, the same structural principles that govern reinforced concrete design**_".( The construction of Hausa arches (_**Kafa**_) is achieved by cantilevering successive sets of azara from opposite ends of the room to generate the basic form of the arch, as well as to support the subsequent layers of azara and for structural stability, the framework of the azara is bounded together with cord and the basic form of the arch is generated by the angle of the slope of the azara, the entire feature is then finished by daubing the framework with swamp mud, after the first kafi is imbedded vertically in the walls, successive kafi are laid at diminishing inclines with various lengths, the first around of these kafi usually measuring atleast 0.5m, the second 0.75m, the third 1m and the forth is 1.5m. The master mason often builds both arches simultaneously from opposing walls until they abut each other and another layer of azara is then superimposed on the abutting kafi to reinforce them and ensure the arch is structurally sound. The arches are strong enough to support an upper storey which is found in some of the wealthy compounds and whose top floor construction utilized the same building principals as ground floor but with lighter materials( . The dome (_**tulluwa**_) itself rests on these intersecting half arches, and is completed with mud mortar, which is inturn covered in a indigenous cement known as laso, made from dyepit residue, indigo liquid, ash, and a viscous vegetal substance. This cement remains impervious to rain for about 5 years after which it is reapplied.( _**profile of double-story hausa building and cross-section of a hausa arch revealing the placement of the azari**_ _**Vaulted ceiling of the Kano palace**_ _**Vaulted ceiling inside a Hausa home**_ _**A double-storey house in Kano**_ **The Hausa domes and vaults in the Friday mosque at Zaria** The Zaria mosque was described by architectural historian Zbigniew Dmochowski as “the most notable achievement of Nigerian ecclesiastic architecture” writing that "its spatial composition was most impressive and imaginative, the structural skill of its designer has never been equaled in any other mosque in the country, the architect applied practically every device ever used in northern Nigeria, enriched them with a number of his own creations and combined them in a serene logical whole, through a complex web of stanchions, arches, ribs and domes"( the mosque's domed roof which formed six bays is supported by 16 massive piers and several arches allowing an open space spanning over 1500 sqm; filling the ceiling coffers were parallel rows of tightly positioned timbers and the interior was enriched with decorative plaster moldings and geometric incised elements.( The mosque is accessed through the zaure at the entrance of the perimeter wall courtyard of the complex, adjacent to this is the domed sharia court used by other high officials, the arches in the interior rise almost directly from the floor and take on a semi circular form, these arches are richly decorated with geometric relief motifs from most of the Hausa canon. The mosque relies on its exterior apertures for its source of natural light and its shimmering floor resonates with shadows and a myriad of reflections allowing the interior to be moderately lit.( The mosque’s exterior has since been covered under a modern mosque but much of the interior remains intact. _**the Zaria mosque in the 1920s showing the ribbed vaulting and Domed exterior**_ * * * **Hausa house Façade and Decorations** Jutting out into the sky and visible above the Hausa roofs cape are the roof pinnacles _**zankwaye**_, these may serve a functional purpose by adding weight to certain parts of the building most vulnerable to torrential rains or easing the task of resurfacing the roof, however, the primarily function seems to have been decorative and symbolic as its featured on Hausa clothing designs, hats, regalia, ceiling patterns; hausa pinnacles have come to be accepted as a mark of aesthetics in Hausa traditional façade.( Another feature are the roof eaves, (Indororo) which extend out from the palm-wood structure inside the roof. these Long and projected roof eaves and spouts serve to drain rain from the roof and prevent the water from soaking or weighing it down. _**Aerial view of the city of kano with the iconic hausa pinnacles projecting out of its flat-roofed buildings as well as roof eaves for draining out rain-water**_ _**Hausa house in Kano with several roof pinnacles and drains**_ _**types of Hausa roof pinnacles**_ In Hausa traditional architectural decoration, the wall engravings are designed by traditional builders, these used a range of abstract and decorative motifs depending on their experience that include Hausa motifs and relief patterns as well as arabesque motifs( , specialized artisans and highly skilled hand engravers who can draw out minimal outlines directly on the wall surface. The most common motifs used in Hausa designs are; the Dagi knot, the staff of office and the sword, and several abstract motifs, initially, these motifs would be larger and used moderately, but in the 20th century, new builders used smaller motifs that interlaced with each other such as the entrance to the Zaria palace, the Bauchi Palace and the Dutse palace.( _**Intricate Hausa geometric patterns on the palace walls at Dutse**_ _**hausa motifs on the palace walls at Bauchi**_ _**The decorated façades of houses in the cities of Katsina and Kano**_ * * * **Conclusion: African architecture between the "traditional" and the "modern".** Hausa architecture is a product of autochthonous styles of construction and building materials, as well as the cosmopolitan character of Hausa city-states which incorporated a number of foreign styles into the local milieu in a process dictated by a balance between the prosperity of the local economy, the availability of building materials (both local and imported) as well as the level of craftsmanship in the society, it's because of a combination of the latter that new ("western") forms of construction and design have been quickly adopted by Hausa architects and masons, and in the eyes of most observers, has led to the decline in the "traditional" form of Hausa construction. While academic discourse of African "vernacular" architecture stands at a cross-roads between the African people's perceptions of the feasibility of living in "traditional" houses and the need to conserve these unique architectural styles, the incorporation of "modern" construction styles should not be seen through a dichotomous lens that’s split between preserving a dying tradition and a wholesale shift into modern architecture, but rather as part of a longer synthesis of incorporating foreign styles into local building styles; a skill which had already been mastered by Hausa masons over the centuries. The increasing interest in using modern building materials to make traditional Hausa constructions (as well as other styles of African architecture) should be a welcome process not just for the cultural continuity but also as part of the movement towards sustainable architecture; creating buildings that are durable, affordable and culturally enriching.( _**the Hikma complex in Niger, an example of modern Hausa architecture**_ * * * **for more on African history including the architecture of the Hausa, please subscribe to my Patreon account** ( ( Hausa Urban Art and Its Social Background by Friedrich W. Schwerdtfeger pg 109) ( Hausa Urban Art and Its Social Background by Friedrich W. Schwerdtfeger pg 104,107-108) ( Maximizing mud by Susan B. Aradeon pg 226 ( Narrative of Travels and Discoveries in Northern and Central Africa in the years 1822, 1823, and 1824, by Major Denham, Captain Clapperton pg 103 ( Hausa Urban Art and Its Social Background by Friedrich W. Schwerdtfeger pg 111) ( Hausa Urban Art and Its Social Background by Friedrich W. Schwerdtfeger pg 107-116 ( Excavations at Jenné-Jeno, Hambarketolo, and Kaniana by Susan Keech McIntosh. pg 18, 36,50, 215) ( Discovery of the Earliest Royal Palace in Gao and Its Implications for the History of West Africa by S Takezawa ( Etude archéologique d'un secteur d'habitat à Koumbi Saleh (Mauritanie) by Sophie Berthier ( Early Kanem-Borno fired brick élite locations in Kanem, Chad by C Magnavita ( Conquest and Construction By Mark DeLancey pg 23-24 ( Maximizing mud by Susan B. Aradeon pg 208-209) ( Power and permanence in precolonial Africa by A Haour pg 553-555) ( The practice of Hausa traditional architecture by GK Umar pg 8 ( African Civilizations by Graham Connah pg 125) ( Hausa Urban Art and Its Social Background by Friedrich W. Schwerdtfeger pg 17-19) ( African Civilizations by Graham Connah pg 125 pg 125) ( Hausa Architecture by Cliff Moughtin pg 120 ( an exegesis of the Hausa and Fulani models by by AI Kahera pg 66) ( an exegesis of the Hausa and Fulani models by by AI Kahera pg 70-72) ( (Islam, Gender, and Slavery in West Africa. Circa 1500 by HJ Nast, pg 55) ( an exegesis of the Hausa and Fulani models by by AI Kahera pg 70-72) ( Maximizing mud by Susan B. Aradeon pg 206) ( butabu By James Morris, Suzanne Preston Blier pg 209) ( an exegesis of the Hausa and Fulani models by by AI Kahera pg74) ( A Study on the Building Materials and Construction Technology of Traditional Hausa Architecture in Nigeria by J. Zhang, Z. Yusuf ( Maximizing mud by Susan B. Aradeon pg 210 214) ( An Introduction to Nigerian Traditional Architecture, Volume 1 Zbigniew R. Dmochowski pg 2-16 ( butabu By James Morris, Suzanne Preston Blier pg 208) ( an exegesis of the Hausa and Fulani models by by AI Kahera pg 85-88) ( an exegesis of the Hausa and Fulani models by by AI Kahera pg 59-60) ( Hausa Urban Art and Its Social Background by Friedrich W. Schwerdtfeger pg 230-233, 251-255) ( Cultural Symbolism in the Traditional Hausa architecture of Northern Nigeria pg 33-34) ( for more on this debate see: “Contested Legacies: Vernacular Architecture Between Sustainability and the Exotic by Neveen Hamza.

# Hausa Urban Architecture: Construction and Design in a Cosmopolitan African Society ## Overview of Hausa Architecture 1. **Cultural Significance of Architecture**: - Architecture in Hausa society embodies social systems and cultural values. - It reflects a hierarchy of spaces that serve both public and private purposes. - Key components include courtyards, gardens, and communal areas for various activities. 2. **Role of Hausa Architecture in Society**: - Hausa architecture is a vehicle for conveying power, religion, and aesthetics. - Extensive compounds built by the wealthy showcase their social status. ## Hausa Builders and Professionals 3. **Emergence of Professional Building Class**: - Following the rise of Hausa cities, a wealthy elite patronized a professional class of builders. - The Sarkin Magina (chief of builders) oversaw construction standards and recruitment. 4. **Training of Hausa Masons**: - Masons underwent a 10-year apprenticeship to learn construction techniques. - Skills included knowledge of materials, measurements, and architectural design. 5. **Influence of Historical Figures**: - Notable architects like Malam Mukhaila Dugura contributed to significant projects, such as palaces and mosques. ## Building Materials 6. **Common Construction Materials**: - Sundried mud-bricks are prevalent, with variations across different cities. - Fired bricks and local materials like deleb palm-wood (azara) are also widely used. 7. **Techniques in Brick Making**: - Hausa mud-bricks, known as tubali, are crafted from specific clay types and shaped by hand. - These materials are suited for the region's climate. ## Architectural Features and Structures 8. **City and Household Layouts**: - Hausa cities feature walled fortifications, enclosing agricultural and residential areas. - A typical household complex is divided into private, semi-private, and public spaces. 9. **Hausa Palace Design**: - Palaces are larger versions of household compounds, designed to accommodate royalty and their families. - Architecturally, they incorporate vaulted ceilings and decorative elements. 10. **Unique Architectural Elements**: - Domes and vaults are notable features of Hausa architecture, showcasing advanced construction techniques. ## Decorative Aspects of Hausa Architecture 11. **Façade and Aesthetic Features**: - Roof pinnacles and eaves not only serve functional roles but also enhance aesthetic appeal. - Traditional motifs and engravings on walls reflect cultural symbolism and craftsmanship. ## Evolution of Hausa Architecture 12. **Impact of Modernization**: - The introduction of modern materials and techniques has influenced traditional Hausa architecture. - This transition should not be viewed as a decline but as an evolution incorporating foreign styles. 13. **Cultural Continuity and Sustainability**: - The blending of modern and traditional styles fosters cultural continuity. - It encourages the development of sustainable architecture that respects heritage while addressing contemporary needs. ## Conclusion 14. **Understanding the Transition**: - The dialectic between "traditional" and "modern" architecture in Hausa culture reveals an adaptive design philosophy. - Hausa architecture exemplifies a historical synthesis of styles, demonstrating resilience and innovation in architectural practices.

Stone palaces in the mountains : Great Zimbabwe and the ruined cities of southern Africa

Debating a confiscated past

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Stone palaces in the mountains : Great Zimbabwe and the ruined cities of southern Africa ======================================================================================== ### Debating a confiscated past ( Feb 06, 2022 6 At the end of a torturous trail, after cutting through thick jungles, crossing crocodile infested rivers and battling "hostile" tribes, the explorer Carl Mauch arrived at a massive ruin, its walls, while overgrown, revealed a majestic construction towering above the savannah, and upon burning one of the pieces of wood and finding it smelled like cedar, he was elated, having found unquestionable evidence that "_**a civilized nation must once have lived here, white people once inhabited the region**_"( …. Or so the story goes. Mauch had burned a piece of local sandalwood which he intentionally mistook for cedar (à la the cedar of Lebanon; ergo King Solomon), his publication received minor attention and he retired to his country into obscurity, falling off a ledge in 1875. It was Cecil Rhodes and his team of amateur archeologist yes-men who'd popularize the fable of Great Zimbabwe in the 1890s, tearing through burials and burrowing pits into its floor looking for evidence of a mythical gold-trading empire that controlled the precious metal from King Solomon's mines supposedly near Great Zimbabwe, which they surmised was built by ancient Semitic/white settlers, a grand fiction that they used in rationalizing their conquest of the colony then known as Rhodesia. Their actions sparked a mundane (but intense) debate about its construction, all while they were desecrating the site, melting the gold artifacts they could lay their hands on, exhuming interred bodies and burying colonial "heroes" in their place( . But by the 1930s, professional archeologists had shown beyond any doubt that the ruins were of local construction and of fairly recent origin, and in the late 1950s, one of the earliest uses of radiocarbon dating was applied at great Zimbabwe which further confirmed the archeologists’ findings, but the mundane debate carried on among the european settlers of the colony; what was initially a political project evolved into a cult of ignorance, that denied any evidence to the contrary despite its acceptance across academia in the west and Africa. "Evidence" which the people of Zimbabwe who were living amongst these ruins had known ever-since they constructed them. Unfortunately, after the “debate” about Great Zimbabwe's construction had been settled, there was little attempt to reconstruct the region’s past, over the decades in the 1970s and 80s, more ruins across the region were studied and a flurry of publications and theories followed that sought to formulate a coherent picture of medieval south-east Africa, but the limitations in reconstructing the Zimbabwean past became immediately apparent, particularly the paucity of both oral and written information about the region especially before the 16th century when most of the major sites were flourishing. The task of reconstructing the past therefore had to rely solely on the observations made by archeologists, while there’s a consensus on the major aspects of the sites (such as their dating to the early second millennium to the 19th century, their construction by local Shona-speaking groups based on material culture, and their status as centers of sizeable centralized states), other aspects of the Zimbabwe culture such as the region’s political history are still the subject of passionate debate between archeologists and thus, the history of the Zimbabwe culture is often narrated more as a kind of meta-commentary between these archeologist rather than the neat, chronological story-format that most readers are familiar with from historians. The closest attempt at developing the latter format for Great Zimbabwe and similar ruins was by the archeologist Thomas Huffman's "_**Snakes and crocodiles: power and symbolism in ancient Zimbabwe**_" but despite providing some useful insight into the formative period of social complexity in south-eastern Africa and on the iconography of the Zimbabwe culture, the book revealed the severe limitations of reconstructing the past using limited information( , and as another archeologist wrote about the book; "Snakes and Crocodiles suggests that we know a lot about the Zimbabwe State and the Zimbabwe culture… this is not so. Very basic information, such as the chronology of the wider region, has not yet been determined, basic archaeological data should be the starting point, not just intricate socio-economic theories or cognitive models derived from ethnography of people who lived centuries later"( . The complete understanding of the Zimbabwe culture is therefore not fully polished but the recent increase in studies of the ruins of south-eastern Africa by many archeologists active in the region, and the extensive research they have carried out that’s focused not just on the walled cities but their un-walled hinterlands has greatly expanded the knowledge about the region’s past allowing for a relatively more coherent picture of the region’s political history to emerge. This article provides a sketch of the political history of Great Zimbabwe and the a few notable cities among the hundreds of similar ruins across south-eastern Africa; from its emergence in the early 2nd millennium to its gradual demise into the 19th century. _**Sketch Map of the political landscape of medieval south-eastern Africa showing the main capitals and the extent of their Kingdom’s direct and indirect control**_ * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Origins of the “Zimbabwe culture”: the formative era of dry-stone construction, long-distance trade and the rise of complex states.** The region of south-eastern Africa had since the 1st century been occupied by agro-pastoralist groups of bantu-speakers who used iron implements and engaged in long distance trade with the east African coast and the central African interior, overtime, these agro-pastoralist groups clustered in village settlements and produced pottery wares which archeologists labeled _**Zhizo**_ wares ( , The settlement layout of these early villages had a center containing grain storages, assembly areas, a cattle byre and a blacksmith section and burial ground for rulers, surrounded by an outer residential zone where the households of their wives resided, this settlement pattern is attested at the ruined site of K2 (Bambandyanalo) in the 11th century arguably one of the first _**dzimbabwes**_ (houses of stone)( ; K2 was the largest of the settlements of the _**Leopard's Kopje**_ Tradition, an incipient state that is attested across much of region beginning around 1000AD when its presumed to have displaced or assimilated the Zhizo groups. By the 1060AD, the cattle byre had been moved to the outside of the settlement as the latter grew and after the decline of K2 in the early 13th century, this settlement pattern seemingly appears at Mapungubwe, a similar _dzimbabwe_ in north eastern south Africa, its here that one of the earliest class-segregated settlement emerged with scared leaders residing on lofty hills associated with rainmaking in their elaborately built stone-walled palaces with _**dhaka**_ floors (impressed clay floors), which after Mapungubwe’s collapse in 1290 AD was again apparently transferred to Great Zimbabwe( . _**the ruins of K2 (bottom right), Mapungubwe Hill (top left) and collapsed walls of Mapungubwe, both in south Africa**_ Despite its relative popularity, this settlement pattern of reclusive kings residing on rainmaking hills, as well as the supposed transition from K2 to Mapungubwe in the 13th century, then to Great Zimbabwe in the 14th century (and after that to Khami in the 15/16th century and Dananombe in the 17th century) has however been criticized as structuralist by other archeologists. Firstly; because the connection between Mapungubwe and Great Zimbabwe is virtually non existent on comparing both site’s material cultures and walling styles( (Mapungubwe’s walls were terraces while Great Zimbabwe's were free-standing) but also because the typical _dzimbabwe_ features of stone-walled palaces, _dhaka_ floor houses and hilltop settlements occur across much of the landscape at sites that are both contemporaneous with K2 and Mapungubwe but also occur in some sites which pre-date both of them; for example at **Mapela** in the 11th century( , at Great Zimbabwe's **hill complex** in the 12th century( , and in much of south-western Zimbabwe and north-eastern Botswana where archeologists have identified dozens of sites predating both Mapungubwe and Great Zimbabwe. All of which have hilltop settlements, free-standing and terraced dry-stone walls and more importantly; gold smelting which later became important markers of elite at virtually all the later _dzimbabwes_. The sites in north-eastern Botswana lay within the gold belt region which both Mapungubwe and Great Zimbabwe fall out of and would have thus required to trade with them to obtain gold, these sites are part of the Leopard's kopje tradition as well and are clustered around the _Tati_ branch of the Shashe river, they include the 12th century site of **Tholo**, and the 13th century site of **Mupanipani**, the _leopard's Kopje_ state is itself contemporaneous with the _**Toutswe**_ chiefdom, an incipient state in north-eastern Botswana whose dry-stone settlements shared some similarities with the leopard's kopje state( . As the archeologist Shadreck Chirickure observes; given the higher frequency of pre-13th century _dzimbabwes_ in the region of south-western Zimbabwe and north-eastern Botswana compared to the few sites in northern south Africa where K2 and Mapungubwe are found, he concludes that, “_**the advent of the Zimbabwe culture is evident from the distribution of many leopard's kopje sites most of which remain understudied, it would be somewhat inane to argue that it is possible to identify the first palace in the Zimbabwe culture, the first dhaka floors and the first rainmaking hill, rather it is possible to see a network of actors who exhibit shared cultural traits occasioned by various forms of interaction**_".( _**the ruins of Mapela in Zimbabwe and Mupanipani in Botswana that were contemporaneous with k2 and Mapungubwe**_ _**Map showing the pre-1300 dzimbabwes of South-eastern Africa**_ Putting this all together, the picture that emerges from the late 1st and early 2nd millennium south-eastern Africa is that the political landscape of the region was dominated by several incipient states that competed, conflicted and interacted with one another and whose elites constructed elaborate stone-walled residences often on hilltops with both the free-standing and terraced walls and _dhaka_ floors, these features were soon adopted by surrounding settlements through multiple trajectories and which grew into the centers of relatively larger kingdoms by the 13th century such as Mapunguwe, Zimbabwe, Khami and Thulamela.( * * * **Medieval southern Africa from the 13th to the 16th century: A contested political landscape of multiple states.** The city of Great Zimbabwe emerged around the 12th century and was occupied until the early 19th century, the urban settlement was first established on the hill complex from where it expanded to the great enclosure and the valley ruins( , the built sections cover more than 720ha and they housed both “elite” and "commoner" residences, ritual centers and public forums. The city is comprised of three major sections that include the _**hill complex**_ located at the top of a 100m-high hillrock: this labyrinthine complex was the earliest of the city's sections, its walls rise over 10 meters with pillars surmounted with stone monoliths, it extended over 300meters on its length and 150 meters on its breadth, inside are the remains of house floors grouped in compounds that were separated by high drystone walls and accessed through a complex maze of narrow passages with paved floors and staircases, as well as ritual sections with ceremonial objects such as soapstone birds and bronze spearheads. The entire section's walls are built along precipitous cliffs and take advantage of the naturally occurring granite boulders. The second section is the _**great enclosure**_ with its 11 meter high walls built in an elliptical shape, it encloses several smaller sections accessed through narrow passages one of which leads to a massive conical tower and a stone platform at the center, lastly are the _**valley ruins**_ that are comprised of several low lying walled settlements next to the great enclosure, and they contained hundreds of houses.( _**The ruins of Great Zimbabwe; the Hill complex (first two sets of photos), the Great enclosure (next two sets of photos) and the Valley ruins (last photo; right half)**_ Previous studies suggested that the hill complex at Great Zimbabwe (and similar prominent sections in other _dzimbabwes_) were used for rainmaking rituals, with limited occupation save for the king and other royals, and that the valley housed the wives of the ruler, and that the city had an estimated population of around 18,000-20,000( . But this approach has since been criticized given the evidence of extensive occupation of the hill complex site from the early 2nd millennium which goes against the suggestion that it was reserved as the King's residence, as well as the valley ruins which evidently housed far more than just the King’s wives. The Hill complex’s supposed use as a rainmaking site has also been considered a misinterpretation of Shona practices "_**Based on logic where rain calling is part of bigger ideological undercurrents related to fertility and performed in the homestead and outside of it, arguing that the hill at Great Zimbabwe was solely used for rain making and was not a common settlement is similar to arguing that Americans built the White House for Thanksgiving**_"( . Further criticism has been leveled against the population estimates of Great Zimbabwe, as that the region of south-east Africa generally had a low population density in the past and Great Zimbabwe itself likely peaked at 5,000( rather than the often-cited 18,000-20,000, and the entire site was never occupied simultaneously but rather different sections were settled at different times as a result the region’s political system where each succeeding king resided in his own palace within the city; this was best documented in the neighboring northern kingdom of Mutapa, and is also archeologically visible in similar sites across the region such as Khami, where power would attimes return to an older lineage explaining why some sections were more heavily built and occupied longer than others.( The autonomous ruling elites of the overlapping states of medieval southern Africa also shared a complex inter-state and intra-state heterarchical and hierarchical relationship between each other with power oscillating between different lineages within the state as well as between states..( This form of political system was not unique to south-east Africa and but has been identified at the ancient city of Jenne-jano( in Mali as well as the kingdom of Buganda( in Uganda. Both long distance trade and crafts production such as textiles, iron, tin and copper tools and weapons, pottery, sculptures at the site were largely household based rather than mass produced or firmly regulated under central control explaining the appearance of imports and "prestige goods" in both the walled and un-walled areas in Great Zimbabwe( as well as Khami( , although the sheer scale of construction at Great Zimbabwe nevertheless shows the extent that the kings could mobilize labor, especially the great enclosure with its one million granite blocks carved in uniform sizes and stacked more than 17ft wide, 32ft high.( The abovementioned reduction in Great Zimbabwe’s population estimates has also led to the paring down of the estimated size of the kingdom of Zimbabwe, far from the grandiose empire envisioned by Rhodes’ amateur archeologists that was supposedly centered at Great Zimbabwe in which the other ruins in the region functioned as "forts built by the ancients to protect their routes"( , the kingdom of Zimbabwe instead flourished alongside several competing states such as the Butua kingdom at Khami in the south-west, the Kingdom of Thulamela in the south( another state based at Danangombe, Zinjaja and Naletale ( (which later became parts of the Rozvi kingdom) as well as other minor states at Tsindi and Harleigh Farm( . The kingdom of Zimbabwe is thus unlikely to have extended its direct control beyond a radius of 100km, nevertheless it controlled a significant territory in south-eastern Zimbabwe especially between the Runde and Save rivers with nearby settlements such as Matendere, Chibvumani, Majiri, Mchunchu, Kibuku and Zaka falling directly under its control, these sites flourished between the 13th and 15th centuries and feature free-standing well-coursed walls similar to great Zimbabwe’s albeit at a smaller scale( . _**the Matendere ruins**_ _**The ruins of Chibvumani and Majiri**_ As one of the major powers in south-eastern Africa that controlled the trade routes funneling gold, ivory and other interior commodities to the coast, Great Zimbabwe traded extensively with the coastal city states of the Swahili (a bantu-speaking group that built several city-states along the east African coast) with which it exchanged its products especially gold (estimated to have amounted to 8 tonnes a year before the 16th century for Indian ocean goods such as Chinese ceramics and Indian textiles; the discovery of a Kilwa coin at great Zimbabwe( as well as the flourishing of a string of settlements along the trade routes through Mozambique and its coast eg Manyikenyi and Sofala between the 12th and 15th century( was doubtlessly connected to this trade. It also traded extensively with the central African kingdoms in what is now DRC and Zambia from where copper-ingots were imported( . Related to the above criticism, Great Zimbabwe is thus shown to have flourished well into the 16th and 17th century( which overlapped with the height of the neighboring kingdoms of Butua, Mutapa, Thulamela as well as similar sites such as Tsindi and Domboshaba( , and the supposed transfer of power from Great Zimbabwe to Khami and the kingdom of Mutapa is rendered untenable, so is the suggestion that environmental degradation caused its collapse( . The political landscape of south-eastern Africa from the 13th to the 16th century was thus dominated by several states with fairly large capitals ruled by autonomous kings. _**The ruins of Khami in Zimbabwe; the Hill complex, Passage ruin and the Precipice ruins**_ _**The ruins of Naletale in Zimbabwe**_ _**The ruins of Danangombe in Zimbabwe**_ _**the ruins of Tsindi in Zimbabwe**_ _**The ruins of Majande and Domboshaba in Botswana**_ * * * **Garbled history and the silence of Great Zimbabwe: claims of a 16th century Portuguese account of the city, and the beginning of the Great Zimbabwe debate.** The appearance of the Portuguese in the early 16th century Mutapa as well as the northern Zimbabwe region's better preservation of oral accounts provide a much clearer reconstruction of its past; showing a continuity in the _Zimbabwe culture_ architectural forms of dry-stone construction, the rotational kingship, the rain-making rituals, the agro-pastoralist economy, the gold trade to the east African coast and the crafts industries( , but unfortunately, little can be extracted from these accounts about the history of the southern kingdoms where Great Zimbabwe, Khami, Danangombe and Thulamela were located. The famous mid-16th century account of the Portuguese historian _**João de Barros**_ whose description of a dry-stone fortress called _**Symbaoe**_ located to the south of the Mutapa kingdom, surrounded by smaller dry-stone fortress towers, and seemingly alluding to Great Zimbabwe was is fact an amalgamation of several accounts derived from Portuguese traders active in the Mutapa kingdom but with very distorted information since the traders themselves hadn't been to any of the southern regions having confined their activities to Mutapa itself.( The archeologist Roger summers has for example argued that the Matendere ruin is likely the best candidate for de Barros’ description rather than Great Zimbabwe( , yet despite this attempt at matching the textual and archeological record, De Barros’ mention that Symbaoe was located within the “Torwa country” of the “Butua kingdom” (which are traditionally associated with the terraced city of Khami rather than the free-standing walls of Great Zimbabwe) further confuses any coherent interpretation that could be derived from this account. Unfortunately however, Duarte's inclusion of a claim that Symbaoe was “not built by natives” but by “devils” (which is a blatant superimposition of European mythology about the so-called “devil’s bridges” marks the beginning of the debate on the city’s construction, as colonial-era amateur historians and archeologists held onto it as proof that it wasn't of local construction despite other Portuguese writers’ description of similar dry-stone constructions surrounding the palaces of the Mutapa King eg an account by _**Diogo de Alcacova**_ in 1506 describing a monumental stone building at the Mutapa capital, as well as a more detailed description offered a few decades later by Damiao de Goes, a contemporary of de Barros (its hard to tell who plagiarized the other) who instead associates the great fortress of _**Symbaoe**_ to the king of Mutapa( . Later Portuguese accounts such as _**Joao dos Santos**_ in 1609 would distort the above descriptions further by weaving in their own fables about King Solomon's gold mines which they claimed were located near Sofala( (ironically nowhere near Great Zimbabwe) but likely as a result cartographers of late 16th century such as Abraham Ortelius in 1570 making maps that were labeling King Solomon's mines (the biblical Ophir) as “_**Symbaoe”**_ and placing them in south-east Africa( . The 16th century Portuguese claims of a gold-mine in the interior was part of the initial wave of the Portugal's expansionist colonial project to conquer the Mutapa kingdom as they had developed a deep interest in its gold, seizing Sofala (the region’s main seaport), briefly conquering much of the Swahili coastal cities in the mid 16th century, as well as establishing a string of dozens of interior settlements —exclusively as mining towns— in the Mutapa kingdom, and also founding trading stops in the region of northern Mozambique. By the 17th century, many western European maps, from England to Italy, already identified the legendary _Ophir_ as _Symbaoe_ in south-eastern Africa, even literary works such as John Milton’s _**Paradise Lost**_ (1667) referred to “the _Ophir_ of southern Africa”, and the idea of a dry-stone city in the interior of southern Africa built by some "foreigners", a "ancient lost tribe" or "devils" continued well into the 18th century, with the Portuguese governor of Goa (in India) in 1721 writing about a large dry-stone fortress in the capital of the Mutapa kingdom, which he claims wasn't constructed by the locals.( After this however, interest in the ruins of Zimbabwe was followed by a century of silence until the elephant hunter Adam Renders was guided to the ruins in 1868 and later the explorer Karl Maunch "stumbled upon” the ruins after being directed to them by Renders, their “discoveries” coinciding with a second wave of colonial expansionism in south-eastern Africa. _**golden rhinoceros, bovine and feline figures, scepter, headdress and gold jewelry from the 13th century site of Mapungubwe (University of Pretoria Museums, Museum of Gems and Jewellery, Cape Town) .The total Mapungubwe collection weighs alittle over 1kg but its dwarfed by the gold jewellery stolen from Danangombe that weighed over 18kg and a total of 62kg of such artefacts were smelted down by Cecil Rhodes’ Ancient ruins company and their value to archaeology lost forever.**_ _**Gold jewelry from Thulamela (originally at the Kruger National park)**_ * * * **Warfare, diplomacy and conquest in 17th century south-east Africa: Civil strife in Mutapa, the sack of Khami, the rise of the Rozvi kingdom and the decline of Great Zimbabwe and Thulamela** Let’s now turn back to the initial wave of Portuguese colonial expansion in the 16th and 17th century, this was a period of political upheaval in south-east Africa with large scale warfare seemingly at a level that wasn't apparent in the preceding era, marked by the proliferation in the construction of "true" fortifications with loop-holes for firing guns and other missile weapons especially across northern Zimbabwe in the Mutapa heartland which was a direct consequence of the succession crises in the kingdom caused by several factors including; rebellious provinces whose claim to the throne was as equal as the ruling kings, Mutapa rulers leveraging the Portuguese firepower to augment their own, Portuguese attempts to conquer Mutapa and take over the mining and sale of gold, and migrations of different groups into the region( . But since the Mutapa wars are well documented, ill focus on the southern wars. Hints of violent intra-state and interstate contests of power between the old kingdoms of region are first related in a late 15th century tradition about a rebellion led by a provincial noble named _**Changamire**_ (a title for Rozvi chieftains in the Mutapa kingdom) against the Mutapa rulers, using the support of the Torwa dynasty of the Butua kingdom, but this rebellion was ultimately defeated. Around 1644, a succession dispute in the Butua kingdom between two rival claimants to the throne ended with one of them fleeing to a Portuguese _**prazo**_ (title of a colonial feudal lord in south-east africa) named _**Sisnando Dias Bayão**_ from whom he got military aid, both of them arriving at Khami with cannon and guns where they defeated the rival claimain’s army and sacked the city of Khami. Dias Bayão was assassinated shortly after, and the new Butua ruler made brief attempts to expand his control north into a few neighboring Portuguese settlements. By the 1680s, a new military figure named Changamire Dombo led his armies against the Mutapa forces whom he defeated in battle, he then turned to the Portuguese at the battle of Maungwe in 1684 and defeated them as well, when succession disputes arose again in Mutapa in 1693, Chagamire sided with one of the claimants against the other who was by then a Portuguese vassal, Changamire's armies descended on both Mutapa and Portuguese towns such as Dambarare and killed all garrisoned soldiers plus many settlers, razing their forts to the ground and taking loot, the few survivors fled north and tried to counterattack but Changamire's forces defeated them again in Manica in 1695, expelling the Portuguese from the interior permanently.( While its claimed that Chagamire Dombo was supported by the Butua kingdom (in a pattern similar to the 15th century Chagamire rebellion), this time Khami wasn't spared but the city was razed to the ground by Changamire's forces in the mid-1680s and depopulated( , there's abundant archeological evidence of burning at Khami's hill complex with fired floors and charred pots, as well as ceremonial devices and divination dices left in situ, as its inhabitants fled in a hurry abandoning the ancient city to its fiery end( . Coinciding with this political upheaval was the abandonment of Thulamela in the 17th century, this town had flourished from the 13th century and peaked in the 15th and 16th century with extensive gold working and imported trade goods, just as Khami and Great Zimbabwe were at their height( . As Changamire's Rozvi state moved to occupy the cities of Danangombe, Naletale and Manyanga with their profusely decorated walls and extensive platforms where he constructed his palace and in which were found imported trade objects and two Portuguese canon seized from one of his victories( , Rozvi's armies are reputed to have campaigned over a relatively large territory parts of which had previously been under the control of the Butua Kingdom and Mutapa kingdom , its unlikely that Great Zimbabwe was out of their orbit, a suggestion which may be supported by the decline in its settlement after the 17th century, but the extent of Rozvi control of the region is unclear and recent interpretations suggest that stature of the Rozvi has been inflated.( _**The ruins of Thulamela in south Africa**_ _**The ruins of Taba zikamambo (Manyanga) in Zimbabwe**_ _**muzzle loading cannon from the Portuguese settlement of Dambarare found at Danangombe after it was taken by Changamire’s forces**_ In the early 18th century, succession disputes led to the migration of some of his sons to found other states which would be mostly autonomous from the Rozvi, one went to in northern South Africa where he established his capital at Dzata in the 18th century( , another moved to the region of Hwange in north-western zimbabwe and established the towns of Mtoa( Bumbusi and Shangano( in the 18th and early 19th centuries, there was no building or settlement activity at great Zimbabwe by this time and occupation had fallen significantly. _**The ruins of Mtoa and Bumbusi in Zimbabwe**_ _**The ruins of Dzata in south Africa**_ _**Map of 103 of the better known dzimbabwes until the 19th century, their total exceeds 1,000 sites.**_ **Disintegration, warfare and decline: the end of the Zimbabwe culture in the 19th century** The early 19th century witnessed another round of political upheaval and internecine warfare associated with the migration (_**Mfecane**_) into the region by various groups including Nguni-speakers, Tswana-speakers and Ndebele-speakers, who came from the regions that are now in south Africa and southern Botswana and were migrating north as a result of the northward migration of the Dutch-speaking Boer settlers who were themselves fleeing from British conquests of the cape colony, coupled with the increasing encroachment of the Portuguese from Mozambique into parts of eastern Zimbabwe, the rising population in the region and the founding of new states that eventually extinguished the last of the _dzimbabwes;_ with the flight of the last Changamire of Rozvi kingdom occurring in the 1830s after he had been defeated by the Nguni leader Nyamazama, and by the 1850s, the Ndebele took over much of the Rozvi heartland, absorbed the remaining petty chiefs and assimilating many of the Rozvi into the new identity in their newly established state which was later taken by the advancing British colonial armies under Cecil Rhodes in the 1890s.( Cecil Rhodes’s expansionism was driven by the search of precious minerals following the discovery of diamonds at Kimberly in 1869 and gold in the highveld in 1886, as well as the flurry of publications of the fabled mines of king Solomon supposedly near the dry-stone ruins across the region, By then only a small clan occupied Great Zimbabwe( , the last guards of southern Africa's greatest architectural relic. * * * **Great Zimbabwe: a contested past** The ruin of Great Zimbabwe is arguably Africa’s most famous architectural monument after the ancient pyramids and they were for many decades in the 20th century at the heart of an politically driven intellectual contest for the land of Zimbabwe instigated by the colonial authorities and the european settlers’ elaborate attempt at inserting themselves in a grand historical narrative of the souhern african past, inorder to support their violent displacement and confiscation of land from the African populations whom they had found in the region, this begun with the infamous colonial wars fought between the Matebele kingdom and the Cecil rhodes’ _**British South Africa Company**_ that involved nearly 100,000 armed men rising to defend their kingdom against a barrage of machine gun fire, after more 2 wars involving many battles, Rhodes took over what became the colony of Rhodesia. He had by then established the ancient ruins company in 1895 (after the first Matebele war) with the exclusive objective of plundering of the ancient ruins of south-east Africa —as the name of the company clearly states-- this included Great Zimbabwe, from where his “treasure hunters” took several soapstone birds, but the largest loot was taken from Danangombe where more than 18kg of gold was stolen from elite graves in 1893 by the American adventurer F.R. Burnham, and another 6kg taken from the Mundie ruin not far from Danangombe by Cecil rhodes’ colleagues, both loot were sold to Cecil Rhodes; which prompted the formation of the formation of the ancient ruins company, which by 1896 had stolen another 19.8kg of gold in just six months, resuming after the second Matebele war to steal even more gold from over 55 ruins totalling over 60 kg, which included jewelry, bracelets, beads and other artifacts that they melted and sold.( before the company was closed in 1900 after attracting rival looters and doing irreparable damage to the sites. _**Photos of some of the Gold objects and jewelry stolen from the ruins of Danangombe and Mundie**_ _**(from: The ancient ruins of Rhodesia by Richard Hall)**_ Earlier in 1891 on his first visit to Great Zimbabwe, Rhodes told the ruler of Ndebele; King Lobengula (whose armies his company would later fight) that “_**the great Master has come to see the ancient temple which once upon a time belonged to white men**_"( Rhodes then begun an intellectual project with his army of amateur archeologists such as Theodore bent and Richard Hall (whose “digs” he sponsored)( with the intent to deny any claims of the Africans’ construction of great Zimbabwe, by weaving together the vague references to the Solomon’s mines from Portuguese accounts, with the diffusionist and Hamitic-race theories popular at the time to create a story in which him and the European settlers he came with could legitimize their plunder by claiming that their right to settle the lands of Zimbabwe was stronger than the Africans whom he found.( But having no real academic background or training in archeology, Bent and Hall’s findings —published in 1902 and 1905— were disproved almost immediately by the professional archeologist Randal Mc-Iver in 1906 who proved Great Zimbabwe’s African origin, writing that "_**the people who inhabited the elliptical temple belonged to tribes whose arts and manufacture are indistinguishable from those of the modern Makalanga**_”( (the Kalanga are a shona-speaking group), although consensus wouldn’t shift to his favor until his studies were confirmed by Gertrude Caton-Thompson in 1931 after her extensive digs in several ruins across the region proved beyond doubt that the ruins were of local construction, effectively ending the “debate” at least in academic circles( . The so-called Great Zimbabwe debate was therefore nothing more than an obtuse fiction intended to legitimize Rhodes’ conquest of Zimbabwe, but one which retained a veneer of authenticity among the Rhodesian settlers, a “cavalcade of fact and fantasy” re-enacted by Rhodesian apologists and a few western distracters to deny African accomplishments, its specter looming over modern professional debates that seek to reconstruct the Zimbabwean past, and clouding our understanding of one of the most fascinating episodes of African history. * * * **for more on African history including the history of the Butua kingdom of Khami as well as free book downloads on south-east africa’s history, please subscribe to my Patreon account** ( ( The Lost White Tribe by Michael F. Robinson pg 112-113) ( Great Zimbabwe: reclaiming a 'confiscated' past · by Shadreck Chirikure pg 9 ( Reviewed Work: Snakes and Crocodiles: Power and Symbolism in Ancient Zimbabwe by Thomas N. Huffman; Review by: David Beach, M. F. C. Bourdillon, James Denbow, Martin Hall, Paul Lane, Innocent Pikirayi and Gilbert Pwiti. ( The origin of Zimbabwe Tradition walling by by C Van Waarden pg 72) ( The Zimbabwe culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 77-83) ( Theory in Africa, Africa in Theory by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 116-120) ( Theory in Africa, Africa in Theory by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 120-125) ( The origin of Zimbabwe Tradition walling by by C Van Waarden pg 57-68) ( Zimbabwe Culture before Mapungubwe by S Chirikure pg2) ( Dated Iron Age sites from the upper Umguza Valley by Robinson, K. R, pg 32–33), ( The origin of Zimbabwe Tradition walling by by C Van Waarden 59-71) ( zimbabwe Culture before Mapungubwe by S Chirikure pg 17) ( New Pathways of Sociopolitical Complexity. in Southern Africa. by Shadreck Chirikure pg 356, 361 ( Great Zimbabwe: reclaiming a 'confiscated' past · by Shadreck Chirikure pg 102-104) ( The Zimbabwe culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 129-140) ( Snakes & Crocodiles by Thomas N. Huffman ( Great Zimbabwe: reclaiming a 'confiscated' past · by Shadreck Chirikure pg 230-232) ( What was the population of Great Zimbabwe (CE1000 – 1800)? by S Chirikure pg 9-14) ( When science alone is not enough by M. Manyanga and S. Chirikure ( No Big Brother Here by Shadreck Chirikure, Tawanda Mukwende et. al pg 18-19) ( Beyond Chiefdoms: Pathways to complexity in Africa by S.K McIntosh ( Mapping conflict: heterarchy and accountability in the ancient capital of Buganda by H Hanson ( New Pathways of Sociopolitical Complexity. in Southern Africa. by Shadreck Chirikure pg 359) ( The chronology, craft production and economy of the Butua capital of Khami, southwestern Zimbabwe by Tawanda Mukwende et al. pg 490-503) ( Great Zimbabwe by Peter S. Garlake pg 31 ( The Zimbabwe culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 141 ( Late Iron Age Gold Burials from Thulamela ( Landscapes and Ethnicity by LH Machiridza pg ( When science alone is not enough by M. Manyanga and S. Chirikure pg 368-369) ( The Zimbabwe culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 142-147) ( Port Cities and Intruders by Michael N Pearson pg 49-51 ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 449 ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 179, 308 ( The Zimbabwe culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 145-146, 148) ( Elites and commoners at Great Zimbabwe by S. Chirikure pg 1071 ( New Pathways of Sociopolitical Complexity. in Southern Africa. by Shadreck Chirikure pg 355-356 ( Great Zimbabwe: Reclaiming a 'Confiscated' Past By Shadreck Chirikure pg 229 ( A Political History of Munhumutapa, C1400-1902 by S. I. G. Mudenge ( The Mutapa and the Portuguese by S. Chrikure et.al ( Ancient Ruins and Vanished Civilisations by Roger Summers 49-51) ( Christian Mythology: Revelations of Pagan Origins By Philippe Walter ( The Zimbabwe Culture: Ruins and Reactions by G. Caton-Thompson. pg 86) ( The Lost White Tribe by Michael F. Robinson pg 111 ( The Lost White Tribe by Michael F. Robinson pg 111-112 ( The Zimbabwe Culture: Ruins and Reactions by G. Caton-Thompson pg 88) ( The Zimbabwe culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg pg 184-195) ( A History of Mozambique By M. D. D. Newit 102-104 ( The Archaeology of Khami and the Butua State by by T Mukwende pg 14) ( Great Zimbabwe: Reclaiming a 'Confiscated' Past By Shadreck Chirikure pg236) ( Late Iron Age Gold Burials from Thulamela by M Steyn pg 84) ( The Zimbabwe culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 212-214, 205-208) ( The Silence of Great Zimbabwe By Joost Fontein pg 35-40 ( The Zimbabwe culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 215, Belief in the Past: Theoretical Approaches to the Archaeology of Religion by by David S Whitley pg 200-202 ( Mtoa Ruins, Hwange National Park, Zimbabwe By Gary Haynes ( Heritage on the periphery by M. E. Sagiya ( The Zimbabwe culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 217-219) ( The Silence of Great Zimbabwe pg 19-30 ( Palaces of Stone By Mike Main ( Great Zimbabwe, by P. S. Garlake pg 66 ( Great Zimbabwe: Reclaiming a ‘Confiscated’ Past By Shadreck Chirikure pg 8-9 ( The Silence of Great Zimbabwe pg 5-8 ( Medieval Rhodesia by Randall-MacIver pg 63 ( The Silence of Great Zimbabwe pg 8.

# Title: Stone Palaces in the Mountains: Great Zimbabwe and the Ruined Cities of Southern Africa ## Debating a Confiscated Past ### Introduction - The journey to Great Zimbabwe, a massive ruin, began with explorer Carl Mauch in the 1860s. - Mauch's mistaken interpretation of materials and the narratives constructed around the ruins spurred subsequent exploration and colonization efforts. ### Initial Discoveries and Misinterpretations 1. **Carl Mauch's Findings** (1867) - Discovered the ruins but misidentified a wood sample, claiming it was cedar, subsequently concluding that a "civilized nation" must have inhabited the area. - His work went largely unnoticed, and he faded into obscurity. 2. **Cecil Rhodes and Myths of Civilization** (1890s) - Rhodes and his colleagues popularized the myth of Great Zimbabwe as the remnants of a white civilization and falsely connected it to King Solomon's mines. - They conducted invasive excavations, desecrating burial sites and destroying artifacts to support their theories. 3. **Academic Settlements by the 1930s** - Professional archaeologists later proved that the ruins were created by local Shona-speaking groups, with dating confirming a local origin. - Despite academic consensus, debates about the ruins continued among European settlers, reflecting a denial of local history. ### Challenges in Historical Reconstruction 1. **Archaeological Limitations** (1970s-80s) - Research faced challenges due to a lack of oral and written records, especially before the 16th century. - Archaeological findings provided some insights, yet many aspects of Zimbabwe's political history remain debated. 2. **Scholarly Disagreement** - Archaeologists differ on the connections between major sites like K2, Mapungubwe, and Great Zimbabwe due to varying architectural styles and material cultures. - Evidence highlights the existence of multiple settlements with similar features predating established sites, complicating the linear narrative of cultural development. ### Emergence of Complex Societies 1. **Origins of Zimbabwe Culture** (1st-2nd Millennium) - By the 1st century, Bantu-speaking agro-pastoralists occupied southeastern Africa, engaging in trade and producing pottery. - Settlements developed around centralized structures, with evidence of social stratification and elite residences. 2. **Key Sites and Cultural Development** - K2 was the largest settlement of the Leopard's Kopje Tradition, with early evidence of class separation and specialized sites such as Mapungubwe emerging later. - The transition from these early settlements to Great Zimbabwe occurred around the 14th century. ### The Rise of Great Zimbabwe 1. **City Structure and Population** (12th-19th Century) - Great Zimbabwe consisted of three main sections: the Hill Complex, the Great Enclosure, and the Valley Ruins, covering over 720 hectares and supporting significant populations. - The urban settlement housed both elite and commoner residences, ritual centers, and public spaces. 2. **Ritual Practices and Urban Dynamics** - Earlier theories posited that the Hill Complex served solely for rainmaking; however, new interpretations indicate extensive occupation and ritual activities throughout the site. - Population estimates of 18,000-20,000 have been challenged, with evidence suggesting a peak of around 5,000. ### Political Landscape and Trade Networks 1. **Competing Kingdoms** (13th-17th Century) - Great Zimbabwe emerged alongside other powerful states such as the Butua kingdom and Mutapa, thriving on trade routes connecting inland resources to coastal cities. - The region engaged heavily in the exchange of gold, ivory, and other commodities with Swahili city-states and central African kingdoms. 2. **Impact of Environmental and Political Changes** - The region's political landscape underwent significant change due to internal conflicts, Portuguese colonial interests, and the rise of new powers. - The 17th century saw the decline of established kingdoms, including Great Zimbabwe, as Changamire Dombo led military campaigns that impacted multiple states. ### Decline of Great Zimbabwe and the Zimbabwe Culture 1. **Interstate Conflicts and Successors** (18th-19th Century) - Following the rise of the Rozvi kingdom, Great Zimbabwe fell into decline, with occupation dwindling due to internal strife and external pressures from neighboring migrations. - By the early 19th century, waves of migration, particularly the Mfecane, further destabilized the region and led to the collapse of traditional structures. 2. **Colonial Invasions and Displacement** - The arrival of European settlers under Cecil Rhodes effectively ended the political autonomy of the region, leading to violent land dispossession. - The plundering of archaeological sites, notably by the Ancient Ruins Company, resulted in significant losses to the cultural heritage of Zimbabwe. ### Conclusion: Great Zimbabwe's Legacy - Great Zimbabwe stands as a symbol of Africa's historical and architectural achievements but also reflects the complex interplay of colonial narratives that sought to undermine local achievements. - Understanding its history requires acknowledging both the archaeological evidence and the narratives constructed around it, confronting the legacies of colonialism on contemporary historical interpretations.

Morocco, Songhai, Bornu and the quest to create an African empire to rival the Ottomans.

An ambitious sultan's dream of a Trans-Atlantic, Trans-Saharan empire.

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Morocco, Songhai, Bornu and the quest to create an African empire to rival the Ottomans. ======================================================================================== ### An ambitious sultan's dream of a Trans-Atlantic, Trans-Saharan empire. ( Jan 30, 2022 7 The Sahara has for long been perceived as an impenetrable barrier separating “north africa” from “sub-saharan Africa”. The barren shifting sands of the 1,000-mile desert were thought to have constrained commerce between the two regions and restrained any political ambitions of states on either side to interact. This “desert barrier” theory was popularized by German philosopher Friedrich Hegel, who is largely responsible for the modern geographic separation of “North” and Sub-Saharan” Africa. However, the Hegelian separation of Africa has since been challenged in recent scholarship after the uncovering of evidence of extensive trade between north Africa and west Africa dating back to antiquity, which continued to flourish during the Islamic period. Added to this evidence was the history of expansionist states on either side of the desert, that regulary exerted control over the barren terrain and established vast trans-Saharan empires that are counted among some of the world's largest states of the pre-modern era. Such include the Almoravid and Almohad empires of the 11th and 12th century which extended from southern Mauritania to Morocco and Spain, as well as the Kanem empire which emerged in southern chad and expanded into southern Libya in the 13th century. The era which best revealed the fictitiousness of the desert barrier theory was the 16th century; this was the apogee of state power in the entire western portion of Africa with three vast empires of Songhai, Kanem-Bornu and Morocco controlling more than half the region’s surface area. Their ascendance coincided with the spectacular rise of the Ottoman empire which had torn through north Africa and conducted campaigns deep into the Sahara, enabling the rise of powerful African rulers with internationalist ambitions that countered the Ottomans' own. This article provides an overview of western Africa in the 16th century, the expansionism, diplomacy and warfare that defined the era’s politics and the outcome of one of Africa’s most ambitious political experiments. _**sketch map of the empires mentioned in this article and their capitals**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The rise of the Saadian dynasty of Morocco: conflict with the Ottomans, defeat of the Portuguese and plans of a west-African conquest.** The region of Morocco has been home to a number of indigenous and foreign states since antiquity, and its fortunes were closely tied with both Mediterranean politics and west African trade, but by the early 16th century this region was at its weakest point with several competing kingdoms controlling the major cities, European powers controlling many of its sea ports and stateless bands roaming the desert, one key player during this period of disintegration were the Portuguese. The Portuguese had reoriented some of the west African gold trade south, and in the 15th century set their sights on colonizing morocco ostensibly as a holy war (crusade) that sought to establish a foothold in north Africa, after seizing the port city of ceuta, they gradually expanded their reach along the coast of Morocco south, upto the port city of Agadir 500km south, the reigning Wattasid dynasty only controlled the city of Fez and the surrounding regions upto the city of Marrakesh while the rest of the country was engulfed in internecine warfare.( But by 1510, some of the warring groups in the sous valley (south-central Morocco) united under the leadership of Mohammad Ibn abd ar-Rahman; an Arab who claimed sharif status (ie: of the lineage of prophet Muhammad) and was the founder of the Saadi dynasty( in an attempt to reverse Portuguese gains, his forces attacked the port city of Agadir, although this initial attempt ended in failure, it taught him the need to professionalize and equip his forces by relying on a standing army with fairly modern artillery rather than feudal levees on horseback( . His successors; the brothers Ahmad al-Araj and Muhammad al-shaykh, managed to seize Marrakesh and hold it firmly despite Wattasid attempts at taking it back in 1525( by the 1540s, Muhammad al-Shaykh had flushed the Portuguese out of Agadir who fled the neighboring coastal cities of Safi and Azemmour as well, al-Shaykh now employed the services of “new Christians” in the city to manufacture his own artillery( , which brought him into conflict with his brother who had advanced north to conquer the Wattasids but failed, al-Araj tuned on al-Shaykh in a civil war that resulted in al-Araj’s defeat and exile, al-Shaykh then advanced onto Wattasid lands in 1545 and by 1549 seized their capital Fez making him the sole ruler of Morrocco.( Rapidly advancing west from its conquest of Mamluk Egypt was the fledging Ottoman empire which had in the few decades of the early 16th century, managed to control vast swathes of land from Arabia to central Europe and Algeria, and in 1551, its armies invaded Morocco, routing the Saadian army and killing Mohammed al-Shaykh's son in the first battle( , in 1553, they reached Fez, ousting al-Shaykh and re-installing the Wattasids, only for him to return in 1554 and routing the Turks and their puppet dynasty whom he imprisoned.( During this time, the Saadis were also making forays south into the southern Sahara with one that reached the city of Wadan in 1540 after a failed request by Ahmad al-araj to the Songhai emperor Askiya Ishaq I (r. 1539-1549) for the Taghaza salt mine( , added to this strife was the cold relationship between the Morrocans and the Ottomans which increasingly soured and by 1557, the Turks sent assassins to al-Shaykh's tent and he was beheaded. _**the walls of the city of Taroudant, mostly built by Muhammad al-Shaykh**_ Al-Shaykh was succeeded by Abu Muhammad Abdallah who consolidated his father's gains and reigned peacefully until he passed in 1574, his death sparked a succession crisis between al-Maslukha who was proclaimed sultan and Abd al-Malik his uncle who fled to exile to the ottoman capital Constantinople, the latter took part in an Ottoman conquest of Tunis in 1574, and in return was aided by the ottoman sultan to retake his throne in Morocco, and on the arrival of his force at the capital Fez in 1576, al-Maslukha fled to Marakesh from where he was forced to flee again to the domain of King Phillip II of spain.( when al-Maslukha's request for the Spanish king to aid his return to the Moroccan throne was turned down, he turned to the Portuguese king Sebastian, the latter had since built a sprawling empire in parts of the Americas, Africa and Asia and welcomed the idea of a Moroccan client state, and in 1578, Sebastian invaded morocco reaching several hundred miles inland at _al-Kasr al-Kabir_ where he arrived with the exiled former sultan al-Maslukha to battle the armies of the reigning sultan al-Malik, but the Portuguese were defeated and their king killed in battle, as well as al-Maslukha and al-Malik himself in what came to be known as the “_**battle of the three kings**_”, thousands of Portuguese soldiers were captured by the Moroccans, all of whom were ransomed for a hefty sum by the new sultan Ahmad al-Mansur.( The death of the Portuguese king eventually started the succession crisis that led to Spain subsuming Portugal in the _**Iberian unification**_ under king Philip II. The ottomans had aided al-Malik who in return recognized the ottoman ruler Murad III as caliph and Morocco was thus formally under Ottoman suzerainty. But not long after his ascension, al-Mansur had the Friday prayer announced in his own name and minted his own coins as an outward show of his own Caliphal pretensions; actions that prompted his neighbor the Ottoman pasha of Algiers to persuade Murad to pacify Morocco to which al-Mansur quickly sent an embassy to Constantinople with what al-Mansur viewed as a gift but what Murad saw as an annual tribute, amounting to 100,000 gold coins, this “gift” halted Murad's attack on Morrocco in 1581, but was continuously paid over the following years.( _**the Borj Nord fortress in the city of Fez, built by al-Mansur**_ While its hard to qualify morocco under al-Mansur as a tributary state of the Ottomans, this hefty annual payment was to an extent fiscally constraining. And while al-Mansur praised the Ottoman sultan with high titles in his correspondence, he tactically avoided recognizing him as caliph and instead emphasized his own sharif lineage which he buttressed with an elaborate intellectual project in morocco to shore up his rival claims as the true caliph,( he also became increasingly deeply involved in European politics inorder to counter the Ottoman threat, particularly with the queen of England Elizabeth I who was looking for an alliance against Spain, the latter of which he may have hoped to invade and restore old Moroccan province of Andalusia, Morocco’s ties with England were further strengthened after al-Mansur witnessed the English queen's annihilation of the Spanish navy in 1588, and went as far as hoping a collaboration with her to seize Spain's possessions in the Americas and “_**proclaim the muezzin on both sides of the Atlantic**_”. In one of his correspondences with her around 1590, he wrote to Elizabeth that "_**we shall send our envoy as soon as the happy action of conquering Sudan is finished**_" “Sudan” in this case, referring to the region under the Songhai empire.( Its was during this period around 1583 that the Moroccan sultan resumed his southern overtures to Taghaza (in northern Mali) and the Oasis towns of Tuwat (in central Algeria) preceding the invasion of Songhai as well as establishing diplomatic contacts with the empire of Kanem-Bornu. * * * **The empire of Kanem-bornu: Mai Idris Alooma (r.1570-1603) between the Ottomans and the Moroccans** Kanem-Bornu was in the times of al-Mansur ruled by the Mai Idris Alooma, an emperor of the Seyfuwa dynasty that was centuries older than the Saadis, at its height between the 13th and 14th century, the empire of Kanem (as it was then known), encompassed vast swathes of land from zeilla in north-eastern Libya and all the lands of southern Libya (Fezzan) which were controlled at its northern capital Traghen, down to the the western border of the Christian Nubian kingdoms (in a region that would later occupied by the wadai kingdom); To its west it reached Takkedda in Mali and the controlled the entire region later occupied by the kingdom of Agadez, down to the city of Kaka west of Lake chad and into the territory known as Bornu in north-eastern Nigeria, ending in its capital Njimi in Kanem, a region east of Lake chad.( Kanem's success largely owed to its ability as an early state with centralized control and military power that could easily conquer stateless groups all around its sides radiating from its core in the lake chad basin, these conquered territories were brought under its control albeit loosely, but in the late 14th century the empire’s model of expansionism was under threat with the rise of independent states which begun with its own provinces; its eastern district of Kanem rebelled and carved out its own state whose rulers defeated and killed several of the Bornu kings that tried to pacify it, by the 15th century however, the Bornu sultan Mai Ali Gaji (r. 1465-1497AD) and Mai Idris Katakarmabi (1497-1519) defeated the Kanem rebels, and established a new capital at Ngazargamu.( During this upheaval, Kanem had lost parts of its western territories to the resurgent Songhai empire and much of the Fezzan was now only nominally under its fealty, it was ruled a semi-independent Moroccan dynasty of the Ulads (unrelated to the Saadis) whose capital was the city of Murzuk in 1550 although they were militarily and commercially dependent on Kanem bornu. The rulers of Bornu placed greater attention on the lands to their south and east particularly the city-states of the Hausalands and the cities of the Kotoko which were now brought more firmly under the empire’s suzeranity( By 1577, the ottomans had conquered much of Libya including the Fezzan, which was strongly protested by Mai Idris who sent a number of embassies to the sultan Murad III in the late 1570s to recover the region but which amounted to little( , its within this context that Idris Alooma approached the Moroccan sultan in 1583 requesting arquebuses an offer that may have included a proposed alliance between Morocco and Bornu in the former’s conquest of Songhai.( _**ruins of Mai Idris Alooma’s 16th century palace at Gambaru, near Ngazargamo**_ * * * **The empire of Songhai: from the glory days of Askiya Muhammad to the civil strife preceding its fall to the Moroccans** Songhai was the largest west African empire of the 16th century and one of the continent's largest in history, it was the heir of the highly productive and strategic core territory of the Niger river valley in which the preceding empires of Ghana and Mali in the 8th and 13th century were centered and from where they launched their expansionist armies south into the savannah and forest region and north into the desert regions, carving out vast swathes of land firmly under their control. Like the Kanem empire, Ghana and Mali's imperial expansion succeeded largely because the regions into which they was expanding were mostly stateless at the time and relatively easy to conquer, and Songhai brought this expansionist model to its maximum; carving out a region lager than 1.6 million sqkm by the early 16th century, but the increasing growth and resistance of the smaller peripheral states effectively put a roof on the extent of Songhai’s expansion to its west and south and it soon shared a border directly with the empires of Kanem-Bornu to its east and the Saadian Morocco to its north. Songhai was at its height in the early 16th century under its most prolific emperor Askiya Muhammad (r. 1493-1528), the latter had within the first two decades of the 16th century conquered dozens of kingdoms stretching from Walata in southern Mauritania to Agadez in Niger, and from the Hausalands in northern Nigeria to the region of Diara in western Mali, as well as incorporating the desert region of northern Mali upto the town of Taghaza( . The Askiya had also been on the Hajj to mecca in 1496 and met with several scholars and corresponded with the Mamluks in Egypt as well as the Abbasid Sharif who invested him with the title of Caliph, he therefore may have had internationalist ambitions although he didn't follow them up with embassies to any state unlike his neighbors( In 1529, the ageing Askiya who was more than eighty years, was deposed by his son and a succession crisis embroiled Songhai that saw four Askiyas ruling in the space of just 20 years, but even in the midst of this, Askiya Ishaq I (r. 1539-1539) could strongly rebuff a Moroccan request for the control of the Taghaza salt mine, responding to the reigning sultan Ahmad al-Araj’s request for taxes accrued from Taghaza that "_**the Ahmad who would hear news of such an agreement was not he, and the Ishaq who would give ear to such a proposition had not yet been born**_", Ishaq then sent a band of 2,000 soldiers to raid the southern Moroccan market town of Banī Asbah( . _**the town of Walata, one of Songhai’s westernmost conquests**_ The ascension of Askiya Dawud in 1549, whose reign continued until 1582, was followed by a period of consolidation and recovery from the centrifugal threats that had grown during the succession crisis, Dawud resumed Songhai's expansionism with a successful attack to its south-eastern neighbor Borgu and a failed attack on Kebbi (both in north-western Nigeria) between 1554 and 1559, he then moved south west to chip-away on parts of the faltering Mali empire in 1550 and 1570, sacking the Malian capital and pacifying Songhai provinces in the region near the sene-gambia region, he also campaigned into the deserts to his west and north as well as the region of Bandiagra (in central Mali) which was by then controlled by the Bambara( . In 1556, the reigning Morrocan sultan Muhammad al-Shaykh developed interest in the Taghaza mine, allying with a local rival claimant to the Songhai governor of the town to kill the incumbent, although this brief episode didn't amount to much as the Moroccans soon withdrew,( Decades later in the 1580s, the Moroccan sultan al-Mansur would request one year's worth of tax from Taghaza and it was sent (on only one occasion) 10,000 mithqals of gold by Askiya Dawud and the two rulers maintained cordial relationships( After Askiya Dawud's passing in 1582, Songhai was once again embroiled in succession crises that saw three emperors ascending to the throne in just 9 years, in the midst of this, around 1585/1586, al-Mansur had sent a spy mission south to Songhai ostensibly as emissaries with gifts but these spies had been returned to Morocco with more gifts, soon after, al-Mansur sent two failed expeditions to capture the city of Wadan with 20,000 soldiers and the town of Taghaza with 200 arquebusiers, both of these cities were under Songhai control, al-Mansur also sent expeditions into the south-central Algerian cities of Tuwat and Gurara that were also unsuccessful.( The reigning Askiya of songhai al-Hajji Muhammad (r. 1582-1586) was later deposed by his brothers led by Muhammad al-Sadiq (a son of Dawud) in favor of Askiya Muhammad Bani (r.1586-1587) whose rule was disliked by the same brothers that had installed him and they again fomented a rebellion against him, raising an army from the entire western half of the empire and marching onto the capital city Gao to depose him, but Askiya Bani died before he could fight the rebels and Askiya Ishaq II (r. 1588-1591) took the throne, it was then that the rebellious army approached Gao in 1588 and faced off with the Royal army, they were defeated by the Askiya Ishaq II in a costly victory with many causalities on both sides, a purge soon followed across the empire that sought to remove Muhammad al-Sadiq's supporters afterwhich, the Askiya resumed campaigning in the south west to pacify the region when the Moroccan armies arrived.( _**15th century Tomb and Mosque of Askiya Muhammad in Gao**_ * * * **Diplomacy and minor skirmishes: Morocco, Kanem-Bornu and Songhai in a web of political entanglement with the Ottomans** **i) Morocco:** The years between 1580 and 1591 were a period of intense diplomatic exchanges between Morocco, Kanem-Bornu, Songhai and the Ottomans, the earliest exchanges had been initiated by the two immediate Ottoman neighbors of Morocco and Kanem-Bornu especially to Murad III (r. 1574-1595), the Moroccans were more vulnerable in this regard than Kanem-Bornu and had in 1550 been directly invaded by the Turks who occupied fez in 1554, but the Moroccan sultan was unrelenting and when two embassies in 1547 and 1557 from Suleiman I reached morocco to request Muhammd al-shaykh's recognition of ottoman suzerainty (by reading Suleiman's name in the Friday sermons and stricking coins bearing his face) the proud Moroccan sultan replied : “_**I will only respond to the sultan of fishing boats when I reach Cairo; it will be from there that I will write my response**_.” not long after, assassins crawled into al-Shaykh's tent and severed his head, sending it to Constantinople.( The succession crisis that ensued after his successor's death in 1574 brought to power the ottoman sympathizer al-Malik who owed his throne to Murad III, he mentioned Murad's name in the Friday prayer, issued coins with his face and paid him annual tribute, but on the ascendance of al-Mansur in 1578, Morocco's suzerainty to Ottomans was gradually reduced such that by the 1580s, he was virtually independent and begun requesting several rulers to recognize him as caliph instead, as well as establishing ties with European states, all inorder to create a rival caliphate centered on Morocco whose lands would stretch from Spain to Mali, and across the Atlantic into the Americas.( _**a 17th century painting of Al-Annuri; who was sultan al-Mansur’s ambassador to England’s Elizabeth I, made by an anonymous English painter.**_ ii) **Kanem-Bornu** In the years after they had secured the submission of morocco and thus completed the conquest of North africa, the Ottomans turned south and in 1577 invaded the region of the Fezzan, a region that was at the time ruled by the Ulad dynasty who had been a nominal client-state of Kanem-Bornu; the Ulads themselves had strong connections to the Hausa city of katsina as well as Kanem-Bornu and they fled after to both following each ottoman attack( Although Bornu and the ottomans had been in contact prior to the latter's southern advance; the Mais of Kanem-Bornu had initiated contact with the Ottomans in the late 1550s with the pasha of Tripoli Dragut (r. 1556-1565) to request for acqubuses, but the invasion of the Fezzan by the Pashas who succeeded Dragut created a diplomatic rife between the two states and the Kanem-Bornu Mai Idris Alooma sent an embassy to protest this encroachment to which the Murad III responded "_**You are well aware that it is not one of the precepts of our mighty forefathers to cede any part of the citadels which have been in their hands**_" the correspondence he had with him however, seems to acknowledge that the Ottomans had gone further south than they should have but he resolved to retain the Fezzan regardless of this, he nevertheless ordered the pasha of Tunis to remain in good terms with Kanem-Bornu, and allow the safe passage of its traders, pilgrims and emissaries( . Idris acquired several guns (arquebuses) as well as Turkish slaves skilled in the handling of these firearms, its unlikely that the ottomans handed them to him in sufficient quantities, rather, its said that Idris had captured the guns and the Turkish slaves from a failed Ottoman invasion into Kanem-Bornu( . Although the guns performance wasn't sufficiently decisive in the long run, they tilted the scales in favor of the Kanem armies in certain battles( , but since he had only acquired insufficient numbers of them, Idris sent an emissary to al-Mansur in 1582 with a letter requesting for guns and other military aid for Kanem’s campaigns, to which al-Mansur asked that the Kanem sultan mention his name in the Friday prayers and recognize him as caliph, an offer seemingly accepted by the Kanem ambassador in Marakesh (not Idris himself); the ambassador also said he hoped that al-Mansur would be guaranteed Kanem-bornu's aid to conquer songhai, although scholars have questioned the authenticity of this last account, which was entirely written by al-Mansur’s chronicler and seems to contradict the reality of how the war with Songhai later played out in which Kanem-Bornu wasn’t involved, although Kanem’s non-interference in the Songhai conquest may have been because al-Mansur didn’t send the guns Idris had requested.( But its clear that Kanem-Bornu was well aware of the capacity of al-Mansur in the production of his own fire-arms as well as his rivalry with the Ottomans, Kanem-bornu may have also had less-than-cordial relationships with Songhai which had attacked some of its south-western vassals. _**the fortified Kanem-Bornu towns of djado, djaba, dabassa and seggedim along its northern route to the Fezzan**_ **iii) Songhai** Songhai had in 1500 conquered the Tuareg kingdom of Agadez and again in 1517, sacking the capital and imposing an annual tribute of 150,000 mithqals of gold (about 637kg)( , but this region may have earlier been under the orbit of the Kanem-bornu rulers who, despite their decline in the late 14th-15th century, considered it as part of their sphere of influence, its not surprising that in 1570s, Idris Alooma sent three expeditions against the Tuareg kingdom of Agadez and the later Mais of Kanem-bornu continued these attacks for much of the 17th century, a time in which Agadez seems to have remained firmly under the control of Kanem-Bornu which likely felt relieved from the Songhai threat( , added to this was the Askiya's invasion of the Hausa cities of Zaria, Kano and Katsina between 1512-1513, all of which had since the mid-15th century, been firmly under Kanem-bornu's suzerainty, this invasion would not have gone unnoticed by the Kanem rulers, especially after the rebellion of a Songhai general, Kotal Kanta who ruled from Kebbi, seized most of the Hausalands and routed several Kanem and Songhai attacks on his kingdom until his death in the 1550s afterwich Kanem-Bornu returned to reassert its authority over some of the cities but was only partially successful as Kebbi and Katsina remained outside its orbit( By the 1590s, Kebbi seems to have returned to Songhai's orbit and there are letters addressed to its ruler from al-Mansur who requested that the Kanta pays allegiance to him as caliph (accompanied with threats to invade Kebbi), but these were rebuffed and Kebbi aided Songhai in its fight against the Moroccans( . Needless to say, when the Moroccan sultan was making plans to invade Songhai, the Kanem-Bornu Mais likely hopped this would eliminate their western threat. _**sections of the old town Agadez. It was mostly under Songhai control for much of the 16th century but fell under Kanem-Bornu’s orbit in the 17th century**_ * * * **The fall of Songhai and its aftermath: a pyrrhic victory** In 1590, an royal slave of the Askiya fled to Marrakesh where he claimed he was a deposed son of Dawud and a contender to the Songhai throne, he met with al-Mansur and provided him with more information about Songhai (supplementing the information received by al-Mansur’s spies), the Moroccan sultan then sent a request for reigning Askiya Ishaq II to pay tax on the Taghaza salt mine claiming the money was his on account of him caliph, and saying that his military success had protected Songhai from the European armies (in an ironic twist of fate given since he was about to send his own armies against Songhai, and it was a rather empty excuse given than European incursions were infact defeated in the Sene-gambia region more than a century before this); the Askiya rebuffed his request, sending him a spear and a pair of iron shoes knowing al-Mansur’s intent was war.( Al-Mansur’s declaration of war was initially opposed in Morocco where the sultan al-had developed a reputation of a very shrewd politician who was known to be harsh to both his subjects and courtiers; once saying that _**"the Moroccan people are madmen whose madness can only be treated by keeping them in iron chains and collars"**_( , his courtiers and the ulama of Morocco objected to his invasion claiming that even the great Moroccan empires of the past had never attempted it, but al-Mansur assured them of success of his fire-arms and said that those past dynasties were focused on Spain and the Maghreb, both of which are now closed to him to which the notables agreed to his conquest.( In 1591, al-Mansur sent a force of 4,000 arquebusiers and 1,500 camel drivers south, under the command of Jawdar, they were met by a Songhai army about 45,000 strong, a third of which was a cavalry unit, the Askiya's army was defeated but a sizeable proportion retreated to Gao and then eastwards to the region of Dendi from where it would continuously mount a resistance.( A 17th century chronicler in Timbuktu described the aftermath of Songhai’s fall; "_**This Saadian army found the land of the Sudan at that time to be one of the most favoured of the lands of God Most High in any direction, and the most luxurious, secure, and prosperous, but All of this changed; security turned to fear, luxury was changed into affliction and distress, and prosperity became woe and harshness**_". Jawdar sent a letter to al-Mansur about the Askiya Ishaq's escape and the Songhai ruler’s offer of 100,000 mithqals of gold and 1,000 slaves for the Moroccans to return to their land, al-Mansur was however insistent on the Askiya's capture, sending a new commander named Pasha Mahmud with 3,000 acqubusiers to complete the task. He arrived in Timbuktu in 1591, deposed jawdar and once in Gao, he built boats to cross the river and attack the Askiya in Dendi, the pasha fought two wars with the Askiya both of which ended with the latter's retreat but failed to meet al-Mansur's objective.( Askiya Ishaq was deposed in favor of Aksiya Gao who became the new ruler of Dendi-Songhai but he was later tricked by Mahmud into his own capture and death a few months after his coronation, and the Dendi-Songhai court installed a new ruler named Askiya Nuh who was successful in fighting the Moroccans, killing nearly half of the arquebusiers sent to fight him( . Having failed to conquer Dendi-songhai, the Pasha Mahmud tuned his anger on the Timbuktu residents, he seized the the scholars whom he shackled and had their wealth confiscated, but squandered much of it between his forces and sent a paltry 100,000 mithqals of gold (500kg) to al-Mansur (a measly sum that compared poorly with the 150,000 mithqals Songhai received from Agadez alone). On reaching Marakesh, the Timbuktu scholars and informants of al-Masnur reported pasha Mahmud's conduct and al-Mansur sent orders for him to be killed and the scholars were released not long after, Pasha Mahmud then went to Dendi to fight Askiya Nuh with a force of over 1,000 arquebusiers but was defeated and his severed head was sent to Kebbi to be hung on the city walls.( _**the city of Djenne, a site of several battles between the Armas and various groups including the Bambara and the Fulani as well as the declining Mali empire, it was by 1670 under the control of the Bambara empire of Segu**_ In the 30 years after their victory in 1591, the al-Mansur continued to send arquebusiers to fight the Askiyas totaling up to 23,000 men by 1604, only 500 of whom returned to Marakesh, the rest having died in battle, some to diseases and the few hundred survivors garrisoned in the cities of Djenne, Timbuktu and Gao( . By 1618, the last of the Moroccan pashas was murdered by his own mutinous soldiers( (who would then be known as the Arma), these Arma now ruled their greatly diminished territory independently of Morocco which had itself descended into civil war, this territory initially comprised the cities of Djenne, Timbuktu and Gao but the hinterlands of these cities were outside their reach, by the 1649, the cities Timbuktu and Gao were reduced to paying tribute to the Tuareg bands allied with the Agadez kingdom( , and by 1670s both Djenne and Timbuktu were paying tribute to the Bambara empire centered at Segu.( Gao was reduced from a bustling city of 100,000 residents to a forgotten village slowly drowning in the sands of the Sahara, the great city Timbuktu shrunk from 70-100,000 to a little over 10,000 inhabitants in the 18th century, the vast empire that al-Mansur dreamt of fizzled, Morocco itself was plagued by six decades of civil war after his death with 11 rulers ascending in just 60 years, more than half of whom were assassinated and deposed as each ruler carved up his own kingdom around the main cities while bands roamed the surrounding deserts and Europeans seized the coastal cities, while minor raids to the region of Adrar in (western Mauritania) were resumed intermittently by the Moroccans in the 18th century( when the Alwali dynasty reunified Morocco, the Moroccan overtures into west-Africa on the scale of the Songhai invasion were never repeated and its activities were constrained to propping up bands of desert warriors in the western Mauritania( . west-Africa's political landscape had been permanently altered as new states sprung up all around the southern fringes of the former Songhai territory, and several scholarly and commercial capitals rose such as Segu, Katsina, Kano and Agadez boasting populations from 30,000-100,000 residents in the 18th century. _**the ruins of Ouadane, after a series of Moroccan expeditions into the Adrar region the 17th and 18th century, the city was largely abandoned**_ * * * **Conclusion : Assessing the legacy of one of Africa’s most powerful rulers** The Moroccan armies of al-Mansur lacked the capacity to incorporate the large Songhai territory into their empire despite their best efforts and the commitment of the sultan to his grand objectives, their soldiers usually found themselves on the defensive, holed up in garrison forts in the cities in which even the urban residents, the scholars and attimes their own soldiers considered them unwelcome. The over 23,000 Moroccan soldiers the al-Mansur sent to their graves in Songhai reveal the commitment that the sultan had to his Caliphal empire, a grandiose vision which flew in the face of the political realities he was faced with, since his own army numbered no more than 30-40,000 at its height, the loss of tens of thousands of his best armed men was a large drain to his internal security as well as the state purse. Once the shock factor of the guns had worn off, the Armas were rendered impotent to the attacks of the Askiyas, the Tuaregs, the Bambara, the Fulani who repeatedly raided their garrisons in the cities where they were garrisoned, and in less than a few decades, upstart states armed with just spears and arrows, and bands of desert nomads reduced the hundreds of well-armed soldiers to tributary status. A similar experience with guns had been witnessed by Idris Alooma of Kanem-Bornu, as well as the atlantic African states like Esiege of Benin who soon learned that the new weapons were never decisive in warfare (atleast not until the late 19th century). Al-Mansur's ambition to create a western caliphate that would rival the Ottomans exceeded the resources he possessed to accomplish this goal, and in the process set back the regions of Morocco and the Songhai for nearly a century( . In 1593, al-Mansur finished the construction of a dazzling new palace of el-Badi, partly with the wealth taken from Songhai, but in 1708, a different Moroccan sultan from a different dynasty tore it down in an act of jealousy( ; like his dream of a trans-Saharan, trans-Atlantic empire; the legacy of al-Mansur lay desolate, in a pile of ruins. _**the el-badi palace**_ _**in Marakesh**_ * * * **for more on African history including the longest lasting trans-saharan empire of Kanem, please subscribe to my Patreon account** ( ( Roads to Ruin by Comer Plummer pg 3 ( Conquistadors of the Red City by Comer Plummer pg 19 ( Roads to Ruin by Comer Plummer pg 11) ( Roads to Ruin by Comer Plummer pg 15) ( Roads to Ruin by Comer Plummer pg 19-25, 28-29) ( Roads to Ruin by Comer Plummer pg 25-30) ( Roads to Ruin by Comer Plummer pg85) ( Roads to Ruin by Comer Plummer pg 86) ( Conquistadors of the Red City by Comer Plummer pg 20-21) ( Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century by UNESCO IV pga 202-204) ( Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century by UNESCO general history IV pg 205-210) ( Reviving the Islamic Caliphate in Early Modern Morocco by Stephen Cory, pg 65; and Ahmad Al-Mansur: Islamic Visionary by Richard L. Smith - Page 57 ( reviving the islamic caliphate in Early Modern Morocco by Stephen Cory pg 70-85 ( Britain and the Islamic World, 1558-1713 by Gerald M. MacLean and Nabil Matar pg 50-59 ( Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century by UNESCO general history iv pg 100) ( The kingdoms and peoples of Chad by Dierk Lange pg 259-260 ( West Africa During the Atlantic Slave Trade by Christopher R. DeCorse pg 110-112 ( Mai Idris of Bornu and the Ottoman Turks pg 471 ( reviving the islamic caliphate in Early Modern Morocco by Stephen Cory pg 121-123) ( African Dominion by Michael A. Gomez pg 236-245) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 103-107 ( African Dominion by Michael A. Gomez pg 331) ( African Dominion by Michael A. Gomez pg 336-339) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 151) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 155) ( reviving the islamic caliphate in Early Modern Morocco by Stephen Cory pg 123) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 157-178) ( Roads to Ruin by Comer Plummer pg 82- 88) ( The Man Who Would Be Caliph by S Cory pg ( Slaves and Slavery in Africa: Volume Two By John Ralph Willis pg 62-65 ( Mai Idris of Bornu and the Ottoman Turks by BG Martin pg 482-490 ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 327 ( Warfare & Diplomacy in Pre-colonial West Africa by Robert Sidney Smith pg 82) ( The Man Who Would Be Caliph by S Cory pg 187-189) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 108, 113, 26 ( The Cambridge History of Africa: From c. 1600 to c. 1790, by Richard Gray pg 122-124) ( Government In Kano, 1350-1950 by M.G.Smith pg 137-141) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 304) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 186-187) ( Conquistadors of the Red City Comer Plummer III pg 236 ( reviving the islamic caliphate in Early Modern Morocco by Stephen Cory 127-128 ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 189-191) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg pg 195-199) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 204) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 227), ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 245) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 257) ( Muslim Societies in Africa by by Roman Loimeier pg 73) ( Essays on African History: From the Slave Trade to Neocolonialism By Jean Suret-Canale pg 30 ( Desert Frontier by James L. A. Webb pg 47-49 ( The Atlantic World and Virginia by Peter C. Mancall pg 157-168 ( The Man Who Would Be Caliph by S Cory pg 195-199) ( reviving the islamic caliphate in Early Modern Morocco by Stephen Cory pg 225.

### Title: The Quest for an African Empire: Morocco, Songhai, and Bornu in the 16th Century #### Introduction 1. **Historical Context**: The Sahara Desert has traditionally been viewed as a barrier separating North Africa from Sub-Saharan Africa, a notion popularized by philosopher Friedrich Hegel. Recent scholarship has challenged this perception, revealing extensive trade networks and political interactions between states across the desert. 2. **Empires of the Era**: By the 16th century, three major empires in West Africa—Morocco, Songhai, and Kanem-Bornu—emerged as influential powers. Their growth coincided with the rise of the Ottoman Empire, which expanded into North Africa. #### The Rise of the Saadian Dynasty in Morocco 3. **Political Fragmentation**: In the early 16th century, Morocco was fragmented, with the Wattasid dynasty struggling to maintain control amid pressures from Portuguese colonization. 4. **Establishment of the Saadian Dynasty**: Mohammad Ibn Abd ar-Rahman united factions in southern Morocco and founded the Saadian dynasty, aiming to repel Portuguese advances. 5. **Military Enhancements**: The Saadian leaders recognized the need for a professional army. The Saadian sultan, Muhammad al-Shaykh, successfully captured key cities, including Marrakesh and Fez, through military modernization. 6. **Ottoman Relations**: The Ottomans invaded Morocco multiple times, attempting to exert control. Muhammad al-Shaykh faced setbacks but eventually reasserted power against Ottoman influence. #### Expansionist Aspirations of Morocco 7. **Diplomatic Maneuvering**: Under Sultan Ahmad al-Mansur, Morocco sought to extend its influence into West Africa, particularly targeting the Songhai Empire. Al-Mansur viewed the Songhai territories, especially the Taghaza salt mines, as vital for Morocco's economic ambitions. 8. **European Alliances**: Al-Mansur sought alliances with European powers, especially Elizabeth I of England, to counter Spanish interests and restore Moroccan claims in Andalusia. #### The Role of Kanem-Bornu 9. **Kanem-Bornu Dynamics**: Ruled by Mai Idris Alooma, the Kanem-Bornu Empire was strategically positioned. Alooma's reign marked a period of military modernization and attempts to navigate relations with both the Ottomans and Moroccans. 10. **Alliances and Conflicts**: Alooma approached Morocco for military support in the conquest of Songhai while seeking to maintain independence from Ottoman encroachment. #### The Songhai Empire 11. **Songhai Expansion**: At its zenith under Askiya Muhammad, the Songhai Empire controlled vast territories through military conquests and strategic governance. 12. **Succession Crises**: After Askiya Muhammad's death, Songhai faced instability from succession disputes, weakening its political and military cohesion. 13. **Moroccan Ambitions**: As Moroccan influence grew, Al-Mansur attempted to exert economic pressure on Songhai regarding the Taghaza mines, which led to military confrontations. #### The Moroccan Invasion of Songhai 14. **Preparation for War**: In 1590, Al-Mansur prepared an invasion of Songhai, leveraging his military capabilities. He dispatched forces under the command of Jawdar. 15. **Battle Dynamics**: The Moroccan forces initially defeated the Songhai armies but struggled to establish control over the territory due to ongoing resistance. #### Aftermath of the Invasion 16. **Ongoing Conflict**: Following the initial victory, Morocco faced continuous uprisings and military resistance from the Songhai people, undermining Moroccan rule. 17. **Decline of Influence**: By the early 17th century, Moroccan control deteriorated, leading to the rise of local powers and a significant reduction in Moroccan territorial influence in West Africa. #### Conclusion 18. **Legacy of Al-Mansur**: Although Al-Mansur aspired to create a powerful Caliphate rivaling the Ottomans, the military campaigns resulted in significant losses for Morocco without establishing lasting control over Songhai. The ensuing civil unrest and fragmentation in Morocco limited any future ambitions for expansion or regional dominance. 19. **Historical Significance**: The events of this period illustrate the intricate political dynamics of West Africa and the limitations of military expansion against the backdrop of local resistance and the complexities of empire-building. The dreams of a trans-Saharan, trans-Atlantic empire remained unrealized, impacting the political landscape of the region for decades to come.

The power of the pen in African history; composing, editing and manipulating history for political legitimation: comparing Ethiopia's Kebrä Nägäst and Songhai's Tārīkh al-fattāsh.

Until recently, Africa was considered by many as a land without writing, where all information about the past was transmitted orally and griots sung praises of ancient kings, and that when a griot dies, “its like a library was burned down".

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The power of the pen in African history; composing, editing and manipulating history for political legitimation: comparing Ethiopia's Kebrä Nägäst and Songhai's Tārīkh al-fattāsh. =================================================================================================================================================================================== ( Jan 23, 2022 7 Until recently, Africa was considered by many as a land without writing, where all information about the past was transmitted orally and griots sung praises of ancient kings, and that when a griot dies, “its like a library was burned down". But the discovery, translation and study of the voluminous collections of manuscripts from across the continent has rendered obsolete this inacurate and fanciful description of the African past; from Senegal to Ethiopia, from Sudan to Angola, African scribes, rulers, scholars and elites were actively engaged in the production of written information, creating sophisticated works of science, theology, history, geography and philosophy. The discursive traditions of these african writers weren't restricted to the elite as its often misconceived but was widely spread to the masses to whom these writings were read out orally in public gatherings such that even those who weren't literate were "literacy aware", its within this vibrant intellectual milieu that literacy became an indispensable tool for legitimizing political authority in pre-colonial Africa. The _**Tarikh al-fattash**_ and the _**Kebra nagast**_ are among the most important pre-colonial African works of historical nature, the Tarikh al-fattash is a chronicle that provides an account of history of the west African empires until the 16th century, mostly focusing on the history of the Songhai rulers and their reigns while the Kebra Nagast is a historical epic about the origin of the the "solomonic" dynasty that ruled medieval Ethiopia from 1270AD to 1974. These two documents written by African scribes in what are now the modern countries of Mali and Ethiopia, have been widely reproduced and studied and are some of Africa's best known works of literature. Because of the intent of their production, both share a number of similarities that are essential in understanding the power of the written word in pre-colonial African concepts of authority and its legitimation; they include eschatological themes, claims of divine authority, claims of authorship by high profile scholars, and bold re-tellings and interpretations of historical themes found in major religious texts. While the two differ structurally, and are also different from most historical literature in Africa, the resemblance in their themes, the message they intend to convey and the enigmatic nature of their production, circulation, disappearance and rediscovery sets them apart from the rest of Africa’s historiographical documents. This article explorers the political context and intellectual projects that influenced the production of these two documents as well as the centrality of literacy in the concepts of power and its legitimation in pre-colonial Africa. _**Maps of the Ethiopia in the medieval era and Maps of the Massina empire showing the states, regions and cities mentioned**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The “Glory of the Kings”: authorship and themes of the Kebra Nagast, and politics in medieval Ethiopia.** The Kebra Nagast is an Ethiopian epic whose authorship is traditionally attributed to Yeshaq, the _nebura-ed_ of the city of Aksum who is mentioned in the document’s colophon, he worked under the patronage of Ya’ibika Egzi a governor of Intarta (in what is now the Tigrai region of Ethiopia). Yeshaq, a highly learned scholar who was writing around 1322, says that he was translating the document into Ge'ez from Arabic, which inturn was originally in Coptic and written in 1225.( The most comprehensive study of the Kebra nagast reveals that it wasn't the singe coherent version in the form that survives today but one harmonized and edited over several centuries by several authors after Yeshaq, around a central theme that was in line with the forms of political legitimation that existed in medieval Ethiopia, and that the Kebra Nagast was later adopted by the Solomonic dynasty as their own national epic in the 14th century right upto the fall of the dynasty in 1974.( The central theme of Kebra nagast is a story about the biblical queen of Sheba whom it is says was the ruler of Ethiopia, she visited Solomon the king of Israel (his reign is traditionally dated to 950BC) with whom she gave birth to a son named David (called Menelik in later versions), this David later returned to Israel to visit his father Solomon and the latter offered David kingship in Israel but he turned it down, so the high priest of Israel, Zadok, anointed him as King of Ethiopia, and Solomon gave David a parting gift of the covering of the ark of the covenant, but the sons of Zadok, moved by divine encouragement, gave David the ark of the covenant itself which they took from the temple and it was carried to Ethiopia, upon arriving home, David received the crown of Ethiopia from his mother and the Ethiopian state abandoned their old faith for the Jewish faith and from then, all Ethiopian monarchs could only rule if they traced their lineage directly to him.( It also contains eschatological prophesy about Kaleb's sons the first of whom will reign in Israel along with the one of the roman emperor’s sons while the other will reign in Ethiopia, but on Kaleb's abdication, both sons will fight and God will mediate between them for one son to remain reigning over Israel and Ethiopia while the other reigns over the realm of the spirits.( The kebra nagast largely draws from old testament themes, but also includes materials from the new testament, apocryphal works, patristic sources and Jewish rabbinical literature, but it diverges from most of these by relying less on mythical beings and instead choosing to include citations from real personalities such as the 4th century figures st. Gregory the illuminator (d. 331 AD) and Domitius the patriarch of Constantinople.( Its composition during the 13th-14th century occurred at a time when the highlands of Ethiopia state were contested by three Christian polities (as well as some Muslim states), the two most important were the Zagwe Kingdom (lasted from 1137-1270) which was in decline, and the incipient Ethiopian empire (lasted from 1270-1974) which was a fledging state in the late 13th/early 14th century, subsuming several smaller kingdoms in the region especially during the reign of Amda Seyon (r. 1314-1344) with whom Yeshaq was a contemporary. The other state was the enigmatic polity of Intarta ruled by Ya’ibika Egzi who is termed as "governor" in the document, he ruled semi-autonomously in the region around the city of Aksum and its suggested that he rebelled against Amda Seyon's empire possibly with ambitions of his own expansion( , it was under Ya’ibika Egzi’s patronage that Yeshaq wrote the earliest version of the kebra nagast. The oldest extant copy of the Kebra Nagast is the 15th century manuscript (Éthiopien 5) at the _Bibliothèque nationale_ in Paris, (although its this early date is disputed, other earlier versions include an Arabic version from the 15th century that was written by a christian Arab in Egypt, its mostly similar to the first version but diverges in some parts mentioning that David forced the priests of Israel to carry the Ark of the covenant back to Ethiopia( , another is a 16th century Ethiopian version that was reproduced by a portuguese missionary Francisco Álvares, and an ethiopian version that was written in the late 16th-17th century( . All versions mention the queen Sheba and king Solomon relationship and the Israel-centric origins of the ethiopian empire's dynasty but differ on the relics taken from israel with some versions referring to an Ark, or to stone tablets of Moses. **The political and religious context of medieval Ethiopia: exploring the claims in the Kebra Nagast.** Inclination towards old testament customs in the the late period of Aksum was in place by the 11th century( , the association of queen Sheba's kingdom with the region of Ethiopia was in present in external accounts as early as the 11th century( , claims of Aksumite lineage as well as the scared status of the city of Aksum may have been present during the Zagwe era although they were not used by the Zagwe rulers themselves but rival dynasties, the conflation of the Kush (biblical Ethiopia) with the kingdom of Aksum and later Abyssinia (modern Ethiopia) was present in external accounts as early as the 4th century, as well as some in some internal accounts( , and the claims of divine rule by kings in the region of Ethiopia were in place during the early Aksumite era both in the pre-Christian and Christian times.( The existence of an kingdom named saba in the 9th/8th century BC has been confirmed by the dating of the monumental architecture at the city of Yeha as well as inscriptions that list king Saba( . But the first external confirmation most of parts of the Kebra nagast story comes from Abu al-Makarim, a 13th century Coptic priest in Egypt who collected information about Ethiopia under the zagwe kingdom from travelers who had been there (the Zagwe King Lalibela, who ruled in the first decades of the 13th century, would have been his contemporary), he mentions that the Zagwe kings traced their descent from the biblical priestly family of Moses and Aaron and that descendants of the house of david (priests) are in attendance upon an ark in the Zagwe capital adefa (modern city of Lalibela)( this "ark" was according to his description a small wooden altar containing Christian crosses as well as tablets of stone "inscribed with the finger of god" and it was actively used during the ecclesiastical activities in a manner that was similar to the ethiopian _tabot_ rather than the revered ark of the covenant.( The “Juda-izing” elements of the Ethiopian state were thus inplace by the reign of Lalibela and were likely deliberately adopted by the Zagwe kings as new forms of legitimacy, Lalibela was the first of the Ethiopian rulers under whom the ark is mentioned, he established relations with the Ayyubid sultan al-Adil I (r. 1200-1218), who controlled Egypt and Jerusalem, and Lalibela’s successor Na'akuto-La'ab built a church at lalibela named after Mount Zion (Seyon), marking the earliest allusion to the holy mountain of Jerusalem in Ethiopia, as well as the origin of the tradition that the Zagwe rulers sought to turn Lalibela into the “second Jerusalem”, their success at this endeavor is evidenced by their veneration as saints in the Ethiopian church.( Not long after Lalibela had passed on, the Zagwe kingdom was embroiled in succession disputes and declined, falling to what later became the Ethiopian empire led by Yekuno Amlak (r.1270-1285), by the time of the reign of his successor Yigba Seyon Salomon (r. 1285-1294), the Zion connection in the Ethiopian court was firmly in place evidenced by this king’s adoption of “Seyon” and “Solomon” in his royal name, and a firmer relationship was also established with the Ethiopian community installed at a monastery in Jerusalem likely during his father's reign. The dynasty of Yekuno Amlak therefore, continued the judaizing tradition set by the Zagwe kings but inorder to reject the claims of the Zagwe origins from the priestly lineage of Moses and Aaron, these new kings chose to trace their descent from Solomon and his Ethiopian son David (hence the name “solomonic dynasty”), and its during this time that Yeshaq enters the scene, combining the various traditions circulating in and out of Ethiopia including; the Solomon and Sheba story, the biblical references to Ethiopia and divine rule, into a bold and ambitious project that was initially intended for his patron Ya’ibika Egzi( , but was soon after adopted by the conqueror Amda Seyon who defeated Egzi whom he considered a rebel writing that "_God delivered into my hands the ruler of Intarta with all his army, his followers, his relatives, and all his country as far as the Cathedral of Aksum_"( . **Completing the Kebra Nagast intellectual project; reception and support of an Ethiopian tradition** After its adoption by the Solomonic dynasty, the stories in the Kebra negast would be crystallized and conflicting accounts harmonized with each subsequent copying, in line with the firmer centralization of Ethiopia’s monastic schools (and thus, its intellectual traditions) that occurred under the king Zera Yacob (r. 1434-1468) which reduced the multiplicity of the competing scholarly communities in the empire.( The earliest version recorded externally was by the Portuguese missionary Francisco Alvares in the 1520s who says it was first translated from Hebrew to Greek to Chaldean (aramaic) then to Ge'ez, it mentions the story of Solomon and Sheba as well as his son David who departed from Israel to rule Ethiopia, although there is no mention of David taking the ark( , an Ethiopian contemporary of Alvares was Saga Za-ab the ambassador for king Lebna Dengel (r.1508-1540) to Portugal who mentions the existence of the Kebra nagast, the story of Sheba, Solomon and David, saying that the latter bought back "tables of the covenant"( ,a later version similar to this was recorded by Portuguese historian Joao de barros in 1539( , and another by the jesuit priest Nicolao Godinho in 1615 who presented an alternative account about the origin of queen Sheba whom he conflated with the kingdom of Kush's Candaces (the queens of Meroe) but nevertheless repeated the story of the Ethiopian king David and the Solomonic lineage of the Ethiopian rulers( , arguably the oldest explicit citations of the Kebra nagast in an Ethiopian text was in _Galda marqorewos_' hagiography written in the 17th century "_this history is written in the Kebra Nagast… concerning the glory of Seyon the tabot of the Lord of Israel, and concerning the glory of the kings of Ethiopia (Ityopya) who were born of the loins of Menyelek son of Solomon son of David_.( Needless to say, by the early 16th century the Kebra Nagast had for long been the official account of the national and dynastic saga of the Solomonic rulers of Ethiopia in its current form and had attained importance in the educated circles of Ethiopia and was considered authoritative( , it was also included in a chronicle of King Iyasu I (r. 1682-1706) who consulted the text on a matter of court precedence.( the central story of the kebra nagast had been formulated quite early by the 14th-15th century and versions of it were edited and harmonized with each newer version becoming the accepted edition over time( . _**Palaces of Susenyos built in the early 17th century at Danqaz and Gorgora Nova**_ _**Place of Iyasu I built in the 18th century in Gondar**_ Little, if any challenge of its claims can be gleaned from contemporary Ethiopian texts and it seems to have been wholly accepted by the Ethiopian church and the Ethiopian court, and the majority of the population, its claims proved to be effective with time, as all Ethiopian monarchs claimed Solomonic descent regardless of the political circumstances they were faced with (even during the “era of princes” when the empire briefly disintegrated, only those with true Solomonic lineage would be crowned) . The only voice of critique came from the Portuguese missionaries resident in Ethiopia who reproduced the story but dismissed it as a fable, although their analysis of the kebra nagast was of little importance to the Ethiopians on account of the very negative perception they created of themselves while in Ethiopia. The portuguese priests had converted king Susenyos (r.1606-1632) to catholism in 1625 and until 1632, it was the state religion of Ethiopia but it was poorly received in the empire largely due to the actions of the Jesuit priests whose radical religious reforms were met with strong rejection from the elites, the Ethiopian church and the general population ultimately resulting in a civil war that ended with Susenyos rescinding his imposition of catholism on the state( and his successor Fasilidas (r. 1632-1667) permanently expelling the Jesuit priests from Ethiopia. These events not only reduced the credibility of the Portuguese and their faith in Ethiopia, but may have buttressed the authority of the Ethiopian church and served to affirm the stories presented in the Kebra nagast which now gained a quasi-biblical status across the empire, and the Kebra nagast would from then on be envisaged as an unchanged, original document. As historian Stuart Munro-Hay writes; "_**The regal propaganda machine of Solomonic Ethiopia was startlingly effective in its long-term results This book that took several centuries to complete is the living proof of how, in combination with the church, the Solomonic dynasty created a politico-religious manifesto for its rule that remained enshrined in the very heart of the state until 1974. Its basic premises were actually written into the mid-20th century Constitution of the Ethiopian empire.**_( Virtually all sections of the Kebra nagast indicate the project's intent of political legitimation, even the apocalyptic rhetoric included in its only section with a historical event (about the Aksumite king Kaleb and his sons) was "employed in a rather unconventional way, not to console a persecuted minority, but to legitimate a new elite, as a means to establish a new political, social, and religious order_**”**_( its for this reason that despite the complex circumstances of its production "_**There is virtually unanimous agreement among scholars as to the political motive. The Kebra nagast was written to justify the claims of the so-called Solomonid dynasty founded by Yekuno Amlak over against those of the Zagwé family who had held sway for well over a century"**_( _**Folios from the 15th century Kebra Nagast at the Bibliothèque nationale de France (shelfmark: ( )**_ * * * **The “chronicle of the Researcher”: the Tarikh al-Fattash and legitimizing power in west africa.** The Tarikh al-fattash is a west African chronicle whose authorship is contested, most west African historians initially regarded it as a work that was compiled over several generations by its three named authors: Mahmud Ka‘ti, a 16th century scholar; Ibn al-Mukhtar, a 17th century scholar; and Nuh al-Tahir, a 19th century scholar.( But the most recent and comprehensive study of the document reveals it to be a largely 19th century text written by Nuh al-Tahir a scribe from the Hamdallaye caliphate (also called the Massina empire in what is now modern Mali) who substantially rewrote an old 17th century chronicle of Ibn al-Mukhtar called _**Tarikh ibn al-Mukhtar**_ ( al-Mukhtar was a Soninke scribe from the Dendi kingdom; an offshoot of the Songhai empire after fall to morocco). Nuh al-Tahir greatly re-composed the older text by adding, editing and removing entire sections of it. The chronicle of Tarikh al-fattash is an account of the history of the west African empires of Ghana, Mali and Songhai but mostly focusing on the history of the Songhai heartland from the 11th century (kingdom of Gao) upto the reigns of each of the emperors (Askiyas) of Songhai in the 15th and 16th century (especially Askiya Muhammad r. 1493-1528), through Songhai’s fall to the Moroccans in 1591 and upto the reign of Askia Nuh of Dendi-Songhai in 1599. Its part of a wider genre of chronicles called the “Tarikh genre” that is comprised of three thematically similar documents of west African history that include the “_**Tarikh al-sudan**_ and the “_**notice historique**_”, all three of which were written by west African scribes, whose intent, as historian Paulo de Moraes Farias puts it "_**aimed at writing up the sahel of west africa as a vast geopolitical entity defined by the notion of imperial kingship**_". This bold project of the Tarikh genre culminated in the elevation Askiya dynasty of Songhai to the status of caliphs inorder to rival the claims of the caliphs of morocco as well as to persuade the the Arma kingdom (an offshoot kingdom comprised of Moroccan soldiers left over from the Songhai conquest who were now independent of Morocco and controlled the region between the cities of Timbuktu and Gao) to accept a social political pact with the Askiyas and reconcile both their claims to authority without challenging the Arma's rule.( These chronicles were thus written under the patronage of the Askiyas of Dendi-Songhai with the intent of reconciling their authority with that of the Armas; as stated explicitly in Ibn al-Mukhatr's chronicle, he wrote it under the patronage of Askiyà Dawud Harun (r. 1657 and 1669).( In the Tarikh al fattash chronicle, Nuhr al-Tahir frames the entire document as a celebration of Aksiya Muhammad above all others, he includes sections where the Askiya, on his pilgrimage to mecca, met with a shariff who invested him with the title "caliph of Takrur" (Takrur was a catch-all term for west African pilgrims in mecca and thus west Africa itself), the Askiya then proceeded to Mamluk Egypt on his return where he discussed with the renown scholar al-Suyuti (d. 1505) who told him that there were 12 caliphs prophesied by the prophet Muhammad and that all ten have already passed but two are yet to come from west Africa one of whom was the Askiya himself and the other would come after him, that he will emerge from the Massina region (central Mali) and from the sangare (a group among Fulani-speakers), and that while the Askiya will fail to conquer the land of Borgo (in south-central Mali), his successor will complete its conquest.( Nuh al-Tahir also deliberately adds the nisba of _al-turudi_ to the Askiya's name to link him (albeit anachronistically) with the torodbe lineage of fulani clerics that emerged in the 18th century among whom was Ahmad Lobbo( . On his journey back to Songhai the Askiya meets a group of _jinn_ who also repeat al-Sayuti's prophesy, other sections include quotations of similar prophesies by maghrebian scholars such as Abdul-Rahman al-Tha'alibi (d. 1479) and al-Maghili (d. 1505), both of whom are said to have predicted the coming of Ahmad lobbo( , Nuh al-Tahir heavily relies on al-Suyuti's works in which the latter scholar writes about the expected coming of the two caliphs, and other works where he writes about the awaited arrival of the “renewer of the faith” (mujaddid), both of these works were popular in west Africa and widely read across the regions schools.( Its important to note that Nuh al-Tahir doesn’t construct the story out of thin air, but bases it on the real and documented pilgrimage of Askiya Muhammad, his meeting with the Abbasid caliph of cairo, who made him his vice in the land of Takrur (rather than a meccan sharif), his meeting with al-Suyuti and other scholars in cairo and the his correspondence with al-Maghili (although none contains this prophesy) as well as the Songhai emperor Askiya Muhammad’s legacy as the empire’s most successful conqueror all of which is recorded both internally and externally.( **Nuh al-Tahir and the intellectual project made for his patron; Caliph Ahmad Lobbo of Hamdallaye.** Nuh al-Tahir was born in the 1770s, he travelled across west Africa for his education moving as far as Sokoto (an empire in northern Nigeria) where he was acquainted with Uthman fodio (founder of the Sokoto caliphate) he then moved to the town of Arawan, north of Timbuktu, where he was acquainted with the Kunta (a family of wealthy merchants and prominent scholars in the region), he later joined the scholarly community of the city of Djenne as a teacher thereafter joined Ahmad Lobbo's political-religious reform movement for which he was rewarded, becoming the leader of the _**great council**_ of 100 scholars that ruled the Hamdallaye caliphate with Ahmad lobbo, selecting provincial rulers, mediating disputes and regulating the empire’s education system and his surviving works indicate he was a highly learned scholar( Ahamd Lobbo was born in 1771 near Ténenkou in central Mali, he studied mostly in his region of birth and later established himself just outside Djenne where he became an influential scholar( He maintained close correspondence with Uthman Fodio and his Sokoto empire, the latter was part of the growing revolution movements sweeping across west africa in the late 18th and early 19th century that saw the overthrow of several old states ruled by warrior elites and patrimonial dynasties that were replaced by the largely theocratic states headed by clerics.( Its from Sokoto that Lobbo drew his inspiration and he likely also requested a flag from Uthman Fodio as a pledge of allegiance to the latter's authority (although Lobbo’s success in establishing his own state in the region would later affirm his independence from the Sokoto movement).( Lobbo agitated for reform from the region’s established authorities: the Segu empire’s rulers and the Fulani nobility who controlled a state north of segu and the Djenne scholars, he gathered a crowd of followers and the clashes with the authorities over his teachings eventually resulted in all out war , this culminated in a battle in 1818 where he defeated the coalition of Segu, Fulani and Djenne forces, and established his empire which stretched from Djenne to Timbuktu and founded his capital in 1821 at Hamdallaye. he then expanded north to defeat the Tuareg army and seize Timbuktu in 1825.( Lobbo’s newly founded empire was constantly at war to its west and south especially against the state of Kaarta as well as the empire of Segu( , and his independence was also denied by the Sokoto caliphate whose rulers claimed that his initial allegiance to Uthman Fodio effectively made Hamdallaye another province of Sokoto, but Lobbo contested these claims strongly, writing a number of missives in response to Sokoto’s demands for him to renew his allegiance, he cited various medieval Islamic scholars in his letters to Sokoto, especially on matters of politics claiming that his empire’s distance from Sokoto made the latter’s claim over Hamdallaye as fictional as if it were to claim al-Andalus (Muslim Spain), Lobbo aslo enlisted the support of the Kunta clerics and set his own ulama of Hamdallaye in direct opposition to that of the Sokoto ulama (west-africa’s intellectual landscape was characterized by a multiplicity of competing scholarly communities). The relationship between the two powers oscillated throughout the 1820s and 30s between periods of cordial association and episodes of tensions, Lobbo would later on not only assert his independence but in a complete reversal, now demanded the Sokoto rulers to pledge allegiance to him as their caliph. The first of these requests was made in the heat of the succession disputes that followed death of the Sokoto caliph Muhammad Bello in 1837, Lobbo made a second similar request in 1841, asking that the Sokoto ruler Abubakar Atiku (r.1837-1842) to pledge allegiance to him and accept his Lobbo’s authority as caliph, but Atiku consulted his ulama and this request was rejected with a lengthy and meticulously written reply from Sokoto’s most prominent scholar named Dan tafa, the latter castigated both Lobbo and Nuh al-Tahir (whom he mentioned in person), saying that their request of allegiance was "_an issue of sin because you are asking them to be disobedient and break allegiance with their imam_"( it was in this context of Hamdallaye’s contested legitimacy that the Tarikh al-fattash was composed. _**ruined sections of the original 5.6km long wall that enclosed the 2.4 sq km city of Hamdallaye, Mali**_ _**The cities of Djenne and Timbuktu in the 1906**_ In 19th century West Africa the significance of the terms “caliph” and “caliphate” lay in both terms' rejection of the secular term Malik ( i.e. “king”),( the west african social and religious landscape was a world with saints, prophecies, and eschatological expectations circulating among both the learned elite and non-literate populations who expected the arrival of various millenarian figures in Islam such as the 12th caliph, the Mahdi and the Mujaddid, prominent leaders of the era attimes encouraged these beliefs inorder to augment their authority, entire communities moved east because that's where the Madhi was expected to emerge and many scholars wrote refutations against the claims of several personalities that referred to themselves as Mahdi who popped up across the region in the 19th century, the most spectacular of these millenarian movements occurred in what is now modern Sudan, where a Nubian Muslim named Muhammad Ahmad claimed he was the Mahdi and flushed the Anglo-Egyptian colonizers out of the region, establishing the “Mahdiyya” empire of sudan( . Therefore the authority of Ahmad Lobbo, as with most west african rulers of the time, rested on a network of claims that were political as well as religious in nature and he proceeded to tap into the circulating millenarian expectations as one way to legitimize his authority along with claims of the ruler’s scholarly knowledge, sainthood, and divine investiture. the Tarıkh al-fattash portrays Ahmad Lobbo as Sultan, the authoritative ruler of West Africa, and the last of a long line of legitimate rulers modeled on Askiyà Muhammad (the most famous of the emperors of the Songhay); it also portrays Lobbo as the 12th of the caliphs under whom the Islamic community would thrive (according to a hadith ascribed to the Prophet muhammad); and also claims that Lobbo was the Mujaddid (the “renewer” of Islam, who is sent by God to prevent the Muslim community going astray").( **Circulation, reception, critique and support of the Tarikh al-Fattash across west Africa** Nuh al-Tahir's ambitious project; the Tarikh al-Fattash, was put to work immediately after its composition when it made its first appearance (likely in the abovementioned request of allegiance made by Lobbo to Sokoto in 1841), while the chronicle itself wasn't circulated in its entirety, Nuh al-Tahir wrote a shorter manuscript titled _**Risala fi zuhur -khalifa al-thani**_ (letter on the appearance of the 12th caliph) summarizing the Tarikh al-fattash’s central arguments, and its this _**Risala**_ that is arguably one of west africa's most widely reproduced texts appearing in many libraries across the region with dozens of copies found across the cities and libraries of Mauritania and Mali. In the Risala, Nuh al-Tahir cites the authority of Mahmud Kati's scholarship (whom he claims was the sole author of the original Tarikh al-fattash in the 16th century) and his prophesies about Ahmad Lobbo on his status as caliph, Nuh al-Tahir addressed this _**Risala**_ to various North african and west african rulers and ulamas including: the senegambia region of the Trarza kingdom, the southern Mauritanian towns of Tichitt, Walata and Wadan; the Moroccan sultanate and its domains in Fez and Marakesh; the Ottoman Pashas of Tunis, Algiers and Egypt; and to various unnamed regions of west africa (excluding Sokoto). This manuscript (like most documents in west Africa intended for a pubic audience) was read out loud at pubic gatherings and the information in it was widely disseminated, as the author himself encouraged all who received the letter to copy it and pass it on.( The intellectual milieu which required and enabled west-African leaders to legitimize their claims of authority in writing was a product of centuries of growth in the robustness of west Africa's scholary tradition in which literature became an important tool not just for governance but for accessing power itself, this was especially true for the revolutionary states like Hamdallaye in which provincial rulers, councilors, and all government offices could only be attained after a candidate had reached an acceptable level of scholarship determined by his peers in the great council of 100.( Reception of the Tarikh al-fattash was mixed but in Sokoto its claims were rejected outright by the ulama. The sharpest refutation against Nuh al-Tahir's claims came from Abd al-Qadir al-Turudi (the abovementioned Dan Tafa; born 1804 - died.1864), this eminent scholar was a philosopher, geographer and historian was highly educated in various disciplines and wrote on a wide range of subjects including statecraft. Dan Tafa’s meticulous and eloquently written response rejected the claims made by Nuh al -ahir, using the same works of al-Suyuti that Nuh al-Tahir had employed, he rejected the claim that Lobbo was the expected caliph on grounds that the last caliph would be a Mahdi (a claim which Nuh wasn't asserting for Lobbo), he rejected the claim that Lobbo could be the Mujaddid because Lobbo's movement didn’t emerge in the 12th century A.H (ie: 1699-1785 AD) which was when he would have been expected, he also rejected Nuh al-Tahir's connections between Askiya Muhammad and Ahmad Lobbo saying that the bestowal of the caliph status to the Askiya couldn't be transferred to Lobbo( . Lobbo’s claims were also rejected in the communities in the highly contested region of the Niger bend (Timbuktu and its northern environs) which had been changing hands between the forces of Hamdallaye and the forces of the Tuaregs. However in the regions of Walata and Tichitt, and much of the western sahel, claims of Ahmad Lobbo's status were accepted and some leaders paid allegiance to him, recognizing him as Caliph( . _**The ancient city of walata and the ruins of the city of wadan, both in southern Mauritania**_ **The collapse of an intellectual project, and the resurfacing of the chronicle of the researcher.** The Tarikh al-Fattash was an ambitious project, but just like the Tarikh genre from which it drew its inspiration, its death knell was the passing of Ahmad Lobbo in 1845, which happened soon after its circulation, as well as the decline of Hamdallaye under his successors which effectively rendered its grand claims obsolete, culminating in the fall of the empire to the forces of Umar Tal in 1862, and unlike the Kebra negast that was soon appropriated by later conquerors, the Tarikh al-fattash wasn’t of much importance to Umar Tal who relied on other forms of legitimacy, copies of it taken from the Hamdallaye libraries were added to the collection of manuscripts in Umar’s library at the city of Segu (after his conquest of the Segu empire as well), the collections in Umar’s library were later seized by the French forces in 1892 during the conquest of Segu, other copies of the Tarikh al-Fattash in Timbuktu were collected by the French for the colonial government (ostensibly to assist in pacifying the colony) and deposited in various institutions in the colony. All who initially encountered the Tarikh al-Fattash immediately pointed out the propagandist nature of its themes which its author made on behalf of his patron Amhad Lobbo, but the various folios of it were collected in different parts and some of these parts came to include folios that belonged to a different manuscript entirely: the 17th century chronicle _**Tarikh ibn al-Mukhtar**_, in 1913, the French translators Houdas and Delafosse combined the two under the title _**La chronique du chercheur**_ and the majority of the present copies of the Tarikh al-Fattash have been derived from it.( _**folios of the folio from the 19th century Tārīkh al-Fattāsh, from the Mamma Haidara Commemorative Library, Timbuktu, Mali**_ _**Copy of the 17th century Tarikh Ibn al-Mukhtar at the Bibliothèque Nationale de France (shelmark ( )**_ * * * **Conclusion : the power of the written word in pre-colonial Africa’s politics.** An analysis of these two documents reveals the robustness of African literally productions that were actively created, manipulated and reproduced to legitimize power using concepts and traditions understood by both rulers and their subjects, and mediated through religion and scholarship, as Munro-Hay writes: “_**the written word has enormous power. It can be produced with a flourish as material evidence when necessary. The older it grows, the more venerable, even if modern textual criticism can often result in an entirely different story. An old book, claiming even older origins via exotic places and languages, and written, allegedly, by authors of revered status, gains ever more respect**_"( The circumstances around the composition of both the Kebra nagast and Tarikh al-fattash and their supposed disappearance and recovery was deliberately shrouded in myth and given an aura of the unattainable, the scholars credited for their composition were men of high repute, and both document’s bold retelling of themes found in religions that were “external” to their region, show the extent to which Christianity and Islam were fully “indigenised” by Africans who adopted both religions on their own terms and established them within their states as truly African institutions. In the case of the Kebra nagast; its much older age , its firmer collaboration with an even older religious institution of the 1700yr old Ethiopian orthodox church (including claims of possessing the “Ark of the convenant”), its existence in an a state whose intellectual traditions weren’t characterized by multiplicity (and its claims could thus not be challenged) and the continuity of the Ethiopian empire for 700 years guaranteed its longevity, authenticity and popularity as arguably the most widely known African epic, which eventually inspired religious movements such as Rastafarianism. Historians have previously interpreted these texts in a way that is devoid of their authors intent, seeing them as caché of historical information instead of engaging them as complex discourses of power. While such “cachés of historical facts and information” exist in Africa’s intellectual traditions such as the dozens of royal chronicles written by the Ethiopian emperors, and the dozens of west african chronicles written by many scribes including the _**Tarikh ibn al-mukhtar**_, the search for historical information mustn't disregard the political context that dictated their composition with their precise rhetorical plans and authorial intentions.( In the quest for the “original” old chronicles, historians ignore later additions as mere forgeries that corrupted the transmition of historical information and this ultimately leads them to create an incomplete picture of the African past. These chronicles weren't simply repositories of hard facts that their authors where hoping to relay to a future researcher, but were creative reconstructions of the past dictated by the political-ideological exigencies of their time. * * * **for more on African history and to download some of the books cited in this article, subscribe to my Patreon account** ( ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 19, 80-81, 84-85) ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 182 ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 18-19) ( The Apocryphal Legitimation of a “Solomonic” Dynasty in the Kǝbrä nägäśt by Pierluigi Piovanelli pg 17-18, The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 63-66 ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 23) ( Church and State in Ethiopia by Taddesse Tamrat 1972: 72–74) ( The Apocryphal Legitimation of a “Solomonic” Dynasty in the Kǝbrä nägäśt by Pierluigi Piovanelli pg 9, The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 207) ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg129-130) ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 205) ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 183) ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg186) ( How the Ethiopian Changed His Skin by D Selden pg 339-340, Aksum and nubia by G. Hatke pgs 94-97, 52-53 ( Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson pg 84 ( Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson pg 26-39 ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 51 ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay 76-77) ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 183-184) ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 66, 86 ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 91 ( Church and State in Ethiopia by Taddesse Tamrat pg 206-248 ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg p 108-109) ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 113) ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 114) ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 115), ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 127) ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 183) ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 140) ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 187) ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 120) ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay 182 ( The Apocryphal Legitimation of a “Solomonic” Dynasty in the Kǝbrä nägäśt by Pierluigi Piovanelli g 11-12 ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay 182 85) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 58-70) ( The meanings of timbuktu by Shamil Jeppie pg 104-105) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili 94-95) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 80-82, 103-4, 108) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 101) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili 105-106) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 111-112) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pgs 105-106 ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 84-88) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 132-135) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 15-16) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 136-7, 184) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 157-158) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 11-13) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg183-199) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 7) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 228-230) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 24-25) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 208-211) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 213) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 220-222) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 223-225) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 52-57 ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 182) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg pg 29-30).

### Title The Power of the Pen in African History: Composing, Editing, and Manipulating History for Political Legitimation ### Introduction 1. **Historical Perception of Africa**: For a long time, Africa was viewed as a continent without a writing tradition. Oral history was considered the sole means through which knowledge was transmitted, epitomized by the saying that the death of a griot was akin to burning a library. 2. **Emergence of Written African History**: Recent discoveries and translations of manuscripts from various regions of Africa have disproved this notion. Written works existed from Senegal to Ethiopia, produced by scholars, scribes, and elites, covering diverse subjects including history, theology, science, and geography. 3. **Literacy's Role**: Literacy functioned as a critical mechanism for legitimizing political authority across pre-colonial Africa. These writings were not exclusive to the elite; they were shared within communities, allowing even non-literate individuals to be “literacy aware.” ### Ethiopia's Kebrä Nägäst 1. **Overview**: The Kebrä Nägäst is a historical epic detailing the origins of Ethiopia's Solomonic dynasty, which ruled from 1270 to 1974. 2. **Authorship and Composition**: - Traditionally attributed to Yeshaq, a learned scholar in the early 14th century. - Yeshaq claimed to translate the text from Arabic into Ge'ez, which was originally written in Coptic in 1225. - The work underwent multiple edits over centuries to align with political legitimacy themes of the time. 3. **Central Narrative**: The epic narrates the story of the relationship between the biblical Queen of Sheba and King Solomon, culminating in the establishment of a dynastic lineage that Ethiopian monarchs would trace back to King David, thereby intertwining their rule with divine authority. 4. **Historical Context**: The composition coincided with competing Christian and Muslim polities in the region, particularly during the decline of the Zagwe dynasty and the rise of the Ethiopian empire under Emperor Amda Seyon. 5. **Circulation and Legacy**: After its adoption by the Solomonic dynasty, the Kebrä Nägäst became a pivotal text in Ethiopian literature, cementing the divine right to rule and becoming integral to the identity of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. ### Songhai's Tārīkh al-Fattāsh 1. **Overview**: The Tārīkh al-Fattāsh is a chronicle recounting the history of the West African empires, with a focus on Songhai, from the 11th century to the 16th century. 2. **Authorship and Composition**: - Initially attributed to Mahmud Ka'ti, with significant contributions from Nuh al-Tahir in the 19th century who rewrote older texts. - The document claims to celebrate Askiya Muhammad, a significant ruler of Songhai, and asserts the caliphal status of the Askiyas. 3. **Political and Religious Context**: - The chronicles were produced under the patronage of the Askiya dynasty as a means of legitimization in response to the rise of challenges from the Moroccan invaders and other local powers. - The text connects Askiya Muhammad to prophetic traditions in Islam to enhance his authority. 4. **Circulation and Reception**: The Tārīkh al-Fattāsh gained prominence in West Africa, despite facing skepticism, particularly from scholars in Sokoto who questioned its claims about Ahmad Lobbo, the leader of the Hamdallaye caliphate, thus showcasing a contested historical narrative. ### Comparison and Conclusion 1. **Similarities**: Both the Kebrä Nägäst and Tārīkh al-Fattāsh were created for political legitimation and relied on narratives that combined historical facts with religious themes. 2. **Differences**: - The Kebrä Nägäst has a longer historical lineage with consistent elaboration connected to a singular dynastic claim, while the Tārīkh al-Fattāsh reflects a more fragmented narrative resulting from its multiple authors. - The Kebrä Nägäst maintained a steady recognition in Ethiopian political and religious life, while the Tārīkh al-Fattāsh’s influence waned following the decline of the Hamdallaye. 3. **Significance of Written Word**: The analyses of both texts reveal how the written word formed a critical instrument in shaping political identities and legitimating authority in pre-colonial Africa, challenging earlier perceptions that marginalized African scholarship. This underscores the essential role of literature in the sociopolitical landscape of historical Africa.

Ancient Ife and its masterpieces of African art: transforming glass, copper and terracotta into sculptural symbols of power and ritual

Towards an understanding of naturalist (realistic) art in the African context

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Ancient Ife and its masterpieces of African art: transforming glass, copper and terracotta into sculptural symbols of power and ritual ====================================================================================================================================== ### Towards an understanding of naturalist (realistic) art in the African context ( Jan 16, 2022 14 The art of the ancient city of Ife has since its "discovery" in the 19th century, occupied a special position in the corpus of African and global artworks; the sublime beauty, remarkable expressiveness, elegant portraiture, life-size proportions, sheer volume and sophistication of the Ife collection which included many naturalist (realistic) works was especially appealing to western observers who immediately drew parallels to some of their best art traditions particularly the ancient Greek sculptures, and ascribed mythical origins to Ife’s artists claiming their works as accomplishments beyond the capacity of an African artist, and clouding our understanding of Ife's history and its art tradition. The sculptures of Ife are one of the legacies of the kingdom of Ife, whole capital city, _**ile-ife**_, is the center of a tradition in which its primacy and reverence is nearly unparalleled among the old world's cultures and religions: _**ile-ife**_, as the tradition goes, is the genesis of all humanity, deities and the world itself, it was the site of creation of civilization and social institutions, and its from ife that kingship, religion and the arts spread to other places. When english traders visited ile-ife, they were informed that their kings originated from ife, when missionaries went to covert the city's inhabitants, the latter said christianity was one of several religions from ife; in all contexts and in all iterations of this tradition, the city of ife was where all roads of humanity led and from where they originated( . Despite its location deep in the heart of the “forest region” of west Africa and at the periphery of the medieval world's trading theatre, Ife was the innermost west-African kingdom known to external sources of the medieval era, from the 14th century accounts of Ibn Battuta and of al-Umari (based on correspondence received from Mansa Musa), to the 15th century Portuguese accounts of an interior kingdom of great importance whose ruler was revered by many of the west-African coastal kingdoms, Ife's position in west Africa's political landscape was lofty and unequalled, much like its art.( Beneath these grandiose traditions about Ife was a real kingdom whose wealth, based on its vibrant glass-making industry, allowed it to project its commercial power over much of the Yoruba-land (a region of south-western Nigeria with Yoruba-speakers); whose trade networks extended to the famed cities of Timbuktu and Kumbi-saleh; and whose ritual primacy as the center of the _**Ifa**_ religion and philosophical school turned its’s rulers into the ultimate source of legitimation for the ruling dynasties of yorubaland, enabling Ife to establish itself as the “ritual suzerain” of the region and prompted external writers to compare the Ife ruler's position as similar to that of the Pope in medieval Europe. The distinctive sculptures of Ife, which include both naturalist and stylized works, were mostly part of ancestral shrines and mortuary assemblages, and were a product of ancestral veneration in Ife's religion, these copper-alloy and terracotta sculptures represent real personalities; both royal and non-royal, who were active in the “_**classical period”**_ of Ife especially between the late 13th and early 14th century; many whom played an important role in the growth of the kingdom, as well as heads of important "_houses_" in the kingdom who were venerated by their descendants( . Ife's artworks were commissioned by Ife’s patrons, they were sculpted by Ife artists who employed styles and motifs common in Yoruba art using materials derived from Ife's immediate surroundings and from their inventive glass and metallurgical crafts-industries; its these artists of Ife that invented glass manufacture, making this African kingdom one of the few places in the world where glass was independently invented. Ife's artists conveyed the visual forms and power of their patrons into sculpture in a process that was independent of the rest of the world’s art traditions which Ife's art is often compared to, the aesthetics and visual systems of Ife’s art that produced the naturalist sculptures which awed western observers (and by extension modern art observers), wasn't a natural consequence of ife's "exceptionalism" relative to the rest of the African art traditions (which would be incorrect since naturalist sculptures are present in Nubian, Asante, Benin and Kuba art among others) nor was it a “natural progression” of artistic sophistication from the abstract/stylized figures to the naturalist figures (this theory in Art history is eurocentric( and pervades art criticism, but even in Europe its validity is debated among classical art historians who question the presumption that the naturalist Greco-roman sculpture and the medieval renaissance art it influenced, corresponded to peaks in cultural accomplishments. Ife's naturalism, as well as its stylized art was instead a product of the political and religious concepts of expressing power and ritual that were prevalent in the kingdom at the time these sculptures were made, these highly sophisticated artworks are best interpreted within the political and religious context of the kingdom of Ife in which they were produced and not through the myopic lens of “naturalist progression” which invites superficial comparisons and misconstrues the intent behind the visual messages that Ife’s artists communicated and the rest of African artists with whom they are often unfairly juxtaposed against. This article provides an overview of the history of the ife kingdom and the copper-alloy and terracotta sculptures made by its artists, covering the political and religious circumstances in which they were produced and the visual and ritual power they were intended to convey. _**Map of the ife kingdom at its height in the 14th century and some of the cities mentioned in this article**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Origins of ife and the emergence of social complexity in Yorubaland** The emergence of the ife kingdom is related in a Yoruba epic that tells a story of confrontation between two personalities of _**Obàtálá** and **Odùduwà**_ who were a representation of several personalities and factions in classical Ife that stood for the dominant opposing camps identified with the _**Old order**_ (Obàtálá) against the _**New order**_ (Odùduwà). This tradition spans the period of consolidation of several small polities in the Ife heartland around the capital city _**ile-ife**_ in the early 2nd millennium to the end of the classical ife in the 15th century and includes the appearance of a several real personalities such as King **Obalufun II** who reigned in the early 14th century. Archeological evidence indicates that the early small polities in the Yorubaland during the mid 1st millennium were an advanced form of the "_house society_" ; these were forms of social organizations comprised of multiple households that clustered for the purposes of reciprocity, security and self-preservation, and from which emerged rulers who managed conflicts and priestly functions, these rulers later leveraged the prosperity of their "houses" to expand their influence over other "houses" and through this process, created the earliest centralized polities. The most notable among the early yoruba states was the Oba Kingdom that arose in the last quarter of the 1st millennium. By the 9th century, the Oba kingdom had grown into a sizeable polity, wealthy enough to produce an astonishing corpus of sandstone sculptures numbering more than 800 that depicted various male and female figures as rulers, warriors, blacksmiths and musicians most of whom are shown seated, some of whom are crowned, some wear long articles of clothing and are adorned with elaborate jewellery including gemstone beads, the statues depict adult individuals rendered in stylized naturalism with figures shown in the prime of their life with unblemished bodies;( This “_**Esie**_” soapstone art tradition of the Oba kingdom lasted well into the 14th and 15th century where it overlapped with Ife's art tradition . Another early Yoruba state was the _Idoko_ kingdom southwest of ife which was likely inplace at the turn of the 2nd millennium and was later part of the _Ijebu_ kingdom by the 15th century, whose capital Ijebu-Ode was enclosed within a defensive system of ramparts and walls called Sùngbo’s Erédò which enclosed an area of 1400sqkm. These early states developed a new form of political institution where a leader took on more executive roles on top of being the ceremonial role of being the mediator of conflict and the ritual head, such rulers adopted forms of regalia such as the headgear and jasper-stone beads( , and undertook public works that required a high level of organization of labor to build monuments such as the city walls and ramparts as well as palace complexes. Ife was therefore not the earliest Yoruba state but rather adopted and innovated traditions developed by its older peers to greatly enhance its political and ritual primary relative to them to create the ife-centered orientation of Yoruba world views. _**Soapstone sculptures from Esie, depicting men and women with crowns and jasper beads (esie museum, nigeria)**_ _**The rampart and ditch system of ijebu-ode measures around 10 meters from the floor in its best preserved sections, the height totaling over 20 meters when the wall at its crest is included, the width of the ditches is around 5 meters and the walls were originally perfectly vertical made of hardend laterite; this “walls” system extends over 170 km and would have been one of many similar fortification systems in the yorubaland including at ile-ife and the more famous Benin “walls”**_ The formal period of consolidation and emergence of the centralised kingdom of Ife is dated to the 11th century when the first city wall was constructed and the earliest potsherd pavements were laid( , these constructions are the the most visible remnants of the earliest processes of political re-alignments that occurred in ife's classical era that were associated with the upheavals brought about by the confrontation between the Obàtálá and Odùduwà groups in which the former were deposed by the latter by employing the services of O̩ranmıyan, a mounted warrior associated with the Odùduwà group, after a civil war had weakened the rule of the Obàtálá( . The deeply allegorical nature of the tradition has spawned several interpretations most of which agree with the identification of atleast three figures in the epic as real personalities: **Obalufon I** (a ruler from the Obàtálá group that reigned before the civil war), **Obalufon II** (also called Alaiyemore; he was the successor of Obalufon I and is associated with both groups), **Moremi** (queen consort of Obalufon II, she is also associated with both groups), and attimes the figure **O̩ranmıyan** who may represent ife's military expansionism or was a real figure who ruled just before Obalufon II, the latter of whom is credited as the patron of ife's arts especially the copper-alloy masks and remembered as the pacifier and peace-maker of the warring partiers along with his consort **Moremi**, heralding a period of peace and wealth in the kingdom( . Other groups that feature prominently include autochthonous _**Igbo**_ groups as well as the _**Edo**_ of Benin kingdom; the former were a allied with the Obàtálá group and had their influence diminished by queen Moremi, this group is postulated to be related to the ancient _**Igbo-Ukwu**_ bronze casters of the _Nri_ _kingdom_ in south-eastern Nigeria that also had a similar but older concept of divine kingship as Ife as well as an equally older naturalist bronze-casting art tradition from which Ife derived some of its motifs for displaying royal regalia.( On the other hand, the Edo of Benin came under the orbit of Ife during the late phase of Ife's classical era and continued to regard Ife’s ruler as their spiritual senior by the time the Portuguese accounts of the kingdom were being written( , added to this melting pot of ethnicities are the Songhai-speakers (_**Djerma**_) who linked Ife to the west African emporiums of Gao and Timbuktu( the latter had since fallen under the Mali empire’s orbit during the reign of its famed emperor Mansa Musa (r. 1280 –1337AD); the presence of all these non-Yoruba speaking groups in Ife is a testament to its cosmopolitanism and augments the claim in its traditions as the origin of mankind. _**Bronze roped pot, wine bowl, and vessel shaped in form of a triton snail-shell; from Igbo Ukwu, dated to the 9th century AD, (Nigeria National Museum)**_ * * * **Classical Ife: Art, religion, conquest and wealth** Archeologically, the tumultuous nature of the Ife epic isn't immediately apparent, _**ile-ife**_ was consistently flourishing from the 12th to the early 15th century( , as indicated by the extensive _**potsherd pavements**_ laid virtually everywhere within its inner walls as well as many parts of the settlements between the inner and outer walls which had a circumference of over 15km, these potsherd pavements consisted of broken pottery that was laid in neat herringbone patterns inside a fairly deep surface-section of the street that had been prepared with residual palm oil, the street was then partially backed by lighting dry wood above it, the end result was a fairly smooth smooth street whose surface integrity could last centuries without the need for extensive repair, the potsherd pavements were also used in house floors and temples floors as well as compounds surrounding them with more elaborate patterns reserved for temples and other prestigious buildings( . The tradition of potsherd pavements seems to have been widely adopted in the westafrican cities of the early 2nd millennium in both the “sudanic” regions controlled by Mali such as the ancient city of jenne-jenno as well as the “forest regions” under Ife’s orbit although its unclear whether ife was the origin of this technology( . Added to this was the material culture of ife specifically its pottery and terracotta sculptures which span a fairly wide range of production from the 10th to 16th century.( The peak in production of these artworks was in the 13th and 14th century when most of the copper alloy and similar terracotta sculptures were made majority of which have been found in Ife itself such as in the _**Wunmonije compound**_ and the _**Ita Yemoo**_ site as well as the sites of _**Tada**_ and **Jebba** which are considerably distant from Ife( , attesting to the level of political control of Ife, whose densely settled city had an estimated population of 75-100,000 at the its peak in the 14th century( , making it one of Africa's largest cities at the time. _**Potsherd pavements near Igbo-Olokun grove in ile-ife, potsherd and quartz pavements in a section of ile-ife**_ Ife's prosperity was derived from its monopoly on the production of glass beads that were sold across the Yoruba land and in much of “sudanic” west Africa as far as Gao, Timbuktu, Kumbi-saleh and Takedda (the old commercial capitals of the region’s empires). Ife's glass has a unique signature of high lime and high alumina content (_**HLHA**_) derived from the local materials which were used in its manufacture, a process that begun during the 11th century, the beads were made by drawing a long tube of glass and cutting it into smaller pieces, the controlled heating colored them with blue and red pigments derived from the cobalt, manganese and iron in the materials used in glas-making process such as pegmatitic rock, limestone and snail shells.( Initially, the Yorubaland used jasper-stone beads such as those depicted on the _Esie_ sculptures of the Oba kingdom, the jasper beads were symbols of power and worn by high ranking personalities in the region such as priests and rulers, but Ife soon challenged this by producing glass beads on industrial scale around the _**Olókun Grove site,**_ the new Ife glass beads now shared the status symbolism of the jasper beads, and with the rise of centralized states in the region and the growing number of elites, their demand by elites across the region allowed Ife to create a regional order in which social hierarchy and legitimation of power was controlled and defined according to Ife's traditions. Ife’s glass beads were soon used extensively across all segments of society in the kingdom as they became central to festivities, gift giving and trade associated with various milestones in life such as marriage, conception, puberty and motherhood. The production process of Ife’s glass was a secret that was jealously guarded by the elites of Ife (in a manner similar to the chinese’s close guarded secret of silk production), Ife’s elites invented mythical stories about its origins of the glass claiming that it came from the ground in _**ile-ife**_ where it was supposedly dug, this was the story that was related to an explorer who bought a lump of raw glass from a market at a nearby city of Oyo-ile in 1830( (and was similar to the stories west African emperors such as Mansa Musa told inquisitive rulers in mamluk Egypt about Mali’s gold supposedly sprouting from the ground and being harvested like plants The success in guarding the manufacturing process at Ife was such that only the 268 ha. _**Olókun Grove**_ site in _**ile-ife**_ remained the only primary glass manufacturing site in west Africa during ife’s classical era( , with glass manufacture only reappearing at a nearby site of _**Osogbo**_ in the 17th/18th centuries. _**Glass studs in metal surround from Iwinrin Grove in ile-ife, glass sculpture of a snail**_( _**(Nigeria National Museums); Glass beads from Igbo Olokun site in ile-ife**_( The spread of ife-centric traditions In Yorubaland was connected to its cosmopolitanism and crafts industry that attracted communities from across the region enabling the ife elite to craft the "_**idea of the Yorùbá community of practice and promote itself as the head of that community**_" through a program of theogonical invention and revision, Ife’s elites integrated various yoruba belief systems and intellectual schools into interacting and intersecting pantheons from which the Ooni (king) of ife, derived his divine power to rule.( Ife’s elite also elevated the _**ifa**_ divination system above all others, “**Ifa**” refers to the system of divination in yoruba cosmology associated with the tradition of knowledge and performance of various rites and practices that are derived from 256-chapter books; each with lengthy verses, and whose vast orature and bodies of knowledge include proverbs, songs, stories, wisdom, and philosophical meditations all of which are central to Yoruba metaphysical concepts.( These “books” constitute Ifa’s “unwritten scripture”, whose students spend decades learning and memorizing them from teachers and master diviners( . The rulers of ife patronized the _**ifa**_ school and it became the focus of rigorous learning and membership centered in the kingdom, with its most prestigious school established at _**Òkè-Ìtasè**_ within _**ile-ife**_'s environs; attracting students, apprentices, master diviners, and pilgrims from far in search of knowledge( One of the most notable _**ifa**_ practitioners from _**ile-ife**_ was Orunmila who was born in the city ,where he became a priest of ifa, he then embarked on a journey across yorubalands, teaching students the best ifa divinations and "esoteric sciences", later returning to _**ile-ife**_ where he was given an ifa scared crown and was later venerated as a deity after his passing, the career of Orunmila was was typical of men and women in a growing movement of the ifa school based in _**ile-Ife**_, dedicated to the search for and dissemination of knowledge and enlightenment( . This movement of students and pilgrims to ifa schools in _**ile-ife**_ made it the intellectual/scholarly capital of the yorubaland just like Timbuktu was the intellectual capital of “sudanic” west africa. Its within this context of Ife's intellectual prominence that Ife's form of ritualized suzerainty was imposed over the emerging polities of the yorubaland which weren't essentially united under a single government but were instead a system of hierarchically linked polities where ife was at the top, hence the creation of the Òrànmíyàn legend that is common among the Yoruba kingdoms including Oyo, Adó-Èkìtì, Àkúré, Òkò (ie:Egbá) as well as the Edo kingdom of Benin, and in all these polities, the mounted warrior prince Òrànmíyàn from Ife is claimed to have founded their dynasties through conquest and intermarriage and is often represented in the mounted-warrior sculptures found in the region’s art traditions.( _**Ifa divination wooden trays from ile-ife, photos taken in 1910 (Frobenius Institute)**_ The wealth which the kingdom of ife generated from its glass trade enabled its rulers to import copper from the sahel region of west Africa especially from the Takedda region of Mali, as well as from the various trading routes within the region, and its within this context that Ife appears in external sources where Mansa musa mentions to al-Umari that his empire's most lucrative trade is derived from the copper they sell to Mali's southerly neighbors that they exchange for for 2/3rds its weight in gold( , one of Mali’s southern neighbors was Ife, and the kingdom was arguably the only significant independent power of the region in the 14th century following the Mali empire’s conquest of the Gao kingdom located to Ife’s northwest and the heartland of the Djerma-songhai traders active in Ife’s northern trade routes. This northerly trade was central to ife's economy and its importance is depicted in the extension of ife's control on the strategic trading posts of _**Jebba**_ and _**Tada**_ which are about 200 km north of ile-ife and were acquired through military conquest during Ife’s northern campaigns which are traditionally attributed to both Òrànmíyàn and Obalùfon II. The conquest and pacification of ife's northern regions was attained by allying with the emerging Yoruba kingdom of Oyo where the Djerma traders were most active.( Inside the Ife temples at Jebba and Tada, the Ife rulers placed sculptures associated with the _**Ogboni fraternity**_, a body of powerful political and religious leaders from Ife's old order whose position was retained throughout the classical era under the new order( , the fraternity served as a unifying regional means in the kingdom for overseeing trade, collecting debts, judging and punishing associated crime, and supervising an orderly market and road system.( _**Location of ife’s glass beads in west-Africa**_ The more than two hundred terracotta sculptures and over two dozen copper-alloy heads in the Ife corpus are directly related to the kingdom’s religious practice of ancestral veneration which emphasized each ancestor’s individuality and a preference for idealized prime adulthood with portrait-like postures, various hairstyles, headgear, facial markings, clothing styles, religious symbols and markers of office testifying to the diversity and cosmopolitanism of _**ile-ife**_'s inhabitants. The use of sculptures to venerate ancestors was a continuation of an older practice in the Yorubaland that first occurred on a vast scale at _Esie_ in the Oba kingdom, and it involved public and private commemoration ceremonies of the heads of "houses" of individual "house-societies" (mentioned in the introduction), the actual remains of these ancestors were interred in a central area of their respective “house compound” and the place was venerated often with a shrine built over it and attimes the remains were exhumed and reburied in different locations connected to the "house" associated with them, in a process that transformed the ancestor into a deity; but only few of the very elite families of each "house" could ascend to the status of a deity and their prominence as deities was inturn elevated by the prominence of their living descendants. While the _Esie_ form of ancestral veneration was less individualized and their representation on sculpture focused on communal/social identify of the personalities depicted, the Ife sculptures were individualized and emphasized each ancestor's/house's distinctiveness in such a way that it represented the very person being venerated hence the "transition" from stylized figures of Esie to the naturalism of ife. For the majority of Ife's population and royalty, these sculptures were made using fired clay (terracotta), but in the 13th and 14th centuries, the sculptures of royals were also made using copper-alloys and pure copper, and represented past kings and queen consorts as well as important figures who played a role in the truce between the Obatala and Oduduwa factions, and these 25 copper-alloy figures were commissioned in a short period by one or two rulers who included **Obalufon II**.( _**Copper-alloy figures of a King, from the Ita Yemoo site at ile-ife, dated 1295–1435AD (National Commission for Museum and Monuments, Nigeria)**_( * * * **The corpus of Ife’s art: its production, naturalist style and visual symbolism** Ife's copper-alloy sculptures were cast using a combination of the lost-wax process (especially for the life-size figures) while the rest were sculptured by hand including the majority of the terracotta figures, although both copper-alloy and terracotta sculptures exhibit the same level of sophistication particularly those commissioned for the royals which indicate a similar school of artists worked all of them, the lost-wax method used wax prints made on the face of the deceased not long after their passing, and then hand sculpting was used to even out the blemishes of old age and the already-disfigured face of the cadaver which would within a few minutes have started to show sagging skin and uneven facial muscles, this hand sculpting of the wax was done inorder to produce a plump face typical of ife’s sculptures, the waxprint was then applied to clay to sculpt the rest of the head on which uniform modeled ears were added, the eyes, lips and neck were hand-sculpted also following a uniform model and the clay fired to make the terracotta sculptures or used in the process of making the copper-alloy sculptures in a mold.( The sculpture was later painted, its holes fixed with various adornments during the veneration ceremonies and placed in a shrine or displayed in the temple (for the case of the royal sculptures) or buried for later exhumation.( _**Life-size copper-alloy heads from the Wunmonije site at ile-ife, dated 1221–1369**_( _**(Nigeria National Museum ife)**_ _**Terracotta heads from ife dated between 12th and 15th century; heads of ife dignitaries at the met museum and Minneapolis museum and the “Lajua head” of an ife court official at the Nigeria National Museum, lagos**_( The naturalism of ife's heads, particularly the copper-alloys and terracotta associated with the royalty depicts real personalities in the prime of their lives; all were adults between their 30s and 40s, the heads are life size, none have blemished skin or deformities, their features are perfectly symmetrical with horizontal neck lines "beauty lines", almond-shaped eyes, full lips, well molded ears, nose and facial muscles (the last five facial features appearing to be fairly uniform across the corpus), as yoruba historian Akinwumi writes: "_**the sculptors generally ignored the emotional aspects and physical blemishes of these ancestors, idealizing only those features that facilitate identity and conveying a sense of perfection so that the whole composition lies between the states of “absolute abstraction and absolute likeness**_"( in line with the Yoruba proverb :"_**It is death that turns an individual into a beautiful sculpture; a living person has blemishes**_"( . The posture and expression of the portraits also conveys the power of the people they represent, as Art historian Suzane Blier writes: "_**the sense of calm, agelessness, beauty, and character evinced in these remarkable life-size metal heads, seems to be important in suggesting ideals of chieftaincy and governance**_", many of the full-body sculptures also emphasized the larger than life proportions of the head relative to the body (roughly 1:4) the primacy of the head in Ife (and Yoruba sculpture) is in line with the importance of the head in Yoruba metaphysics as well as social political factors wherein the wealth and poverty of the nation was equal to the head of its ruler, as such, Ife’s rulers and deities are portrayed in a 1:4 ratio, the diversity of ife's facial markings also represents its cosmopolitanism with the plain faced figures representing the Odùduwà linked groups while the ones with facial markings representing the Obàtálá group, and other markings represent non yoruba-speakers present at ile-ife such as the _**igbo**_ and _**edo**_.( _**Pure-copper mask of King Obalufon Alaiyemore at the Nigeria National Museums, Lagos; crowned heads from the Wunmonije site at the british museum and the Nigeria National museums, Lagos: all are dated to the early 14th century.**_( _**Crowned terracotta heads from ife; head of a queen (Nigeria National museum, Lagos), crowned head of an ife royal (kimberly art museum, Crowned head of an ife royal (met museum) dated between 12th and 15th century**_ The corpus of ife's sculpture also includes depictions of animals linked with religious and royal power . The importance of zoomorphic metaphors in ife's political context is represented in portrayals of animals with royal regalia such as the concentric circle diadems present on the crowned heads of ife’s royal portraits and worn on the crown of present-day Ife royals, these animal sculptures were found in sites linked to themes of healing, enthronement, and royal renewal and the animals depicted include mudfish, chameleons, snakes, elephants, leopards, hippos, rams and horses.( Included in the corpus of sculptures of exceptional beauty are works that deliberately depict deformities, unusual physical conditions and disease that are signifiers of deity anger at the breaking of taboos( , equally present are motifs such as one that depicts birds with snake wings and a head with snakes emerging from the nostrils; both of which were powerful visual symbols for death and transformation and are associated with the O̩batala pantheon; these motifs are found on the medallions of many ife and Yoruba artworks as well as in Benin's artworks.( other sculptures include staffs of office, decorated pottery and thrones, the last of which includes a life-size throne group depicting a ruler seated on a large throne whose top was partially broken.( _**Terracotta heads of animals from ife of a hippo, elephant and a ram, decorated with regalia, found at the Lafogido site in ile-ife, dated to the early 14th century (Nigeria National Museums, Lagos)**_( _**Copper-alloy cast of a ruler wearing an embroidered robe and medallions with snake-winged bird and head with snake-nostrils, from Tada, dated to 1310–1420; Copper-alloy cast of a archer figure wearing a leather tunic and a medallion with a snake-winged bird, from Jebba, dated to the early 14th century; copper cast of a seated figure making an Ogboni gesture, dated to the early 14th century (Nigeria National Museums, Lagos)**_( _**Life-size broken terracotta sculpture of an Ife ruler on a throne with his foot resting on a four-legged footstool, top right is one of the broken pieces from this sculpture, its of a life-size hand holding a child’s foot; both were found in the Iwinrin Grove site. at ile-Ife, bottom right is a miniature sculpture of an ife throne made from pure quartz (the throne group is in the Nigeria national museum, ife, while the side sculptures are at the British museum BM Af1959,20.1 and Af1896,1122.1)**_ * * * **Ife’s collapse and legacy** Ife's art tradition ended almost abruptly in the 15th century, tradition associates the end of **Obalufun II**'s reign with various troubles including an epidemic of small pox which had been recurring in ife's history but was particularly devastating at the close of his reign in the late 14th century which, coupled with a drought, led to the decline of urban population in Ife in the early 15th century, the economic and demographic devastation wrought by this combined calamity was felt across all sections of the kingdom including the elite and greatly affected the veneration rituals as well as the sculptural arts associated with them as the surviving great sculptors of Ife lost their patronage and ife's population was dispersed.( A similar tradition also holds that a successor of Obalufon II named King **Aworolokın** ordered the killing of the entire lineage of Ife artists after one of them had deceived the monarch by wearing the realistic face mask of his predecessor (most likely the copper mask shown above)( Archeologically, this end of Ife is indicated by the end of the potsherd pavement laying, abandonment of many sections within the city walls and the recent evidence for the **bubonic plague** (black death) that reached the region in the 14th century may have recurrently infected large sections of the population in later centuries.( The legacy of Ife's artworks, intellectual traditions and glorious past was carried on by many of the surrounding kingdoms in south-western Nigeria most notably the Yoruba kingdom of Oyo to its north and the Edo kingdom of Benin to its south which draws much of its artistic influences from ife and its from Benin that we encounter the least ambiguous reference to Ife among the earliest external accounts on the kingdom: writing in the 1550s, the Portuguese historian João de Barros reproduced an account related to him by a Benin kingdom ambassador to Portugal that was in Lisbon around 1540 : "_Two hundred and fifty leagues from Beny, there lived the most powerful monarch of these parts, who was called Ogané. . . . He was held in as great veneration as is the Supreme Pontif with us. In accordance with a very ancient custom, the king of Beny, on ascending the throne, sends ambassadors to him with rich gifts to announce that by the decease of his predecessor he has succeeded to the kingdom of Beny, and to request confrmation. To signify his assent, the prince Ogané sends the king a staff and a headpiece of shining brass, fashioned like a Spanish helmet, in place of a crown and sceptre. He also sends a cross, likewise of brass, to be worn round the neck, a holy and religious emblem similar to that worn by the Knights of the Order of Saint John. Without these emblems the people do not recognize him as lawful ruler, nor can he call himself truly king_"( . _**ile-ife**_ was re-occupied in the late 16th century and partially recovered in the 17th and 18th century but the city only retained its religious significance but lost its political prestige as well as its surrounding territories( to the Oyo kingdom and its commercial power to the Benin kingdom, in the 19th century, the region was engulfed in civil wars following the collapse of the Oyo empire and order was only reestablished in the last decades of the century just prior to the region's colonization by the British. Nevertheless, the ritual primacy of ife continued and its lofty position in the Yoruba world system was retained even in the colonial era and to this day it remains the ancestral birthplace of the Yoruba, and the for millions of them; it is the sacred center of humanity’s creation. * * * **Conclusion: Ife and African art** The picture that emerges from ife's art tradition in the context of its religious and political history dispels the misconceptions about its production as well as its significance; Ife's naturalism was a product of its individualized form of ancestor veneration that emerged during the classical era and was opposed to the more communal form of veneration in the older _Esie_ art tradition as well as the later traditions in Yoruba land after the 15th century, the proportions of Ife’s sculptural figures was intended solely to convey ideals of ritual and power of the personality depicted, and the peak of production in the early 14th century was due to the actions of few patrons in the short period of Ife's height hence the fairly similar level of sophistication of the sculptures associated with royal figures/deities. Ife’s art tradition and its fairly short fluorescence period was unlike Benin’s whose commemorative heads were produced over a virtually unbroken period from the 16th to the 19th century, but it was instead similar to the Benin brass plaques that were mostly carved almost entirely in the 16th century. The above overview of Ife's art reveals the flaw in interpretations of naturalism in African (and world art in general), the artists sculpting these works were communicating visual symbols that could be understood by observers familiar with them, this is contrary to the modern eurocentric ideals of what constitutes sophisticated art which, through the lens of universalism, sees art as a progression from abstract forms (which they term “primitive”) to naturalist forms (which they term “sophisticated”), but the vast majority of artists weren't primarily making artworks to reproduce nature but were conveying symbols of power, ritual, as well as their society’s form of aesthetics through visual mediums such as sculpture and painting, in a way that was relevant to the communities in which they were produced. The sophistication of Ife’s art is derived from the visual power of the figures they represent, men and women who once walked the sacred ground of _**ile-ife**_, and ascended to become gods, to be forever venerated by their descendants. * * * **for free downloads of books on the Yoruba civilization and art, and more on African history , please subscribe to my Patreon account** ( * * * ( A history of the yoruba people by Stephen Adebanji Akintoye pg 18-19 ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 6) ( The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 75-81 ( Thinking with Things: Toward a New Vision of Art by Esther Pasztory pg 192 ( The Invention of Art History in Ancient Greece by Jeremy Tanner pg 67-70, Rethinking Revolutions Through Ancient Greece by Simon Goldhill pg 68-71 ( The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 57-59) ( The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 60) ( The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 65) ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 37-39) ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 39,41) ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 40, 223 ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier 40,87, The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 160 ( The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 27) ( A dictionary of archaeology by ian shaw pg 296 ( Material Explorations in African Archaeology by Timothy Insoll pg 246 ( Mobilité et archéologie le long de l’arc oriental du Niger by Anne Haour ( Heroic Africans: Legendary Leaders, Iconic Sculptures by Alisa LaGamma pg 62) ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 252-254, 42-58) ( The Yoruba: a new history by pg 68) ( Chemical analysis of glass beads from Igbo Olokun by by AB Babalola ( The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 93 ( African Dominion by Michael Gomez pg 121 ( The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 97-105) ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 494,299 ( Chemical analysis of glass beads from Igbo Olokun by by AB Babalola ( The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 128-129, 135 ( Deep knowledge : Ways of Knowing in Sufism and Ifa by Oludamini Ogunnaike pg 196 ( The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 130-131 ( The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi pg 134-135) ( A history of the yoruba people by Stephen Adebanji Akintoye pg 83-84) ( The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 110-111) ( The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi pg 145) ( The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi pg 124-125) ( A history of the yoruba people by Stephen Adebanji Akintoye pg 75) ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 58) ( The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 75-79) ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 204-205 ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 283-287) ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 83, 249, 260-1 ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 251-259 ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier 69,83 ( The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 76) ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 159 ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 159-160, 271-275, 254, 162-166, 203-241) ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg pg 14, 234, 68, ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 288-335) ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 124, 184-187 ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 193-188, ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 427-438) ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 297 ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 57,58,15 ) ( The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 154-159) ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 65) ( Reflections on plague in African history (14th–19th c.) Gérard L. Chouin ( The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 94) ( The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 201-2).

# Ancient Ife and its Masterpieces of African Art ## Introduction - The ancient city of Ife is renowned for its unique contributions to African and global art. - Ife’s artworks are characterized by their naturalism, expressiveness, and sophisticated craftsmanship. - This art tradition has often been misinterpreted by Western observers who failed to appreciate its cultural context. ## Historical Context of Ife 1. **Significance of Ife**: - Ife is recognized as the spiritual and cultural origin of humanity in Yoruba belief systems, referred to as _ile-ife_. - It has historical claims of being the cradle of civilization, kingship, and religion. 2. **Historical Accounts**: - Medieval accounts from travelers like Ibn Battuta (14th century) and Portuguese explorers (15th century) identified Ife as a pivotal kingdom in West Africa. - Trade networks linked Ife with significant cities such as Timbuktu and Kumbi-Saleh. 3. **Economic Foundation**: - The kingdom was wealthy due to its glass-making industry, which allowed it to assert dominance over surrounding regions. ## Art and Cultural Practices 4. **Artistic Output**: - Ife produced both naturalist and stylized sculptures, primarily for ancestral shrines and mortuary uses. - The art was intended to venerate ancestors, with a focus on real personalities significant to the community. 5. **Materials and Techniques**: - Artists utilized locally sourced materials, such as terracotta and copper, and developed unique glass production techniques. - Ife became one of the few regions globally to independently invent glass manufacturing. 6. **Religious Influence**: - The sculptures reflected the political and religious landscape of Ife, with many featuring symbolic meanings tied to rituals and power dynamics. - The _Ifa_ divination system was integral to Ife's religious practices, influencing governance and societal structures. ## Cultural Dynamics and Political Structures 7. **Emergence of Social Complexity**: - Ife’s formation as a centralized state occurred during the 11th century, consolidating power from smaller polities within the region. - Rulers represented both political authority and religious legitimacy, analogous to the role of the Pope in medieval Europe. 8. **Artistic Production and Ritual**: - The peak artistic output occurred between the late 13th and early 14th centuries, coinciding with the reign of notable kings like Obalufon II. - The visual forms in Ife art conveyed complex social hierarchies and identities within the kingdom. ## Decline and Legacy 9. **Factors Leading to Decline**: - The art tradition in Ife began to decline by the 15th century due to various factors, including epidemics and political strife. - The loss of patronage for artists led to a significant downturn in artistic production. 10. **Continued Influence**: - Despite its decline, Ife’s artistic and cultural legacies continued to influence neighboring kingdoms, notably the Oyo and Benin Kingdoms. - Ife remains a revered symbol of Yoruba identity and cultural heritage, regarded as the sacred center from which humanity originated. ## Conclusion - Ife's art tradition is a testament to the complexity and sophistication of ancient African civilization. - Understanding Ife within its cultural and historical context challenges Eurocentric narratives regarding the development of art and civilization, emphasizing its unique contributions to the global art heritage.

The kingdom of Kongo and the Portuguese: diplomacy, trade, warfare and early Afro-European interactions (1483-1670)

On the history of a west-central African power in the early Atlantic world and the question of African agency.

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The kingdom of Kongo and the Portuguese: diplomacy, trade, warfare and early Afro-European interactions (1483-1670) =================================================================================================================== ### On the history of a west-central African power in the early Atlantic world and the question of African agency. ( Jan 09, 2022 15 The kingdom of Kongo is one of Africa's most recognizable pre-colonial states, but its history is often narrated with the theme of tragedy, from the virtuous and sympathetic king who was betrayed by his shrewd European "brother" that undermined his authority and rebuffed his complaints, to a kingdom torn apart by slavery caused by European interlopers, and to its war with the european musketeers; whose superior technology and military might ultimately ended its independence. The tragedy of Kongo in the 15th and 16th century was seen as the harbinger of what was to befall the African continent with the slave trade that peaked in the 18th century and colonialism of the late 19th century, the appealing theme of the story with its easily identifiable heroes (played by the Kingdom of Kongo) and villains (played by the kingdom of Portugal), is compounded by the colonial atrocities that were committed in the nation of Congo under Belgian rule, an equally tragic nation which inherited the Kingdom’s name. But the complexities of early Afro-European interactions defy the simplicity of this theme of tragedy and the parallels drawn between the kingdom of Kongo and the colony of Congo are rendered facile on closer examination. The ability of Europeans to influence internal African political processes was very limited up until the late 19th century; whether through conquest or by undermining central authority, their physical presence in the interior of Kongo numbered no more than a few dozen who were mostly engaged in ecclesiastical activities, and their "superior technology and military might" never amounted to much after the first wave of colonialism in the 16th and 17th century ended with their defeat at the hands of the African armies of several states including Kongo. The evolving form of commerce and production in the early Atlantic world that resulted in nearly half the slaves of the Atlantic trade coming from west-central Africa (a region that included the kingdom of Kongo) was also as much about the insatiable demand for enslaved laborers in Portugal’s American and island colonies as it was about the ability of west-central African states like Kongo to supply it. While this slave trade may fit with some of the tragic themes mentioned earlier, especially given that the demand and incentives to participate in the slave trade outweighed the demographic or moral objections against it, it was nevertheless largely conducted and regulated under African law, and as such had a much less negative effect on the citizenry of the states conducting it than on the peripheries of those states where most of the slaves were acquired. Its because of this fact that Kongo was one of the few African states that effectively pulled out of the exportation of slaves to the Atlantic (along with Benin, Futa Toro and Sokoto) in an action that was enabled by Kongo’s capacity to produce and sale its textiles which were exchanged for the same products that had been acquired through slave trade. The slave trade had grown expensive after a while, and involved costly purchases from “middle men” states on Kongo’s peripheries after its military expansionism had ceased by the late 16th century. The tragic themes used in narrating the history of Kongo undermine the dynamic reality of one of africa’s strongest, and most vibrant kingdoms, a truly cosmopolitan state that was deeply involved in the evolving global politics of the early Atlantic world, with a nearly permanent presence on the three continents of Africa, America and Europe. An African power in the early Atlantic world whose diplomats were active in the political and ecclesiastical circles of Europe in order to elevate its regional position in west-central Africa as well as complement its internationalist ambitions; its within this context that Kongo adopted a syncretistic version of christianity and visual iconography, masterfully blending Kongo's distinctive art styles with motifs that were borrowed selectively and cautiously from its Iberian partner. Kongo was a highly productive economic power with a flourishing crafts industry able to supply tradable goods such as cloth in quantities that rivaled even the most productive European regions of the day, it had a complex system of governance with an electoral council that checked the patrimonial power of the king and sustained the central authority even through times of crises, it had a relatively advanced literary culture with a school system that produced a large literate class, and a military whose strength resulted in one of Europe's worst defeats on the African continent before the more famous Ethiopian battle of Adwa. This article offers a perspective of Kongo's history focused on its cosmopolitan nature, particularly its interactions with the Portuguese in the fields of diplomacy, trade and warfare that upends the popular misconceptions and reductive themes in which these interactions are often framed. Starting with an overview of the political, economic and social structures of the kingdom of Kongo, to the Portuguese activities in Kongo and Kongo’s activities in Europe; exploring how their economic partnership evolved over the years leading up to their military clashes in the 17th century. These three processes occurred nearly simultaneously but will be treated in stages where each process was the predominant form of interaction. _**Map of the kingdom of Kongo and its neighbors in 1550 and 1650, showing the cities mentioned**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Kongo’s Origins from Vungu to Mbanza Kongo: governance, cities and “concentrating” populations** The formation of Kongo begun with the consolidation of several autonomous polities that existed around the congo river in the 13th century such as _Vungu, Mpemba_ and _Kongo dia Nlaza_, the rulers of _Vungu_ gradually subsumed the territories of _Mpemba_ and _Kongo dia Nlaza_ through warfare and diplomacy, they then established themselves in _Mpemba kasi_ (in what were the northern territories of _Mbemba_) and allied with the rulers of _Mbata_ (in what was once part of _Kongo dia Nlaza_) and set themselves up at their new capital _**Mbanza Kongo**_ around 1390AD as a fully centralized state: the kingdom of Kongo. Over the 15th and 16th centuries, Kongo would continue its expansion eastwards and southwards, completing the conquest of _Kongo dia Nlaza_ (despite facing a setback of the jaga invasion of Kongo in the 1560s as well as losing its northern provinces to the emerging kingdom of loango), and extending its power southwards to the kingdoms of _Ndongo_, _Matamba_ and the _Dembos_ regions which all became its vassals albeit nominally.( Kongo was at its height in the 16th century the largest state in west-central africa covering over 150,000 sqkm with several cities such as Mbanza Kongo, Mbanza Soyo, Mbanza Mbata and Mbanza Nsudi that had populations ranging from 70,000 to 30,000 and were characterized by "scattered" rather than “concentered” settlement containing ceremonial plazas, churches, markets, schools and palaces that occupied the center which was inturn surrounded by houses each having agricultural land such that the cities often extended several kilometers( , in Mbanza kongo, the city’s center was enclosed within a city wall built with stone and contained several brick churches, palaces and elite houses as well as houses for resident Portuguese. Kongo’s cities were the centers of the kingdom’s provinces, acting as nodes of political control and as tax collection hubs for the central authorities at Mbanza Kongo( . The king of Kongo (_**maniKongo**_) was elected by a council that initially constituted of a few top provincial nobles such as the subordinate rulers of the provinces of _Mbata, Mbemba_ and _Soyo_, most of whom were often distantly related to the king but were barred from ascending to the throne( , these electoral councilors eventually grew to number at least twelve by the 17th century and the council's powers also included advising the king on warfare, appointment of government officials such as the provincial nobles, and lesser offices, as well as the opening and closing of trade routes in the provinces( . There were around 8 provinces in Kongo in 16th century and each was headed by officials appointed by the King for a three-year office term to administer their region, collect taxes and levees for the military. Taxes were paid in both cash (_**Nzimbu**_ cowrie shells) and tribute (cloth, agricultural produce, copper, etc) in a way that enabled the maniKongo to exploit the diversity of the ecological zones in the kingdom, by collecting shell money and salt from the coastal provinces (the cowrie shells were “mined” from the islands near Luanda), agricultural produce from the central and northern regions, cloth from the eastern provinces and copper from the southern provinces; for which the kings at Mbanza kongo would give them presents such as luxury cloth produced in the east and other gifts that later came to include a few imported items( . Kongo's rise owed much to its formidable army and the successful implementation of the west-central African practice of “concentrating” populations near the capital inorder to offset the low population density of the region, Kongo achieved this feat with remarkable success since the kingdom itself had a population of a little over half a million in a region with no more than 5 people per sqkm, with nearly two fifths of the of these living in urban settlements( and nearly 20% of the population (ie 100,000) living within the vicinity of Mbanza Kongo alone dwarfing the rival capitals of the neighboring kingdoms of Loango and Ndongo that never exceeded 30,000 residents. _**painting of Mbanza Kongo by Olfert Dapper in 1668. the central building was Afonso I’s palace, the round tower was still standing in the 19th century behind Alvaro’s cathedral of São Salvador on the right, the rest of the prominent buildings were churches whose crosses rose 10 meters above the skyline, interspaced with stone houses of the elite, all enclosed within a 6 meter high wall visible in the centre**_( _**cathedral of Sao Salvador in Mbanza Kongo, Angola, rebuilt by maniKongo Alavro I and elevated to status of cathedral in 1596,**_( _**. It measures 31x15 meters, the bishops’ palace, servants quarters and enclosure wall -all of similar construction- measured about 250 meters**_( _**.**_ * * * **Christianity and Kongo's cosmopolitanism: literacy, architecture and diplomacy** When the Portuguese arrived on Kongo's coast in 1483, they encountered a highly centralized, wealthy and expansionist state that dominated a significant part of west-central Africa, but the earliest interaction between the two wasn't commercial or militaristic but religious, which was remarkably different with the other afro-portuguese encounters in the senegambia, the gold coast and Benin where both forms of interaction predominated early contacts and where religious exchanges were rather ephemeral. The early conversion of the Kongo royal court has for long been ascribed to the shrewdness of the reigning maniKongo **Nzinga-a-Nkuwu** (r. 1470-1509) in recognizing the increased leverage that Portuguese muskets would avail to him in fulfilling his expansionist ambitions or from the wealth acquired through the slave trade, but guns wouldn't be introduced in Kongo until around the 1510s( and even then were limited in number and were decisive factor in war as often assumed, while slaves weren’t exported from Kongo until around 1512,( added to this, the ephemeral conversions to christianity by several African rulers in the 16th century such as Oba Esigie of Benin, emperor Susenyos of Ethiopia, prince Yusuf Hassan of Mombasa city-state and the royals of the kingdom of Popo as well as some of Kongo’s neighbors, betrays the political intent behind their superficial flirtations with the religion. Instead, the process of embracing christianity in Kongo took place in what the historian Cécile Fromont has called the “space of correlation” where Kongo’s and Portugal’s traditions intersected. Prior to this intersection, a few baKongo nobles had been taken to Lisbon in 1483 to teach them Portuguese and basic principles in catholism (a similar pattern had been carried out in most states the Portuguese contacted), these nobles returned in 1485 and after discussions with king Nzinga, he sent them back to Lisbon in 1487 (a year after similar diplomats from the west-African kingdom of Benin had arrived) returning to Kongo in 1490, and by 1491 they had converted Nzinga who took on the name **Joâo I** and also converted the _mwene Soyo_ (ruler of Kongo's soyo province) as Manuel along with their courtiers, one of whom claimed to have discovered a cross carved in a black stone; which was a visual motif that coincidentally featured prominently in both Kongo cosmology and catholism and was recognised by both the baKongo and Portuguese audiences, thus legitimizing the King’s conversion by providing a common ground on which the baKongo and the Portuguese could anchor their dialogue.( As historian John Thornton writes: "_**Miracles and revelations are the stuff that religious change is made of, although their role in confirming religious ideas is problematic to many modern scholars**_", the iconographic synthesis that resulted from this common ground underlined the syncretistic nature of Kongo's christianity which blended traditional beliefs and catholism and quickly spread under the direction of Joao I's successor **Afonso I** (r. 1509-1542) who took on the task of institutionalizing the church, employing the services of the baKongo converts as well as a few Portuguese to establish a large-scale education program, first by gathering over 400 children of nobles in a school he built at Mbanza Kongo, and after 4 years, those nobles were then sent to Kongo’s provinces to teach, such that in time, the laymen of Kongo's church were dominated by local baKongo. While his plans for creating a baKongo clergy were thwarted by the Portuguese who wanted to maintain some form of control over Kongo's ecclesiastical establishment no matter how small this control was practically since the clergy were restricted to performing sacraments.( Nevertheless, the bulk of Kongo's church activity, school teaching and proselytizing was done by baKongo and this pattern would form the basis of Kongo and Portuguese cultural interactions. _**Pre-christian crosses of Kongo’s cosmology depicted in rock paintings, textiles, and pottery engravings (Drawn by Cécile Fromont). they were also used by the traditionalist Kongo religion of Kimpasi which existed parallel to Kongo’s church and some of whose practitioners were powerful courtiers.**_ _**Christian art made by baKongo artists in Kongo; 17th century brass crucifix (met museum 1999.295.7), 19th century ivory carving of the virgin trampling a snake (liverpool museum 49.41.82), 17th century brass figure of saint Anthony (met museum 1999.295.1).**_ Kongo's architecture soon followed this synthesis pattern, the timber houses of Kongo's elite in the capital and in the provincial cities were rebuilt with fired bricks, stone and lime, and the original city wall of palisades was replaced by a stone wall 20ft high and 3ft thick that enclosed the center of the urban settlement in which stood several large churches, palaces of the kings, elite residences of the nobility, schools, markets and sections for the few dozen resident Portuguese and itinerant traders( . Kongo’s school system established by Afonso grew under his successors and led to the creation of a highly literate elite, with dozens of schools in Mbanza kongo and atleast 10 schools in Mbanza Soyo. Initially the books circulating in Kongo that were copied and written by local scribes were about christian literature( , but they soon included tax records and tribute payments (from the provincial rulers), language and grammar, law as well as history chronicles. Official correspondence in Kongo was carried out using letters, which now constitute the bulk of the surviving Kongo manuscripts because some of them were addressed to Portugal and the Vatican where dozens of them are currently kept, but the majority were addressed to provincial governors, the baKongo elite and the church elite, and they dealt with matters of internal politics, grants to churches, judgments, and instructions to itinerant Portuguese traders. **Afonso I** also established a courier system with runners that carried official letters between Mbanza Kongo and the provincial capitals, which greatly improved the speed of communications in the kingdom and increased its level of centralisation.( Unfortunately, the manuscripts written in Kongo have received little attention and there has not been effort to locate Kongo’s private libraries despite the discovery of over a thousand documents in the neighboring dembos region some dating back to the 17th century( . _**Ruins of a church at Ngonto Mbata in DRC and tombs in the cemetery of the Sao salvador cathedral. Ngongo Mbata was a town close to Mbanza Nsudi -a provincial capital in Kongo**_ _**Letters from maniKongo Afonso I and Diogo, written in 1517, 1550 and addressed to portuguese monarchs (Arquivo Nacional Torre do Tombo, Portugal)**_ _**letter written by maniKongo Alvalro iii to Pope Paul V composed on 25th July 1617 (from the Kongo manuscript collection in the 'Vatican archives' under the shelf mark Vat.lat.12516, Mss № 70)**_( The high level of literacy among Kongo's elite also enabled the creation of an ever-present class of diplomats from Kongo that were active in Europe and south America, the earliest embassy was the abovementioned 1487 embassy to Lisbon under King **Joao I**'s reign and it was led by a muKongo ambassador Joao da silva, this was followed by another led by Pedro da sousa, a cousin of King **Afonso I** in 1512, and several others sent during his reign including one in 1535 that was sent to Rome. In the early decades of the 16th century these embassies were often accompanied by a number of students who went to lisbon to study before the travel was discontinued after **Afonso I** established schools in Kongo, but a sufficient presence of baKongo merchants was maintained in Lisbon and a sizeable community of baKongo grew in the portuguese capital and was placed under the maniKongo's factor resident in the city, the first of whom was _**António Vieira**_, noble man from Kongo that had arrived in Lisbon during the 1520s and was deeply involved in the affairs of the Portuguese crown eventually serving as the ambassador for maniKongo **Pedro I** (r. 1542-1545) and marrying into the royal family to Margaryda da silva, who was the lady-in-waiting of Queen Catharina of Portugal, the latter of whom he was politically close particulary concerning Kongo's trade relations with Portugal with regards to the discovery and trade of copper from Kongo’s provinces( . He was succeeded by another Kongo noble, Jacome de fonseca in this capacity, who served under maniKongo **Diogo** (r. 1545-1561), and during **Alvaro II** (r. 1587-1614) the office was occupied by another Antonio Vieira (unrelated to the first) who was sent to the Vatican in 1595, **Alvaro II** later sent another Kongo ambassador _**António Manuel**_ in 1604( . This tradition of sending embassies to various european capitals continued in the 17th century, to include Brazil (in the cities of Bahia and Recife) and Holland where several maniKongos sent diplomats, including **Garcia II** (r. 1641-1660) in 1643. Most were reciprocated by the host countries that sent ambassadors to Mbanza Kongo as well, and they primarily dealt with trade and military alliances but were mostly about Kongo’s church which the maniKongos were hoping to centralize under their authority and away from the portuguese crown, this was an endeavor that **Afonso I** had failed with his first embassy to the vatican, as the portuguese crown kept the Kongo church under their patronage by appointing the clergy but **Alvaro II**, working through his abovementioned ambassador Antonio Vieira, managed to get Pope Clement VIII to erect São Salvador (Mbanza kongo) as an episcopal See, this was after **Alvaro I**'s deliberate (but mostly superficial) transformation of the kingdom to a fully Christian state by changing the nobilities titulature such as (dukes, counts and marquisates) as well as changing Mbanza Kongo’s name to **São Salvador** (named after the cathedral of the Holy Savior which he had rebuilt and whose ruins still stand )( Kongo’s diplomatic missions strengthened its position in relation to its christian peers in Europe and were especially necessary to counter Portugal's influence in west-central Africa (and saw Portugal vainly trying to frustrate Kongo’s embassies to the Vatican). Kongo’s international alliances also strengthened its position also in relation to its peers in west-central Africa like Ndongo, its nominal vassal, whose embassies to Portugal were impeded by Kongo, the latter of whose informats told Ndogo’s rulers that portuguese missionaries whom their embassies had requested wanted to seize their lands, it was within this context of Kongo's attempt to monopolise and diplomacy between west-central African states (esp Ndongo) and portugal that **Afonso I** wrote his often repeated letter of complaint to the portuguese king João III claiming portuguese merchants were undermining his central authority by trading directly with his vassals (like Ndongo) and were “seizing sons of nobles and vassals”; but since there were only about 50 resident Portuguese in Kongo, all of whom were confined to Mbanza Kongo and their actions highly visible, and since **Afonso I** was granted the monopoly on all trade between west-central Africa and portugal( , this complaint is better read within the context of Kongo's expansionism where Ndongo remained a nominal vassal to Kongo for several decades and was expected to conduct its foreign correspondence and trade directly through Kongo( . As we shall later cover, the maniKongos had the power to recover any illegally enslaved baKongo even if they had been taken to far off plantations in Brazil. _**Bust of António Manuel ne Vunda, 1629 at Santa Maria Maggiore Baptistery, Rome, Portrait of a Kongo Ambassadors to Recife (Brazil), ca. 1637-1644 by Albert Eeckhout at Jagiellonian Library, Poland. António is one of Kongo’s ambassadors mentioned above that was sent to Rome in 1609 by King Alvaro II, the ambassadors to Recife were sent during the period when Kongo allied with the Dutch**_ _**Letter written by Antonio Vieira written in 1566, addressed to Queen (regent) Catherine of Portugal and king Sebastian about the copper in Kongo ( Arquivo Nacional Torre do Tombo PT/TT/CART/876/130 )**_ * * * **Trade and industry in Kongo: cloth currency, copper, ivory and slaves.** Kongo's eastern conquests had added to the kingdom the rich cloth-producing regions that were part of west-central Africa's textile belt, in these regions, raffia was turned into threads that were delicately woven on ground looms and vertical looms to produce luxurious cloth with tight weaves, that were richly patterned, dyed and embroidered with imported silk threads( . Under Kongo, this cloth was manufactured in standard sizes, with unique patterns and high quality such that it served as a secondary currency called _**libongo**_ that was used alongside the primary currenct of cowrie shells, and given cloth's utilitarian value, its importance in Kongo's architecture as wall hangings, its cultural value in burial shrouds (in which bodies were wrapped in textiles several meters thick), Kongo’s cloth quickly became a store of value and a marker of social standing with elites keeping hoards of cloth from across west-central Africa, as well as imported cloth from Benin kingdom and Indian cloth bought from portuguese traders. Libongo cloth was also paid to the soldiers in portugal’s colony of Angola because of its wide circulation and acceptance, the portuguese exchanged this cloth for ivory, copper and slaves in the other parts of the region where they were active, its from these portuguese purchases from Kongo that we know that upto 100,000 meters of cloth were imported annually into Luanda from Kongo's eastern provinces in 1611, which was only a fraction of the total production from the region and indicated a level of production that rivaled contemporaneous cloth producing centers in europe( . Another important trade item was ivory , while its hard to estimate the scale of this trade, it was significant and firmly under the royal control as King **Garcia II** had over 200 tusks (about 4 tonnes) in his palace in 1652 that were destined for export and were likely only fraction of Kongo’s annual trade( , copper was also traded in significant quantities although few figures were record, and between 1506 and 1511, Kongo exported more than 5,200 manilas of copper( that weighed around 3 tonnes, most of which was initially destined for the Benin kingdom to make its famous brass plaques but much of it was later exported to Europe since the metal was in high demand in the manufacture of artillery.( _**Kongo luxury cloth and a pillow cover inventoried in 1709, 1659 and 1737 at Museo delle Civiltà in rome, Ulmer Museum in Germany and Nationalmuseet in Copenhagen**_( _**intricately carved side-blown ivory horn made in Kongo around 1553 as a diplomatic gift (Treasury of the Grand Dukes, italy). Close-ups on the right shows the typical Kongo patterning used on its textiles and pottery.**_ Slaves too, became one of Kongo's most important exports, the social category of slaves had existed in Kongo as in west central Africa prior to Portuguese contact as the wars Kongo waged in the process of consolidating the kingdom produced captives who were settled (concentrated) around the capitals and provincial cities in a position akin to serfs than plantation slaves since they farmed their own lands( and some of them were integrated into families of free born baKongo. A slave market existed at Mbanza Kongo (alongside markets for other commodities) and it was from here that baKongo elites could purchase slaves for their households, the market likley expanded following the establishment of contacts with portugal and the latter's founding of the colony on the Sao tome and the cape verde islands whose plantations and high mortality created an insatiable demand for slaves.( While figures from this early stage are disputed and difficult to pinpoint the exact origin of slaves, Kongo begun supplying Sao tome with slaves in significant quantities beginning around 1513 although Ndongo was already a big supplier by the end of that decade such that around 200 slaves arrived annually from west-central africa in the 1510s and by the 1520s, the figure rose to 1,000 a year( , some of the slaves were purchased in the Mbanza Kongo market and passed through its port at Mpinda and nearly all were derived from Kongo's eastern campaigns, but with growing demand, slave sources went deeper into foreign territory and Kongo had to purchased from its northeastern neighbors such as the kingdom of Makoko ( . It was with the opening of this slave route that Kongo was able to export upto 5,000 in the 1550s before the trade collapsed, moving from Mpinda to Luanda, even then, Ndongo outsripped Kongo, exporting over 10,000 slaves a year ( . The slave trade in free-born baKongo was strictly prohibited for much of the 16th and 17th century as well as for most of the domestic slaves; and the maniKongos went to great lengths to ensure both group’s protection including going as far as ransoming back hundreds of enslaved baKongo from Brazil and Sao tome in two notable episodes, the first was during the reign of **Alvaro I** (r. 1568-1587), after the Jaga invasion of Kongo in which several baKongo were captured but later returned on **Alvaro**’s demands,( and secondly, during the reign of the maniKongo **Pedro II** (r. 1622-1624) when over a thousand baKongo were returned to Kongo from Brazil as part of the demands made by **Pedro** following the portugal’s defeat by Kongo's army at Mbanda Kasi in 1623.( Added to this was Kongo’s ban on both the export and local purchase of enslaved women( which similar to Benin's initial ban on exporting enslaved women that soon became a blanket ban on all slave exports( . Because Kongo mostly purchased rather than captured its slaves in war after the mid 16th century, it was soon outstripped by neighbors such as Ndongo and Loango (the latter of which diverted its northeastern sources) and then by the Portuguese colony of Angola which was the main purchaser of slaves that were then exported from Luanda, its capital, such that few slaves came from Kongo itself in the late 16th and early 17th century and much of the kingdom’s external commerce was dominated by the lucrative cloth trade.( but following the civil wars and decentralization that set in in the late 17th century, Kongo became an exporter of slaves albeit with reducing amounts as it was weakened by rival factions who fought to control the capital, and by the 18th century, a weaker Kongo was likely victim to the trade itself( , after the 17th century it was from the colony of Angola and Benguela rather than Kongo where most slaves were acquired, most of whom were purchased from various sources and totaled over 12,000 a year by the early 1600s, although only a fraction came from Kongo because long after the kingdom’s decline in the 1700s when its territory was carved up by dozens of smaller states, the slave trade exploded to over 35,000 a year.( * * * **The Kongo-Portuguese wars of the 17th century and the Portuguese colony of Angola.** In the mid 16th century, an expansionist Portugal was intent on carving out colonies in Africa probably to replicate Spanish successes in Mesoamerica where virtually all the powerful kingdoms had been conquered and placed under the Spanish crown. Coincidentally, Kongo was under attack from the jaga, a group of rebels from its eastern borders who sacked Mbanza Kongo and forced the maniKongo **Alvaro I** to appeal for portugal's help, an offer which king Sebastião I of portugal took up, sending hundreds of musketeers to drive out the rebels in 1570 in exchange for a few years control over the cowrie shell “mines” near luanda( . Not long after this attack, **Álvaro I** was secure enough on his throne to reclaim control over Luanda and ended the extraction of shells by Portugal( he also sent a force to take control of Ndongo, but the latter adventure failed and a portuguese soldier named Dias de Novais, who had been given a charter to found a colony in Ndongo used this opportunity to form a sizeable local force that conquered part of Ndongo which he claimed for the portuguese crown as the _**colony of Angola**_, Dias had used luanda as his base and it was initially done with Alvaro's permission but Dias’ more aggressive successors loosened Kongo's grip over the city by the late 16th century and saw some successes in the interior fighting wars with small bands in the Dembos region (see the 2nd map for these two states south of Kongo), even though an attack into the interior of Ndongo was met with a crushing defeat at the battle of lukala in 1590 after Ndongo had allied with Matamba (another former vassal of Kongo). The portuguese recouped this loss in 1619 by allying with the imbangala bandits, who sacked Ndogo and carried away slaves before queen Njinga reversed their gains in the later decades.( _**Swords from the Kingdom of Kongo made between the 16th and 19th centuries, (British museum, Brooklyn museum, Ethnologisches Museum Berlin, Royal central Africa museum, Belgium)**_ After their sucesses in Ndongo in 1619, the governors of Angola then set their sights on Kongo beginning by invading Kongo's southern province province of _Mbamba_ intent on marching on the capital and conquering the kingdom, the duke of _Mbamba_'s army met them at _**Mbumbi**_ in January 1622 but was outnumbered 1:10 by the massive Portuguese force of 30,000 infantry that was swelled by imbagala bandits who were ultimately victorious over Mbamba's 3,000-man force, but not long after this engagement, Kongo's royal army battled the portuguese at _**Mbanda Kasi**_ with a force of 20,000 men under the command of maniKongo **Pedro II** who crushed the Portuguese army, sending the surviving remnants streaming back to Angola. The itinerant Portuguese traders in Mbanza Kongo were stripped of their property by the locals despite the king's orders against it, and the governor of Angola _**Correia de Sousa**_, was forced to flee from Luanda after protests, but he was captured and taken to Portugal where he died penniless in the notorious Limoeiro prison( . As mentioned earlier, thousands of baKongo citizens were brought back from brazil where they had been sent in chains after the defeat at Mbumbi. After his victory at Mbanda Kasi, the maniKongo **Pedro II** allied with the Dutch; making plans to assault Luanda with the intention of rooting out the Portuguese from the region for good, but died unexpectedly in 1624 and his immediate successor didn’t follow through with this alliance as there were more pressing internal issues such as the increasing power of the province of Soyo( . Three maniKongos ascended to the throne in close succession without being elected; **Ambrósio I** (r. 1626-1631), **Álvaro IV** (r. 1631-1636) and **Garcia II** (1641-1660)( and while their reigns were fairly stable, they made the political situation more fragile and undermined their own legitimacy in the provinces by relying on the forces of afew provinces to crown them rather than the council, these \( . This erosion of legitimacy weakened the state’s institutions and affected the royal army’s performance which was routinely beaten by some of its provinces such as Soyo and continued weakening it to such an extent that when portuguese based at Angola wrestled with Kongo over the state of Mbilwa ( a nominal vassal to Kongo) it ended in battle in 1655 that resulted in the defeat of Kongo's army led by **King Antonio** who was beheaded by Portugal's imbangala allies.( The province of Soyo took advantage of this loss and the precedent set by the ascent of unelected kings to back atleast two of the 6 Kings who were crowned in Sao salvador within the 5 years following Kongo’s loss, this was until a King hostile to Soyo was crowned, the soon-to-be manikongo **Rafael** enlisted the aid of portuguese forces from Angola to defeat the Soyo puppet king **Álvaro IX** and install himself as king. The Portuguese army, hoping to capitalize on their newfound alliance, marched onto Soyo itself but were completely annihilated at the battle of _**kitombo**_ in 18 October 1670, the few portuguese captives that weren't killed in battle were later slaughtered by the Soyo army after turning down the offer to remain in servitude in Soyo. This formally marked the end of portuguese incursions in the interior of kongo until the late 19th century.( \ * * *\ \ **Conclusion: Kongo’s decline, its legacy and early afro-European interactions.**\ \ The Kingdom of Kongo was reunited in 1709 by King Pedro IV, but it gradually declined as its central authority was continuously eroded by centrifugal forces such that by the 19th century, Kongo was but one of several kingdoms in west central Africa and before its last King Manuel III was deposed in 1914, he was no more wealthy that a common merchant. The capital Sao Salvador wasn't completely abandoned but became a former shell of itself and never exceeded a few thousand residents although it retained its sacred past; with its ruined churches, palaces and walls reminding the baKongo of the kingdom's past glory "_**like the medieval romans, inhabitants of sao salvador lived amidst the ruins of a past splendor of whose history they were full conscious**_"( its ruins now buried in the foundations of the modern city of Mbanza Kongo, save for Alvaro’s cathedral of Sao salvador, known locally as NkuluBimbi: “_**what remained of the ancestors**_…”\ \ The trajectory of Kongo’s growth was mirrored by a number of the medieval African states that interacted with Europeans in the early Atlantic era; with an export trade firmly under the control of African states which initially comprised of a mix of commodity exports such as gold and ivory and later slaves; a process of cultural synthesis between African and European traditions that was dictated and regulated by the choices of African patrons; and full political autonomy on the side of African states that successfully defeated the first wave of colonization as Portugal was flushed out of the Kongo and Ndongo heartlands in the 17th century, at the same time it was forced out of the Mutapa and Rozvi interior in south-eastern Africa and the Swahili coast of east Africa, relegating them to small coastal possessions like Luanda and the island of Mozambique from which they would resume their second wave of colonization in the late 19th century.\ \ The misconception about the “tragedy of Kongo” gives an outsized role to Portuguese actions in influencing Kongo’s politics that aren’t matched by the reality of Kongo’s history in which, despite their best efforts, Portuguese were only minimal players; failing to control its church, failing to monopolise its trade and failing to conquer it. The successes and challenges faced by Kongo were largely a product of internal processes within the Kingdom where interactions with Europeans were peripheral to its main concerns and the cultural synthesis between both worlds was dictated by Kongo. Ultimately, the legacy of Kongo was largely a product of the efforts of its people; a west-central African power in the Atlantic world.\ \ \ \ _**The throne of Kongo awaiting its King. (painting by olfert dapper, 1668)**_\ \ * * *\ \ **for free downloads of books on Kongo’s history and more on African history , please subscribe to my Patreon account**\ \ ( \ \ \ ( \ The kongo kingdom by Koen Bostoen, Inge Brinkman, pg 36- 41.\ \ ( \ the elusive archaeology of kongo’s urbanism by B Clist, pg 377-378\ \ ( \ The elusive archeology of kongo urbanism by B Clist, pg 371-372\ \ ( \ A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton, pg 34\ \ ( \ The Kingdom of Kongo. by Anne Hilton, pg 38\ \ ( \ The Kingdom of Kongo. by Anne Hilton, pg 34-35\ \ ( \ Demography and history in the kingdom of Kongo by J.K.Thornton, pg 526-528\ \ ( \ The Atlantic World and Virginia, 1550-1624 by Peter C. Mancall, pg 214\ \ ( \ The Art of Conversion by C. Fromont pg 190-192, Africa's Urban Past By R. Rathbone, pg 70\ \ ( \ Multi-analytical approach to the study of the European glass beads found in the tombs of Kulumbimbi (Mbanza Kongo, Angola) by M. Costa et al, pg 1\ \ ( \ The Art of Conversion by C. fromont, pg 194-195\ \ ( \ warfare in atlantic africa by J.K.Thornton, pg 108\ \ ( \ the volume of early atlantic slave trade, pg 43\ \ ( \ Under the sign of the cross in the kingdom of Kongo by C Fromont, pgs 111-113\ \ ( \ Afro-christian syncretism in the Kingdom of Kongo by J.K.thornton, 53-65\ \ ( \ Africa's urban past by David M. Anderson, pgs 67-70\ \ ( \ The kongo kingdom by Koen Bostoen, Inge Brinkman, pg 218-224\ \ ( \ The Kingdom of Kongo. by Anne Hilton, pg 79-84\ \ ( \ Arquivos dos Dembos: ( \ ( \ scroll to “73” ( \ ( \ The Atlantic world and Virginia by Peter C. Mancall, pg 202-203\ \ ( \ A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton, pg 108-109\ \ ( \ A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton, pg 81\ \ ( \ early-kongo Portuguese relations by J.K.Thornton, pg 190-197\ \ ( \ A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton, pg 55\ \ ( \ A history of west-central africa by J.K.Thornton, pg 12\ \ ( \ pre-colonial African industry by J.K.Thornton, pg 12-13\ \ ( \ A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton, pg 174\ \ ( \ The Kingdom of Kongo. by Anne Hilton, pg 55\ \ ( \ Red gold of africa by Eugenia W. Herbert pg 201, 140-141\ \ ( \ Patterns without End: The Techniques and Designs of Kongo Textiles - ( \ ( \ A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton, pg 6-9, 72\ \ ( \ the volume of early atlantic slave trade, pg 72\ \ ( \ the volume of early atlantic slave trade, pg 72\ \ ( \ The Kingdom of Kongo. by Anne Hilton, pg 57-59\ \ ( \ Transformations in slavery by P.E.Lovejoy, pg 40\ \ ( \ Slavery and its transformation in the kingdom of kongo by L.M.Heywood, pg 7\ \ ( \ A reinterpretation of the kongo-potuguese war of 1622 according to new documentary evidence by J.K.Thornton, pg 241-243\ \ ( \ Slavery and its transformation by L.M.Heywood, pg 7\ \ ( \ A Critique of the Contributions of Old Benin Empire to the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade by Ebiuwa Aisien, Felix O.U. Oriakhi\ \ ( \ Africa and africans in making the atlantic world by J. K. thornton, pg 110-111\ \ ( \ Slavery and transformation in the kingdom of Kongo by L.M.Heywood, pg 18-22\ \ ( \ Transformations in slavery by paul lovejoy, pg 53-54, 74\ \ ( \ A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton, pg 76-78\ \ ( \ A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton, pg 82\ \ ( \ A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton, pg 92, 118-20.\ \ ( \ A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton, pg 128-132\ \ ( \ The kongo kingdom by Koen Bostoen, Inge Brinkman, pg 115-116\ \ ( \ A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton, pg 149-150, 160, 164\ \ ( \ A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton, pg 176\ \ ( \ A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton, pg 182\ \ ( \ A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton, pg 185.\ \ ( \ Africa's urban past by David M. Anderson, pg 73

# The Kingdom of Kongo and the Portuguese (1483-1670): A Historical Overview ## 1. Introduction to the Kingdom of Kongo - The Kingdom of Kongo emerged as one of Africa's most notable pre-colonial states, located in west-central Africa. - Its history is frequently presented as a tragedy due to conflicts with European powers, particularly Portugal. - This narrative often emphasizes betrayal and the eventual subjugation of Kongo, aligning with broader themes of African victimhood in history. ## 2. Early Interactions with Portugal - **Initial Contact (1483):** The Portuguese arrived on the coast of Kongo, encountering a centralized and wealthy state. Early interactions were primarily religious rather than commercial or military. - **Conversion to Christianity:** The reigning maniKongo, Nzinga-a-Nkuwu, (r. 1470-1509) recognized the potential benefits of Portuguese military support and initiated a conversion to Christianity. This process involved sending nobles to Portugal for training in Catholicism. ## 3. Kongo’s Political Structure - **Central Governance:** The King (maniKongo) was elected by a council of nobles, which checked the king's power and sustained central authority. - **Administrative Divisions:** The kingdom was divided into provinces, each managed by appointed officials responsible for taxation and administration. ## 4. Economic Dynamics - **Trade System:** Kongo engaged in a vibrant trade economy, producing textiles, ivory, and engaging in the slave trade. The textiles served as both currency and cultural artifacts, indicating a complex economic system. - **Slave Trade Involvement:** While Kongo did partake in the transatlantic slave trade, it primarily operated under African legal systems, and the internal impact was less severe compared to peripheral areas from where slaves were sourced. ## 5. Cultural and Religious Synthesis - **Christianity and Local Traditions:** The Kongo’s embrace of Christianity involved a syncretistic approach, blending traditional beliefs with Catholic practices, which led to the establishment of a literate elite and educational institutions. - **Architecture:** The construction of stone and brick buildings replaced traditional wooden structures, reflecting cultural exchange and adaptation. ## 6. Diplomatic Relations - **Embassies to Europe:** Kongo established diplomatic missions to Portugal and beyond. These included ambassadors who negotiated trade and military alliances while advocating for local authority against Portuguese influence. - **Negotiation Strategies:** King Afonso I's complaints to the Portuguese monarchy about unauthorized trade by Portuguese merchants highlighted the Kongo’s attempts to maintain political autonomy and regulate its trade. ## 7. Military Engagements - **Conflict with Portuguese Expansion (16th-17th Century):** Kongo faced military challenges from Portugal, particularly in the context of colonial expansion. Notable conflicts included the Kongo-Portuguese wars, with the Kongo military achieving significant victories, such as at Mbanda Kasi in 1622. - **Declining Central Authority:** Over time, the legitimacy of the maniKongo weakened due to reliance on military support from various provinces, leading to further internal divisions. ## 8. Decline and Legacy of Kongo - **Fragmentation Post-17th Century:** Kongo experienced fragmentation and decline due to internal strife and external pressures from Portuguese colonial ambitions. By the 19th century, it was reduced to a collection of smaller kingdoms. - **Cultural Imprint:** Despite its decline, Kongo left a significant cultural legacy characterized by its unique blend of African and European influences, as seen in its art, architecture, and religious practices. ## 9. Conclusion - The narrative surrounding the Kingdom of Kongo reflects a much more nuanced reality than the tragedy often portrayed. Kongo maintained a degree of autonomy and influence in its interactions with Portugal. - The legacy of Kongo is one of resilience and agency, showcasing the complexities of early Afro-European relations and the significant role of African states in shaping their historical contexts. This structured overview highlights the multifaceted interactions between the Kingdom of Kongo and the Portuguese, emphasizing the significance of African agency in historical narratives.

The Meroitic empire, Queen Amanirenas and the Candaces of Kush: power and gender in an ancient African state

On the enigma of Meroe

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The Meroitic empire, Queen Amanirenas and the Candaces of Kush: power and gender in an ancient African state ============================================================================================================ ### On the enigma of Meroe ( Jan 03, 2022 8 The city of Meroe has arguably the most enigmatic history among the societies of the ancient world. The urban settlement emerged in the 10th century BC without any substantial prehistoric occupation of the site, and despite its proximity to the empire of Kush (then the second largest empire of the ancient world), Meroe seems to have remained autonomous, and from it would emerge a new dynasty that overthrew the old royalty of Kush and established one of the world's longest lasting states, as well as the ancient world's least deciphered script (Meroitic), and the ancient world's highest number of female sovereigns with full authority (twelve).( Despite volumes of documentation written internally in Meroe and externally by its neighbors, all major episodes in its history are shrouded in mystery, from its earliest mention in the 6th to the 4th century BC, it was a scene of violent conflict between the armies of Kush and a number of rebel nomadic groups and it was already serving as one of the capitals of the Napatan state of Kush( , in the 3rd century BC, it was the setting of a very puzzling story about the ascension of a “heretic” king who supposedly killed the priesthood and permanently destroyed their authority( , by the 2nd century BC, it was the sole capital of the Meroitic state, then headed by its first female sovereign Shanakdakheto whose ascension employed unusual iconography and during whose reign the undeciphered Meroitic script was invented under little known circumstances( and in the 1st century BC, it was from Meroe that one of the world's most famous queens emerged, the Candace Amanirenas, marching at the front of her armies and battling with the mighty legionaries of Rome, her legacy was immortalized in classical literature with the “_Alexander Romance_” and in the Bible (_Acts 8_), and it was the city of Meroe that some classical and early modern writers claimed was the origin of civilization. During the golden age of the Meroitic empire (from late 1st century BC to the early 2nd century AD), 7 of Kush's 13 reigning monarchs were women, two of whom immediately succeeded Amanirenas and altleast 6 of whom reigned with full authority (without a co-regent), an unprecedented phenomena in the ancient world that became one of several unique but enigmatic features of which Meroitic state was to be known : the **Candaces of Kush**. The title _Candace_ was derived from the meroitic word for sister, and is thus associated with the royal title "sister of the King" a common title for the royal wives (queen consorts) of the reigning monarchs of Kush and Egypt( , by the reign of Amanirenas it was used by Meroitic queen regnants directly after the title _Qore_ (ruler; both male and female) indicating full authority. The peculiar circumstances in which three female sovereigns came to rule the meroitic state in close succession was largely a consequence of the actions of Amanirenas who was in turn building on the precedent set by Shanakdakheto as well as new the ideology of Kingship employed by the Meroitic dynasty of which she was apart. This article provides an overview of the ideology of power of the Meroitic monarchy that enabled the ascendance of famous Candaces of Kush; tracing its faint origin from the Neolithic era through the three successive eras of Kush: the _**Kerman**_ era (2500BC-1500BC), the _**Napatan**_ era (800BC-270BC) until their flourishing in the _**Meroitic**_ era (270BC-360AD), beginning with the appearance of queen Shanakdakheto (mid 2nd century BC) and later with the firm establishment of female dynastic succession under Amanirenas (late 1st century BC) and the actions by which her legitimacy was affirmed including her war with Rome as well as the intellectual and cultural renaissance during and after her reign. _**Map of the Meroitic empire during the reign of Queen Amanirenas**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Origins of female sovereignty in Kush: From the pre-Kerma Neolithic through Queen Katimala to the Napatan-era.** The intellectual and cultural foundations of Kush were laid by the state of Kerma (the first kingdom of Kush), prior to its foundation, the Neolithic cultures from which it emerged possessed a hierarchical structure of power where women occupied the highest position of leadership; the richest grave furnishings from the early Neolithic to _pre-Kerma_ culture (6000BC-3900BC) belong to the burials of women( . (The majority of Neolithic population in the Kerman heartland as well as in the state of Kerma itself, and all its rulers spoke a language called _Meroitic,_ while this confusingly associates it with the city of Meroe, the language was widespread through central and northern Sudan and its speakers originated from the former region around the 4th millennium BC and settled in the latter region to establish the various kingdoms of Kush from Kerma to the Meroitic empire itself. While little information about the monarchy of Kerma can be gleaned from the few written sources about it, atleast two of its known rulers were male and the names of their mothers seem to have been closely associated with them( , although there’s little archeological evidence to allow us to understand the position of royal women in Kerma, the exceptional grave of a woman and a child from _Dra Abu el-Naga;_ a royal necropolis near Thebes dating from the 17th dynasty Egypt, contains Kerma material culture which identifies the elite woman as as kerman. The wealth of the burial (which included a gilded coffin and 1/2 pound of jewelry) and its location in a royal necropolis indicates she was part of a diplomatic marriage between Kerma and 17th dynasty Egypt( and was similar to the Kerman queen Tati’s diplomatic marriage to the contemporaneous 14th dynasty Hyksos rulers. _**Coffin of the Kerman queen of the 17th dynasty from the Dra Abu el-Naga necropolis, (Scotland national museum: A.1909.527.1 A)**_ Kerma fell in 1500BC, after which it territories were controlled by New kingdom Egypt until the 11th century BC when the latter disintegrated enabling the re-emergence of the kingdom of Kush by the 8th century BC, which then advanced onto Egypt beginning with the annexation of the region between the 1st and 2nd cataracts (referred to as "lower Nubia"). In the 10th century BC, lower nubia was ruled by a Queen of Meroitic extract named Katimala (meroitic for "good woman"), she exercised full authority, convened a council of chiefs and reported about her military campaigns in which she led her armies at the front while battling rebels in the gold rich eastern desert, all of which was framed within a strong adherence to the deity Amun. Katimala’s iconography antecedents that which was used by the _**Napatan**_ queen consorts and _**Meroitic**_ queen regnants, the queen is shown wearing a vulture crown headdress, facing the goddess Isis (in a role as the goddess of war) and is accompanied by a smaller figure of a princess. Katimala condemns her male predecessor's inability to secure the polity she now ruled and his lack of faith in Amun, in a usurpation of royal prerogatives, she assumes military and royal authority after claiming that the king couldn't. "Katimala’s tableau may be an appeal to legitimize the assumption of royal office she represents as thrust upon her by the failures of her predecessors and the exigencies of her time"( . The combination of Katimala's narration of her military exploits, her piety to the deity Amun and the vulture headdress are some of the iconographic devices that would later be used by Meroitic queens to enhance their legitimacy, the commission of the inscription itself antecedents her _**Napatan**_ and _**Meroitic**_ era successors’ monumental royal inscriptions and was likely a consequence of the nature of her ascension. _**inscription of Queen Katimala at semna in lower Nubia, showing the queen (center) facing the goddess Isis. she is followed by an unnamed princess**_( In the 8th century BC, King Alara of Kush (**Napatan** era) ordinated his sister Pebatma as priestess of the deity Amun and the deity was inturn believed to then grant Kingship to the descendants of Alara's sister in return for their loyalty, his successor Kashta thereafter had his daughter Amenirdis I installed as the "god's wife of Amun elect" at Thebes around 756BC, marking the formal extension of Kush's power over Egypt as the 25th dynasty/Kushite empire. The reigning King's sister, daughter and mother continued to play an important role in the legitimation of the reigning king's authority by functioning as mediators between the deity Amun and the King.( These royal women were buried in lavishly built and decorated tombs at the royal necropolises of _el-kurru/_Napata and _Nuri_ along with their kings while others were buried at Meroe. The elevated position of the reigning King's kinswomen to high priestly offices was however not unique to Kush, it was present in Egypt( and may have been part of Kush’s adoption of Egyptian concepts inorder to legitimize Kush's annexation of Egypt, as part of a wider and deliberate policy of redeploying Egyptian symbols to integrate Egypt into Kush’s realm.( Included among these “symbols” was the Egyptian script by the Napatan rulers especially King Piye, the successor of Kashta, who composed the longest royal inscription of the ancient Egyptian royal corpus( ; the significance of its length connected to Piye's conquest of Egypt and the unification of the kingdom of Egypt and Kush. Despite the prominent position of the reigning king's kinswomen and the unique way they participated in some royal customs, the kingdom Kush wasn't matrilineal but was bilateral (a combination of patrilineal succession with matrilineal succession) where preference is given to the reigning King's son or brother born of the legitimate Queen mother, the latter of whom was appointed to the priestly office by the reigning king.( This process greatly reduced succession disputes and explains why there was an unbroken chain of dynastic succession from Alara in the 8th century down Nastasen in the 4th century (the latter tracing his line of decent directly from Alara, and most likely continued until 270BC when this dynasty was finally overthrown. _**statues of the Napatan Queen Amanimalolo of Kush from the 7th century BC, she was the consort of King Senkamanisken (Sudan National Museum)**_( * * * **Female sovereignty in the Meroitic dynasty: the reformulation of the ideology and iconography of Kingship** **in Kush.** The emergence of the Meroitic dynasty was related in the story of the cultural hero “Ergamenes, ruler of the Aithiopians” (Greek name for the people of Kush) as told by Agatharchides (d. 145BC), in which he claims that Kush's rulers were appointed by their priests, the latter of whom retained the power to depose the king by ordering him to take his life, this continued until Ergamenes disdained the priest’s authority, slaughtered them and abolished the tradition. This account, while largely allegorical, contains some truths, but given the Meroitic monarchy's unbroken association of its authority as derived from the deity Amun and the fact that Kush’s priestly class remained firmly under the control of the King in both the Napatan and Meroitic eras rather than the reverse, this story wasn't about the "heretic" nature of Ergamenes but was instead about the deposition of the old dynasty of Kush through a violent coup d'etat. Ergamenes appears as Arkamaniqo in Kushite sources and took on throne names that were directly borrowed from those of Amasis II -a 26th dynasty Egyptian king who had also usurped the throne, Arkamaniqo then transferred the royal capital from Napata to Meroe as the first King of Kush to be buried in the ancient city thus affirming his southern origins in the _Butana region_ around Meroe city, in contrast to the old dynasty of Kush which was from the _Dongola reach_ around Kerma/Napata city.( This “Meroitic” dynasty emphasized its own deities: _Apedemak, Arensnuphis,_ and _Sebiumeker_ who had hunter-warrior attributes, which they stressed in a new, tripartie royal costume that represented the ruler as a warrior and hunter, and the iconography of “election” in which Amun and all three deities, divinely "elect" the crown prince as heir to the throne by symbolically touching his shoulder or his crown ribbons.( The new ideology and iconography of kingship was represented in the monumental temple complex of Musawwarat es sufra, built by the Meroitic kings beginning in the 3rd century and dedicated to these three deities.( _**The 64,000 sqm temple complex of Musawwarat es-sufra built by Meroitic King Arnekhamani in the second half of the 3rd century BC dedicated to the deity Apedemak, as well as Arensnuphis, and Sebiumeker.**_ Coinciding with the ascent of the Meroitic dynasty was a military incursion into lower Nubia by the Ptolemaic rulers of Egypt. lower Nubia was the most important conduit for trade between Kush and the Mediterranean and had since the 3rd millennium BC oscillated between periods of Kushite and Egyptian control usually involving Kush weakening Egypt's control of upper Egypt by supporting rebels of the former or by extending its control over lower Nubia, which was then followed by an Egyptian retaliation to reaffirm its control of parts of the region and was often followed by a period of increased trade and cultural exchanges between the two states.( In the last iterations of this oscillation, _**Napatan**_\-era Kush had lost the region to egypt since the withdraw of the 25th dynasty in 655 BC but attempted to extend its control over the region in the 5th and 4th centuries until the 3rd century when the Ptolemies of Egypt annexed the entirety of lower Nubia in 274BC (the whole region from the 1st to the 2nd cataract appears in Greek literature as _Triakontaschoinos_, while the first half of the region immediately south of the 1st cataract upto the city of Maharraqa was called the _Dodekaschoinos_). This annexation occurred just before the ascension of Ergamenes, but _**Meroitic**_ Kush regained the entire region in 207BC under king Arqamani and his successor, Adikhalamani by supporting local rebels, they also built a number of temples in the region, this lasted until 186BC when the region was again lost to the Ptolemies, only to be regained in 100BC and remain under Meroitic control until the roman invasion of Egypt in 30BC, after which the romans advanced south and took control of the region, intending on conquering Kush itself.( _**The temples of Dakka and Dabod built by Kushite Kings; Arqamani and Adikhalamani during Meroe’s two-decade long control of the Triakontaschoinos, because of flooding, they were relocated with the Dabod temple now in spain while the Dakka temple is in Wadi es-Sebua, Egypt**_( **The war between Rome and Kush: Queen Amanirenas’ two battles and a peace treaty** The Meroitic ruler at the time of Rome's southern march to Kush was Teriteqas who had moved his forces to secure control of lower Nubia that had been rebelling against roman control with Kush's support; the rebels looted the region and pulled down the statues of the roman emperor Augustus sending his severed bronze head to Kush. Teriteqas died along the way and by the time the romans were facing off with Kush's forces, the latter were led by Queen Amanirenas who was accompanied by her son Akinidad. The outcome of this first battle in 25BC suggests a roman victory which was followed by a roman attempt at conquering all of Kush in 24BC by campaigning in its northern territories was met with disastrous results in a little documented battle between the queen's forces and the romans, this loss forced the romans to withdraw to Qasr Ibrim (near the 2nd cataract) which they then heavily fortified in anticipation of Kush’s advance north following the retreating roman army. The roman forces at Qasr Ibrim were soon faced again with Amanirenas’ army in 22BC, described by Strabo as a large force comprising of thousands of men, its likely the Kushites besieged the fortress as it was only in 21/20BC that the roman emperor Augustus chose to negotiate with them for unknown reasons and signed a peace treaty between Kush and Rome on the island of Samos. The peace treaty was heavily in favor of Kush and the lower Nubian rebels that it had supported, it included the remission of taxes from the lower Nubians and the withdraw of roman border further north to Maharraqa (ie” rather than controlling the the entire _Triakontaschoinos_, Rome only controlled the _Dodekaschoinos_ ) the Roman campaign which begun with intent of conquering Kush ended with a peace treaty and the loss of parts of lower Nubia to Kush.( . The war with Rome and the peace treaty was interpreted as a victory for Kush, the Queen commissioned two monumental inscriptions in the Meroitic script, one of these two inscriptions was about the war with Rome( , and another by her sucessor Queen Amanishakheto depicts a roman captive among Kush’s vanquished enemies( , Amanirenas also commissioned wall paintings in a temple at Meroe (later called the “Augustus temple) that shows a Roman prisoner kneeling infront of her.( And it was this same queen who received the severed bronze head of Augustus among the war booty from the lower Nubian rebels, which she declined to remit to Augustus during the peace treaty negotiations, she (or her later successor, Queen Amanitore) buried it under the steps of a minor temple at Meroe to symbolically trample over the Roman empire.( The immediate outcome of the peace treaty was the cultural and intellectual renascence in Kush for nearly two centuries, with heavy investment in monumental building activity, crafts manufacture and arts, an increase in urban population and a proliferation of towns in the Meroitic heartland, as well as the large scale production and distribution of luxury wares all of which was stimulated by the lucrative long-standing trade with their now friendly northern neighbor: Rome.( _**Murals from Queen Amanirenas’ “Augustus temple” at Meroe depicting prisoners bound before the Queen (only shown by her foot and sandals): the first prisoner is a Roman figure wearing a Grecian helmet and stripped tunic, behind him is an African prisoner, an Egyptian figure with a roman helmet and another roman prisoner with the same attire, the second photo also has a roman prisoner at the center without the helmet but with roman-type slippers and tunic. “bound figures” are common in Kushite art and a keen interest is shown in representing different populations/ethnicities through clothing, headresses, hair and skin tone.**_( _**Detail from Queen Amanishakheto’s stela from Naga (REM 1293) showing a bound Roman prisoner with a helmet, tunic and a “European phenotype”, an inscription identifies his ethnonym as “Tameya”: a catch-all term the Kushites used for northern populations that weren’t Egyptian. A stela made by Queen Amanirenas describes the Tameya’s raid directed against an unidentified region; possibly a reference to Kush’s war with Rome or its prelude**_ ( _**The “Meroë Head” of Roman emperor Augustus found buried in a temple at Meroe (British museum: 1911,0901.1)**_ * * * **The enigma of Queen Amanirenas’ succession and Akinidad’s princeship**, **the** **self-depictions of Kush’s Queens and the invention of the Meroitic script.** Amanirenas was originally the queen consort of King Teriteqas while Akinidad was the viceroy of lower Nubia and general of Kush's armies (one or both of these titles was acquired later), the circumstances by which he was passed over as successor in favor of Amanirenas are uncertain but he remained central in the affirmation of the queens' rule as well as that of her successor; Queen Amanishakheto, who was also originally a consort of Teriteqas. Queen Amanishakheto is thus also shown receiving her royal power (ie: being “elected”) by Akinidad who also accompanies her in performing some royal duties but he is depicted without royal regalia.( This “election” iconography of a prince crowning the reigning queen was borrowed from Queen Shanakdakheto; in the latter’s case, the unnamed prince is shown conferring royal power to her by touching her crown, and the same iconography was used by Amanishakheto's immediate successor as well; Queen Nawidemak who was “elected” by prince Etaretey( _**The queens Shanakdakheto, Amanishakheto and Nawidemak legitimation by the princes, the first two queens are “elected” by the princes (Shanakdakheto’s unnamed prince, Amanishakheto’s prince Akinidad) while Nawidemak is shown receiving mortuary offerings from prince Etretey**_( While these four queens were all shown with male attributes of Kingship such as the tripartite costume representing the ideal hunter-warrior attributes of a Meroitic King, as well as images of them smiting enemies, raising their hands in adoration of deities and receiving the atif-crown of Osiris( , their figures were unquestionably feminine, with a disproportionately narrow waist, broad hips and heavy thighs and an overall voluptuous body. More importantly, the royal and elite women of Meroitic kush preferred this self-depiction as the motif is repeated and increasingly emphasized throughout the classic and late Meroitic period (100BC-360AD) ( This self-depiction by the royal women of Kush was also inline with latter accounts of idealized female royal body in the region of Sudan (and much of Africa) such as James Bruce's account about the King’s wives in the kingdom of Funj( . This ideal female body depiction in Kush’s art was wholly unlike that of the Egyptian women (of which Kushite art is related) that showed much slimmer figures, nor is it similar to that of the few Egyptian queen regnants (4 out of the 500 pharaohs of Egypt were women) all four of whom are shown to be androgynous with decidedly masculine decorum( , nor is shown by the Egyptian goddesses in Kush’s art such as Isis who retain a slim thin body profile in a way that is dichotomous to the Kushite royal women whom the goddess is paired with but who are shown with much fuller bodies. This iconography begun with Queen Katimala in the 10th century BC and continues to the Naptan era but was greatly emphasized during the Meroitic era. The presence of these voluptuous (and occasionally bare-breasted) female figures in Kushite art since the Neolithic era has been interpreted as associated with fertility and well-being. _**Stela and reliefs of the Queens Amanishakheto (first photo, center figure between the goddess Amesemi and the god Apedemak) and Amanitore (last two photos; first one from Wad ban naga, second from Naqa showing her smiting vanquished enemies)**_ Along with the introduction of new deities, new iconography and new royal customs was the invention of the meroitic script in the late 2nd century BC. The introduction of meroitic writing (both hieroglyphic and cursive) occurred under Queen Shanakdakheto and coincided with her abandonment of the five part titulary (one of the “symbols” from Egypt used by the Napatan dynasty to integrate it into Kush) which was replaced a singular rendering of the royal name in Meroitic, this innovation, added to her new iconography of election was related to her unprecedented ascendance as the first Queen regnant of Kush.( The cursive meroitic script was used more widely than Egyptian script had been under the Napatan era, this was a direct consequence of the need for wider scope of communication by the Meroitic rulers in a language spoken by the population from which the dynasty itself had emerged, an audience that didn’t include Egyptians and thus obviated the need for continued use of the Egyptian script( . The copious documentation in cursive meroitic used by Amanirenas also affirmed her legitimacy in a manner similar to Katimala and the length of her inscriptions, both of which narrate her war with Rome as well as donations to temples bring to mind the great inscription of Piye with its focus on military exploits and piety( . The nature of Amanirenas' ascension as well as her successor queen Amanishaketo over the would-be crown-prince Akinidad as well as the shifts in burial ground during this time alludes to some sort of dynastic troubles that ultimately favored both these consorts to assume authority of the kingdom in close succession and with full authority.( Amanirenas’ assumption of command over Kush's armies and her appearance at the head of the armies in the all battles with Rome served to affirm her leadership in the image of an ideal Kushite ruler (as well as act as evidence for her divine favor), she was therefore similar to Katimala leading her armies form the front( , as well as Piye and Taharqo both of whom famously led their armies from the front( . _**Monumental inscription of Queen Amanirenas depicted in a two-part worship scene: on the left she is shown in the center wearing sandals with large buckles, the figure standing behind her is the bare-footed prince Akinidad, both face the deity Amun, the image is reverse on the right where they face the goddess Mut. (British museum photo)**_ _**Queen Amanitore, and King Natakamani’s temples of Apedemak, Hathor and Amun. the pylons of the Apedemak temple (at the extreme left) show both rulers smiting their enemies**_ * * * **Conclusion: On gendered power in Ancient and medieval Africa’s highest position of leadership; the case of Amanirenas, Queen Njinga, the Iyoba of Benin, Magajiya of Kano and elite women in Kongo.** Amanirenas ruled the Meroitic empire of Kush at a pivotal time in its history when the kingdom's existence was threatened by a powerful and hostile northern neighbor, her ascent to Kush's throne in the midst of battle, the favorable peace treaty she signed with Augustus, the intellectual and cultural renaissance she heralded establishes her among the most powerful rulers of Kush. The enigmatic nature of her enthronement doubtlessly set a direct precedent for her immediate successors and was part of the evolving changes in the concepts supporting royal legitimacy in Meroitic Kush which enabled the rule of female sovereigns with full authority, the “election” of these Queens was initially legitimized by princes and in a few instances they ruled jointly with their husbands (although both reigned with full authority) but by the time of the reigns of the later Queens of the 2nd-4th century, this legitimizing prince figure was removed and the regency of Queens was was now interpreted in its own terms( . The ascendance of women to the throne of Kush was therefore contingent on the ideology of Kingship/Queenship brought by the Meroitic dynasty, this stands in contrast with the earlier periods of Kush's history and the medieval kingdoms of Nubia and Funj where kingship was strictly male, and it also stands in opposition to the common misconception about female sovereigns in Africa being determined by matrilineal succession or ethnicity because Kush was bilateral and was dominated by Meroitic speakers for all its history. Queenship in Africa was instead determined by ideology of the monarchy in a given state; this is strikingly paralleled in the west-central African kingdom of Ndongo&Matamba where Queen Njinga (r. 1583-1663AD) had to quash doubts about the legitimacy of her rule which had been challenged based on her gender and her ability to rule, she countered this by initially acting as a regent for the crown prince, but later assuming full authority of the Kingdoms, she then took on attributes associated with Kings and engaged in "virile pursuits" such as her famous wars with the Portuguese that resulted in the successful defeat of their incursions into her kingdom. Her momentous reign set an immediate precedent for her female successors who didn't face challenges to their rule based on their gender and needed not assume male attributes to affirm their legitimacy thus making Njinga’s _**Guterres dynasty**_ the second in African history with the highest number of female sovereigns.( This is also similar to the creation of the powerful queen mother office in the kingdom of Benin due to the actions of Idia the mother of Oba Esigie (r. 1504 –1550)who led armies into battle to secure her son's ascension and directly led to the creation of the Iyoba office which was occupied by the Oba’s kinswoman and was as powerful as the offices of the town chiefs who were directly below the Oba (king) and were all male( , a similar situation can be seen from the actions of the Queen mothers of Kano with the establishment of the Maidaki and Magajiya office after the political performance of Hauwa and Lamis in the reigns of Abdullahi (1499-1509) and Kisoke (r. 1509-1565)( , and in Kongo, where elite women rose to very influential offices of the state’s electoral council effectively becoming Kingmakers during the upheavals of the dynastic struggles in the Kingdom between 1568 and 1665AD ( although neither Benin, nor Kano nor Kongo produced Queen regnants. The issue of Female sovereignty in Africa is a complex one that goes beyond the reductive clichés about gender and power in precolonial Africa, the actions of Amanirenas and Njinga allow us to understand the dynamics of pre-colonial African conceptions of gendered authority which were in constant flux; enabling the rise of Queen regnants to what had been a largely male office of King, and successfully leading to the establishment of dynasties with a high number of Women rulers in a pattern similar to female sovereignty in Eurasia( . Amanirenas' legacy looms large in the history of Africa's successful military strategists, but her other overlooked accomplishment is the legacy of the Candaces of Kush; their valour, piety and opulence appears in classical literature with an air of mystique, much like the enigma of Meroe. _**pyramid tombs of queen Amanitore and Queen Amanishakheto at Meroe**_ * * * **Read more about the history of Kerma and download free books about the history of Kush on my patreon** ( ( The Kingdom of Kush by László Török pg 204-206). ( The double kingdom under Taharqo by J.Pope, pg 33 and The kingdom of kush by L. Torok pg 367-70, 379,380 ( The kingdom of kush by L.Torok pg 420-23 ( The kingdom of kush by L. Torok pg 211-12, 443-444, The Image of the Ordered World in Ancient Nubian Art by L. Torok pg 261, 451-456 ( The kingdom of kush by L Torok pg 214) ( Between two world by L. Torok pg 26-29) ( The meroitic language and writing system by Claude Rilly pg 177-178 ( The oxford handbook of ancient nubia pg pg 185 ( The Political Situation in Egypt During the Second Intermediate Period pg 180,Gilded Flesh pg 45 ( The inscription of queen katimala by John Coleman Darnell pg 7-63 ( The inscription of queen katimala by John Coleman Darnell pg 7-12 ( The kingdom of kush by L.Torok pg 234-241) ( Dancing for hathor by Carolyn Graves-Brown pg 48) ( Sudan: ancient kingdoms of the nile by bruce williams, pg 161-71) ( The Kingdom of Kush pg 162 ( The Kingdom of Kush, pgs 255-261 and Royal sisters and royal legitmization in the nubian period by roberto gozzoli pgs 483-492 ( The kingdom of kush by L Torok pg 57) ( The Image of the Ordered World in Ancient Nubian Art by L. Torok pg 303 ( Hellenising art in ancient nubia by L. Torok pg 13-18) ( Hellenising art in ancient nubia by L. Torok pg 209-213) ( Image of the ordered world by L Torok, pg 177) ( The kingdom of kush László Török pg 424-425 ( Between Two Worlds by László Török pg 377-434) ( Between Two Worlds by László Török pg 393 ( The kingdom of kush by L. Torok pg 451-455) ( The kingdom of kush by L. Torok pg 456-457) ( Les interprétations historiques des stèles méroïtiques d’Akinidad à la lumière des récentes découvertes Claude Rilly ( Between Two Worlds by László Török pg 455-456 ( Headhunting on the Roman Frontier by Uroš Matić pg 128-9 ( The kingdom of Kush pg 463-466 ( Studies in ancient Egypt, the Aegean, and the Sudan by Charles C. Van Siclen pgs 167-171 ( photo from “Les interprétations historiques des stèles méroïtiques d’Akinidad à la lumière des récentes découvertes by Claude Rilly” ( The image of ordered world in ancient nubian Art by Laszlo Torok pg 217-219) ( The kingdom of kush by L. Torok pg 455-458, 443-444) ( Fontes Historiae Nubiorum vol 3, pg 803 ( The kingdom of kush pg 460, The oxford handbook of ancient nubia pg 1022 ( The oxford handbook of ancient nubia pg 10026, 638-639) ( An Interesting Narrative of the Travels of James Bruce, Esq., Into Abyssinia by james bruce pg 368-369 ( Dancing for hathor by Carolyn Graves-Brown pg 129) ( The kingdom of kush pg 212) ( Image of the ordered world in ancient nubian art pg 455) ( the kingdom of kush pg 161-163 ( The kingdom of kush pg 460-61 ( The inscription of queen Katimala pg 30) ( The kingdom of kush pg 159 ( The kingdom of kush pg 469) ( Legitmacy and political power queen njinga by J.K.Thornton pg 37-40) ( Royal Art of Benin by Kate Ezra pg 14 ( the government in kano by M.G.Smith pg 136, 142-143 ( Elite Women in the Kingdom of Kongo by J.K.Thornton pg 437-460 ( The Rise of Female Kings in Europe, 1300-1800 By William Monter ### to African History Extra By isaac Samuel · Launched 3 years ago All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past 8 Likes 8 Comments Top Latest Discussions ( ( Sep 4, 2021 • ( 30 ( ( Apr 9, 2023 • ( 17 ( ( Apr 7 • ( 48 See all Ready for more?

## The Meroitic Empire, Queen Amanirenas, and the Candaces of Kush: Power and Gender in an Ancient African State ### Overview of Meroe 1. **Meroe's Origins**: The city of Meroe emerged around the 10th century BC with no substantial prehistoric occupation. It was located near the Kingdom of Kush, one of the ancient world's largest empires. 2. **Autonomy and Dynasty**: Despite its proximity to Kush, Meroe remained autonomous and eventually established a new dynasty that overthrew the previous Kushite royalty, leading to the formation of one of the longest-lasting states in history. ### Historical Significance 1. **Deciphered Scripts and Female Sovereigns**: Meroe is notable for possessing the ancient world’s least deciphered script (Meroitic) and the highest number of female rulers (twelve) exercising full authority. 2. **Early Conflicts**: From the 6th to 4th century BC, Meroe witnessed violent conflicts between Kushite armies and nomadic rebel groups. By the 3rd century BC, it had become a capital of the Napatan state of Kush. ### Key Female Monarchs 1. **Queen Shanakdakheto**: The first known female ruler of Meroe, she reigned in the 2nd century BC and is associated with the inception of the Meroitic script. 2. **Queen Amanirenas**: In the 1st century BC, Amanirenas led her armies against Rome, earning recognition in classical literature and biblical references. Her reign coincided with the zenith of female sovereignty in Kush. ### The Candaces of Kush 1. **Definition and Origin**: The term "Candace," derived from the Meroitic word for sister, signified full authority as a royal title for queens regnant in Kush. 2. **Royal Lineage**: During Meroe’s golden age (1st century BC to early 2nd century AD), seven of the thirteen reigning monarchs were women, indicating a unique feature of Meroitic governance where female rulers achieved significant power. ### Ideological Foundations 1. **Historical Precedents**: The elevation of female sovereignty in Meroe can be traced back to the Neolithic era and through the Kerman and Napatan periods, where women held high positions of leadership. 2. **Role of Religion and Iconography**: The queens often employed religious ideologies and iconography in their rule. Notably, Amanirenas’ military campaigns were framed within a strong adherence to the deity Amun, which bolstered their legitimacy. ### Military Engagement with Rome 1. **Initial Conflicts**: Under Queen Amanirenas, Kush engaged in battles against Rome, marked by a first confrontation in 25 BC, followed by another significant engagement in 22 BC. 2. **Peace Treaty with Rome**: In 21/20 BC, following these conflicts, a peace treaty was signed favoring Kush, allowing for an extended cultural renaissance in the kingdom. ### Succession and Governance 1. **Amanirenas and Akinidad**: The succession details of Amanirenas, who was initially the consort of King Teriteqas, and her son Akinidad, are unclear. However, both played an essential role in legitimizing the queens’ rule. 2. **Iconography of Election**: Successor queens, such as Amanishakheto, were often depicted receiving authority from a prince, reinforcing their legitimacy through traditional portrayals and ceremonies. ### Conclusion on Gendered Power 1. **Female Sovereignty in Africa**: The case of Amanirenas illustrates the complexities of female leadership in ancient African states, contrasting with the generally male-dominated leadership structures in other regions. 2. **Legacy of the Candaces**: Amanirenas' reign and the Candaces of Kush reflect a significant historical narrative showcasing successful female rulers whose authority was legitimized through cultural and military means, setting a precedent for future generations in Africa.

Locating African history online: the "African History Extra" website

Mainstream discourses on African history have been shaped by frustrations; between its eurocentric foundations and afrocentric distractions, between indifferent western academia and Africanists struggling for a platform, and between popular reductive interpretations of the African past and researchers faced with a paucity of information.

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Locating African history online: the "African History Extra" website ==================================================================== ( Dec 30, 2021 3 Mainstream discourses on African history have been shaped by frustrations; between its eurocentric foundations and afrocentric distractions, between indifferent western academia and Africanists struggling for a platform, and between popular reductive interpretations of the African past and researchers faced with a paucity of information. These frustrations are a product of the incomplete mission to move Africa beyond the colonial library, where the mass of statistical information, books and observations were published and transmitted under the auspices of colonial authorities. More than half a century after the end of colonialism, just 3% of the papers published in four top history journals from 1997 to 2020 were about Africa. and only 10% were written by authors based in Africa (( ), this created a vacuum of information about African history and the frustrations that come along with it. But history provides a context for the modern world by allowing us to trace the origins of our current societal successes and failures; making it essential in informing our personal philosophies and world views. It's for this reason that the “vacuum of information” about African history is immediately filled with pseudo history and clichéd visual discourses in a vicious cycle that reinforces the interpretations of Africa's past found in the colonial library; reproducing discredited concepts about African achievements (or lack of) in governance, science and technology, writing, trade and economics, religion, architecture and art. Fortunately, the days of monopolizing the publication and transmission of information are behind us, with the proliferation of online content creators translating scholarly publications for a public audience, history is no longer seen as an esoteric field where knowledge is handed down to the masses from lofty ivory towers ( The majority of people learn about history from these online creators and less from their compulsory-level history classes in school, information about the wealth of Mansa Musa and the manuscripts of Timbuktu, about the Ethiopian Garima gospels and iconic Lalibela architecture, about the pyramids of Sudan and the walls of great Zimbabwe, has been popularized largely through the efforts of these online content creators using various platforms including YouTube, Twitter, Facebook and message boards. The emphasis on conciseness accented by colorful illustrations on the interactive platforms used by these online creators divorces their form of discourse from the dependency on the colonial library and offers a potent alternative to the frustrations that characterize the understanding of African history. Like all new media however, online creators are faced with new challenges of which two are particular to them; the challenges of authenticity and obscurity. Despite (our) best efforts in disseminating and translating research written by professionals, the majority of online creators with large followings aren't specialists in the fields where they are focused and the specter of inauthenticity looms over their products, secondly some of their best products are buried under mountains of more popular content that suits the attention economy better which only serves to reinforce the perception of online creations as a minefield of shallow clickbait content. The best solution to both challenges is a collaboration between online creators and specialists to create a more realistic marketplace of ideas, allowing for a symbiosis between the excellent but attention-grabbing content which internet audiences are accustomed to and the amplification of the rigorous research from specialists, it this symbiotic platform that I hope to create with the African history extra website. ( In order to _narrate the continent's neglected past_, the African history extra website is envisioned as a free and interactive platform between content creators, specialists and enthusiasts of African history. It will include a **taglist section** on all topics regarding Africa's past such as economic history, political history, writing history, science and technology history, war history, architecture history, textiles history, art history and other miscellaneous topics. Besides this taglist, the the website will also have **chronological maps of African history** from the formation of complex societies during the Neolithic era, down to the eve of colonialism, divided by millennia or by century (e.g., an overview of Africa's ancient states and Neolithic cultures in the 3rd millennium BC or the history of African states during the 12th century AD) and would give a detailed introduction to the reader on African history through each period, allowing them to systematically track developments in Africa's past. The main page will feature the **story-format articles** which I've been publishing on my substack blog as well as **news of recent discoveries** about African history, **book reviews** and **book promotions**. The majority of articles in the taglist section and maps section will be composed by guest writers (preferably specialists) as well as the book reviews and promotions.

### Title: Locating African History Online: The "African History Extra" Website ### Description: Mainstream narratives surrounding African history have been influenced by several frustrations, including: 1. **Eurocentric Foundations vs. Afrocentric Distractions**: Historical narratives often prioritize Western perspectives, which can oversimplify or misrepresent Africa's complex history. 2. **Indifferent Western Academia vs. Africanists' Struggles**: Many African historians find it challenging to gain recognition and a platform within mainstream academia. 3. **Reductionist Popular Interpretations vs. Research Gaps**: The portrayal of Africa's past in popular media often lacks nuance, leading to misconceptions that researchers frequently encounter due to insufficient data. ### Context of the Frustrations: - The narrative gaps stem from the legacy of colonialism, which has shaped how history is recorded and understood. - Recent statistics reveal that from 1997 to 2020, only 3% of papers in the top history journals focused on Africa, with merely 10% authored by African scholars. This indicates a significant underrepresentation of African history in scholarly discourse. ### Importance of Historical Understanding: - History serves as a framework for understanding contemporary societal issues and is crucial in shaping personal beliefs and worldviews. - The lack of credible information fuels the persistence of pseudohistory and clichés, which perpetuate outdated colonial perspectives regarding Africa's achievements across various domains, such as governance, science, art, and architecture. ### Changes in Information Dissemination: - The rise of online content creators has transformed how historical knowledge is shared. They often translate academic research for broader audiences, challenging the traditional academic silo. - Many individuals now learn about African history through digital platforms such as YouTube, Twitter, and Facebook rather than formal education. ### Challenges Faced by Online Creators: 1. **Authenticity Concerns**: Many successful online creators may not be experts in their subjects, raising questions about the validity of their content. 2. **Obscurity of Quality Content**: High-quality educational material often becomes overshadowed by more popular, less substantive content, contributing to a perception of online history as superficial. ### Proposed Solution - African History Extra Website: - The envisioned website seeks to bridge the gap between casual interest in African history and academic rigor. - The platform will feature: - A **taglist section** categorizing topics (e.g., economic, political, and artistic history). - **Chronological maps** detailing African history from the Neolithic era to the pre-colonial period, offering readers systematic insights into historical developments. - **Story-format articles**, updates on recent discoveries, **book reviews**, and **promotions** to highlight new scholarship. ### Contribution to African Historical Narratives: - The website aims to facilitate collaboration between content creators, scholars, and enthusiasts, encouraging a rich exchange of ideas and fostering a more accurate representation of Africa's diverse historical narratives. - By integrating engaging content with scholarly insights, the African History Extra website aspires to create a more informed community around the history of the continent.

The Aksumite empire between Rome and India: an African global power of late antiquity (200-700AD)

"There are four great kingdoms in the world: Persia, Rome, Aksum and China; none surpasses them"

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The Aksumite empire between Rome and India: an African global power of late antiquity (200-700AD) ================================================================================================= ### "There are four great kingdoms in the world: Persia, Rome, Aksum and China; none surpasses them" ( Dec 27, 2021 12 For more than half a millennium of late antiquity, the ancient world's political theatre was dominated by a handful of powerful empires, one of which was an African civilization from the northern horn of Africa. Its conquests extended from southern Egypt to central Arabia, its merchants sailed to Jordan and Sri Lanka, and its emissaries went to Constantinople (Turkey) and Amaravati (India). This was the empire of Aksum, a state which left its imprint on much of the known world, etching its legacy on stone stelæ, on gold coins and in the manuscripts of ancient scholars. As the Persian prophet Mani (d. 277AD) wrote in his _Kephalaia_: "_**There are four great kingdoms in the world. The first is the kingdom of the land of babylon and Persia, the second is the kingdom of the Romans. The third is the kingdom of the Aksumites, the fourth is the kingdom of silis (China); there is none that surpasses them**_".( Rising from relative obscurity in the 1st century, the early Aksumite state in the northern horn shifted from its old capital at Bete giorgyis to Aksum, giving it its name. Its from this new capital that the fledging empire established its control over the coastal town of Adulis (and its port Gabaza), and over the next five centuries, the bustling city of Adulis became the most important transshipment point and trading hub in the red sea, a conduit for the late antique trade network of Silk, Pepper and Ivory that connected the Roman empire to India and China.( This lucrative trade financed the military conquests of the Aksumite kings which in Mani's time included the regions of; western Arabia, Yemen, northeastern Sudan, southeastern Egypt, northern Ethiopia, Eritrea, and parts of Djibouti and Somaliland. The wealth derived from the agricultural surpluses and trade imports acquired from these lands sustained the construction of the grand villas, large cities and monumental basilicas. The prestige earned by the Aksumite emperors from their global power status was demonstrated in their monumental funerary architecture of large stone and rock-cut tombs surmounted by massive stela more than 100 ft high, on their gold, silver and copper coins which were used as currency across the red sea littoral and the eastern Mediterranean and have been found as far as Palestine and India, and in their diplomatic and political relationships with the emperors of Rome and the kings of India. Aksum's prominence marked the second time an African civilization outside north Africa played an important role in global politics (after the kingdom of Kush), Its conquest of the Hamyrite kingdom of southern Arabia twice in the 3rd and 6th century as well as its conquest of the Meroitic kingdom of Kush in the 4th century, cemented its position as a dominant power in the red-sea region. Aksum was situated right at the center of a lucrative trade conduit between Rome and India and maintained a close political relationship with both societies, but especially with Rome to which Aksum sent several embassies. The Aksumite empire's cautious and deliberate adoption of Hellenism, and later Christianity was underpinned by the internationalist world view and ambitions of its emperors, especially its adoption of Christianity, a religion where Ethiopia (a name for Kush which Aksum later appropriated featured prominently in biblical texts as well as Christian eschatological narratives which position it ahead of Egypt as the first among the “gentile nations”.( This prominence is emphasized in the medieval Ethiopian text; the _Kebra negast_ (a quasi-foundational charter of the “Solomonic” Ethiopian empire) that retained sections from the Askumite era which position the Aksumite emperor Kaleb (r. 510-540) as senior to the Byzantine-roman emperor Justin I (518-527) in an allegorical meeting of the two powers convened at Jerusalem to divide the world.( Its within this internationalist world view and cosmopolitan trade context that an understanding of the global reach of the Aksumite empire is best situated, an African state which left its legacy in the minds and works of classical writers, playing a seminal role in early global commerce, the spread of the now-dominant religions of Christianity and Islam, and whose monarchs, armies, scribes, merchants and people created one of the most sophisticated civilizations of the ancient world. This article focuses on Aksum on the global political arena, providing an overview of its origins, its conquests in Arabia and northeast Africa, its extensive trade network, its diplomatic ties with Rome and its global legacy. _**Map of the Aksumite empire including the cities and states mentioned in this article**_ * * * _**if you like this article, or you’d like to contribute to my African history website project; please donate to my paypal**_ ( * * * **Origins of Aksum: from the Neolithic era to** _**Bieta Giyorgis**_ The emergence of the Aksumite state at the turn of the common era was a culmination of the increasing social complexity in the northern horn of Africa from the 3rd millennium BC to the mid first millennium BC which enabled the rise of small polities in the region, these early polities gave Aksum many of the kingdom's cultural affinities and distinctive architecture such as the elite tombs surmounted with stone stela and the rectilinear dry-stone houses built around densely packed proto-urban settlements. This begun at the ancient site of _Mahal Teglinos_ in the “gash group” neolithic culture (2700BC-1400BC) as well as at _Qohaito_ in the “Ona neolithic” culture (900-400BC).( but the biggest contribution came from the Damot (D'MT) kingdom based at Yeha in northern Ethiopia, Damot was an ancient state of autochthonous origin established around the 9th century BC which was involved in the long-distance with the Nile valley kingdoms (Kush and Egypt) and the maritime trade network of the red-sea region (dominated by the kingdom of Saba in southern Arabia), and was significantly urbanized, its rulers adopted a number of south-Arabian elements from the Saba such as the south-Arabian script, and modified their local architecture to Sabean styles with the construction of the large temples at Yeha, Hawlti, Malazo, Meqaber Ga’ewa and a few other sites, the Damot kingdom however, remained fundamentally African evidenced by the names of the rulers that are only attested in the northern horn of Africa( , the king's co-regency with/prominent position of their queen regents, statues of seated women with ornaments in Nubian style, the overwhelmingly local pottery wares and local funerary traditions( all of which point to a deliberate but largely superficial borrowing of Sabean elements by autochthonous rulers to enhance their power. _**Temple at Yeha, Ethiopia built in the 9th century BC**_ Damot collapsed by the mid second millennium, around the time when a new state was emerging at _Bieta Giyorgis_ hill (1 km north of Aksum( in 400BC, this early Aksumite state developed most of the features later associated with Aksum, with a large proto-urban settlement at the site of _Ona nagast_ that had monumental buildings including a large, storeyed palatial complex with subterranean rooms, as well as elaborate pit graves surmounted with monolithic stone stela upto 5m high. Save for a few imports from the _meroitic_ kingdom of Kush and the red-sea littoral, Ona nagast belongs firmly within the local tradition. Between late 1st millennium BC and the 1st century AD, the south Arabian script was significantly modified to write the local Ge'ez language in the Aksumite heartland creating both the “Monumental” and “cursive” scripts, the latter of which is referred to as the ‘Old ethiopic’ script (or Ge'ez script) and appears more frequently during the Aksumite era( . By the end of the 1st century AD, the capital of the early Aksumite state was then shifted from _Bieta Giyorgis_ to the lower lying region of Aksum where the city was founded.( _**excavation photo of an early Aksumite palace at Beita Giyorgis built in the late 1st millennium BC**_ The early Aksumite state was already significantly urbanized, the most important cities were Aksum, Matara, Qohayto, Adulis, Beta Samati, Yeha, Wakarida as well as dozens of other smaller towns and villages such as Tekondo, Zala-Bet-Makeda, Ham, Etchmara, Gulo-Makeda, Haghero Deragweh, Dergouah, Henzat, Enda Maryam, Tseyon Tehot, Maryam Kedih, Anza, Hawzien, Degum, Cherqos Agula and Nazret. The majority of these cities and towns dominated by large, multi-story housing complexes with dozens of rooms and basements, recessed walls and massive corner projections, accessed through an imposing central pavilion with grand staircases the interior had storage units and underfloor heating, the construction of these building complexes was “emphatically designed to impress". The complexes were likely provincial administrative centers of the Aksumite state for housing the local governors( ; the largest of the best preserved were within the vicinity of Aksum itself was the so-called queen Sheba's palace at _Dungur, Taaka Maryam, Enda Semon,_ and _Enda Mikael_ other elite residences were at Matara, Adulis, Wakarida ( , and a smaller one at Beta Semati( among others these were surrounded by lower status domestic buildings of square plan with multi-roomed interiors and dry-stone walls, and in the later era would be build around large basilicas. _**the Dungur palace at Aksum**_ _**Ruins of the cities of Matara and Adulis in eritrea**_ Other notable elements of the Aksumite state were elaborate built, monumental tombs of stone, one of which was a mausoleum complex covering more than 250 sqm with a central passage that led to ten side chambers with tombs containing the remains of pre-christian Aksumite monarchs, above this complex was a platform on which was surmounted a number of gigantic stone stele that were elaborated carved in representation of multistory Aksumite buildings, the largest of these stele was 33 meters in height and weighed a massive 520 tonnes, all of these were carved from stone quarried with iron tools from the region of Gobedra, more than 4km east of Aksum from which they were transported on rollers, in the Christian era, the stele were replaced by rock-cut churches built on top of well constructed tombs.( _**Aksum stele field**_ _**Aksum mausoleum for the pre-Christian monarchs**_ Aksumite coinage was cast beginning in the 3rd century and ending in the 7th century in gold, copper and silver representing the issue of atleast twenty Aksumite monarchs, these coins were largely used in Aksum's international trade hence their initial inscriptions made in Greek but were later inscribed in Ge'ez as well in the 4th century and 5th century, its these Aksumite coins that are found as far as Palestine, south Arabia, Sri lanka, India, as well as in numerous sites in the northern Horn of Africa.( Greek remained a minority language in Aksum (compared to Ge’ez), it was specifically intended for a foreign audiences and a careful reading of Aksumite inscriptions indicated that they were first written in Ge’ez then translated to Greek which partially explains the contrast between the well-written Greek inscriptions of Aksum’s zenith vs the poorly written ones in the 7th century.( And the last of Aksum’s most significant elements were the stone Thrones; these massive, neatly dressed stone slabs in form of a royal seats measured about 2 meters square and 0.3m thick, they had footstools and were protected in a shrine-like shelter with a roof supported by corner pillars. Aksum’s stone thrones were carved as early as the 3rd century and the tradition continued well into the 6th century, some of these thrones were sat on at ceremonial occasions in the later Aksumite eras although most served a symbolic rather than functional value, many of the thrones were widely distributed in the kingdom's domains although all virtually all are currently at Aksum itself.( A number of them bear inscriptions, the earliest of which was an inscribed throne found at Adulis that narrates the conquests of an Aksumite emperor in the early 3rd century, this _Monumentum Adulitanum II_ inscription was the first extensive royal inscription of Aksumite monarchs and it preserves the earliest historiography of Aksumite's global reach. * * * **The first era of the Aksumite empire's red-sea hegemony (200-270AD)** By the 2nd century AD, the red sea trade route connecting the eastern Mediterranean, (dominated by the roman empire) and the western half of the Indian ocean, (dominated by a number of polities including the Satavahana state), had become an important conduit in the late antique trade, which the states in the coastal region of the northern horn of Africa and the Arabian peninsula were well positioned to exploit. The Aksumite state had been greatly expanding since the 1st century when it was first attested in external accounts with the mention of the "city of the people called Auxumites" as well as a “king Zoskales” in a document titled the _Periplus of the Erythraean Sea_, Zoskales was likely a governor/kinglet of Adulis subordinate to Aksum.( Aksum was consolidating its authority near the red sea coast , subsuming smaller states a few of which were attested locally in unvocalized Ge'ez as ’_GB_ and _DWLY_ ( and establishing itself in the maritime trade to the Indian ocean; it was during this time that first Aksumite emissaries are attested abroad on a late 2nd century Satavahana stupa depicting Aksumite diplomats bearing presents. Aksum then set its sights across the red sea to the southern Arabian region which at the time was politically fragmented between small states engaged in internecine wars, providing the Aksumites with an opportunity to exploit. _**Foreign merchants (including Aksumites in the bottom half) giving presents to the Satavahana king Badhuma, depicted on a sculpture from Amaravati, India**_( The region of southern Arabia was dominated by four states in the late 2nd century which were; the ancient kingdom of Saba, the kingdoms of Hadhramawt and Qataban and the kingdom of Himyar, the last of which was a new but growing power that had since cut off Saba from the coast effectively making the latter landlocked, the Sabeans therefore allied with the Aksumites in the early 3rd century to invade Himyar in a successful operation that resulted in Aksum occupying Himyar's capital Zafar as well as gaining new territories north of Saba upto the city of Najaran. The Aksumite king who directed this campaign was Gadara, the first ruler attested on both the Arabian and northern horn, he then left his son Baygat (_BYGT_) to garrison the city of Zafar( after which he proceeded to northwestern Arabia. For the rest of Gadara’s campaigns, we turn to the local documentation provided by the _Monumentum Adulitanum II_, a Greek inscription made on a throne set at Adulis by an unnamed Aksumite ruler (whom most scholars consider to be Gadara narrating his campaigns in northeastern Africa and the Arabian peninsular, the account is fairly detailed mentioning the King's conquests in the eastern desert upto southern Egypt, conquests into Ethiopian interior upto the Simēn mountains as well as into northern Somaliland, and conquests into Arabia from the Sabean kingdom in the south to as far north as the ancient Nabataean port of Leuke Kome in northwestern Arabia. "_I sent both a fleet and an army of infantry against the Arabitai and the Kinaidocolpitai who dwell across the Red Sea, and I brought their kings under my rule. I commanded them to pay tax on their land and to travel in peace by land and sea. I made war from Leukê Kômê to the lands of the Sabaeans_."( This was the zenith of Aksumite imperial power, with overseas wars, occupation of territories in Arabia, military alliances, a fleet and infantry, and the extension of Aksumite political and military influence over the entire red-sea region, it was in the 3rd century that Mani was counting Aksum among the global powers, which was befitting of an empire controlling vast territory from northwestern Arabia to the Ethio-Sudanese interior to Somalialand and southern Arabia. _**Throne bases at Aksum and a reconstruction of the Adulis throne**_ Aksum's position in both northwestern and southern Arabia remained relatively firm through the century as more Aksumite kings are attested in the region; from Adhebah (ADBH) and his son Garmat (GRMT) in the mid 3rd century to Datawnas (DTWNS) and Zaqarnas (ZQRNS) in the late 3rd century, this was despite losing Zafar to the resurgent Himyarites who then turned around and allied with Aksum to settle a dynastic struggle, but maintained a kind of suzerainty under Aksum that lasted into the late 3rd century as further Aksumite campaigns are mentioned into the region during 267-268AD. By the end of the 3rd century, Aksum had relinquished control of southern Arabia peacefully as Himyar annexed both Hadhramawt and Saba but maintained diplomatic relations with Aksum in the succeeding decades. Aksum maintained control of western Arabia well into the 6th century (even before its second invasion of Himyar in the 6th century) and controlled parts of Himyar as well, this presence is attested to by inscriptions in Zafar from 509 as well as at Najran in the 6th century; both of which had large Aksumite community that recognized the authority of Aksum’s monarchs( and Aksum’s port city Adulis now rivaled all Arabian port cities as the busiest port in the region.( * * * **Interlude from the 4th to early 6th century: Aksum’s maritime commerce, the conquest of Kush and Ezana’s conversion to Christianity.** Aksumite trade flourished beginning in the 3rd and 4th centuries, Aksum became the major supplier of ivory to Rome and western Asia and would continue so well into the seventh century, gold, civet-perfume and incense were also exported from the Aksumite mainland but in small quantities( . Doubtlessly the most important Aksumite trade was its re-export of Indian silk textiles and pepper to Rome; as the roman vessels gradually pulled out of the red-sea trade in the mid first millennium, the vacuum was filled by intermediaries like Aksum whose vessels sailed to Sri Lanka to purchase the Indian textiles as well as pepper for Mediterranean markets which was exchanged for gold coinage, Aksumite and roman goods. The most explicit reference to this middle-man role of Aksum comes from Proconious in the 6th century where Justinian I (r. 527-565) encourages the Aksumite emperor Kaleb to direct his merchants to buy more cargoes of Silk from India( , another roman chronicle writes that the Aksumite king resented the Himyarite usurper Dhu Nuwas for blocking Aksum’s Roman trade, saying "_You have harmed my empire and inland India_ (arabia) _by preventing Roman traders from reaching us_" as well as Cosmas in the early 6th century who records Aksumite trading fleets in Sri Lanka( These writers were only recording the culmination of a protracted process in which Aksum became the most important commercial partner of Rome in the red sea network, the kind of trade which necessitated the issuance of gold coinage which, after a period of using roman and Kushan coins (from northern India that were found at Debre Damo in ethiopia) in the late 2nd century and early 3rd century, was undertaken at Aksum with coins struck bearing Aksumite rulers’ names starting with Endybis (r. 270-290) and continuing into the 7th century. Aksum’s trimellaic issues were inscribed in Greek and later in Ge'ez and were carried by Aksumite merchants in Aksumite ships plying their trade from the northern red-sea to Egypt, Arabia and southern India. The importance of Aksum’s gold coinage and its predominance in the archeological discoveries of Aksumite material culture outside Africa was a function of its preference in international trade, for example, the writer Cosmas noted that the Sri Lankan king preferred the gold coinage of the Romans and Aksumites to the silver coinage of the Persians.( its for this reason that these Aksumite gold coins have been discovered in various ports across the red sea and Indian ocean littoral such as at the Jordanian port city of Aila (Aqaba) where 6th century writer Antoninus of Piacenza wrote that all the "shipping from Aksum and Yemen comes into the port at Aila, bringing a variety of spices" This two way traffic involved Aksumite and roman merchants, whose transshipped merchandise (silk, pepper and Aksumite ivory) was taxed at Alia.( Another important port where Aksumite merchants were active was Berenike on the Egyptian red sea coast, Aksum’s connection with this city was more permanent and involved the establishment of an Aksumite quarter where an a number of Ge'ez inscriptions were found as well as coins from Aphilas' reign from the 4th century( . Aksumite coin hoards have also been found at Zafar and Aden in Yemen and in India at Mangalore and Madurai dated to the 4th and 5th century, as well as at Karur in Tamil Nadu.( The Aksumite coastal city of Adulis remained the main transshipment point connecting the red sea region to the indian ocean, its from this city that merchants would sail directly to and from Sri Lanka and such was the journey taken by the writers Scholasticus of Thebes (d. 360), Palladius (d. 420) and Cosmas Indicopleustes (d. 550).( _**Aksum’s gold coins from the 3rd-6th century**_ _**(British museum, Aksum museum)**_ Its within this context of international trade and cosmopolitanism that the Aksumite ruler Ezana (r. 330-360) converted to Christianity, after a shipwreck near Adulis brought two Syrian boys named Frumenius and Aedesius into the court of Ezana’s predecessor Ousanas where-after Frumenius gained the favor of the Aksumite king and later his successor Ezana who formally converted in 340AD.( Christianity was initially mostly an elite affair restricted to the royal court and prominent members of Aksumite society, but the construction of churches across the empire and the proselytizing work done by Aksumite missionaries spread the religion across the empire’s provinces firmly establishing the religion by the mid 1st millennium( . In the 4th century, the emperors Ousanas and Kaleb sent expeditions into the "middle Nile" region of sudan which was under the control of the declining Kingdom of Kush that was facing incursions from the nomadic groups such as the Blemmyes, Nubians and the Beja all of whom were also threatening Aksum's western provinces. Ousanas’ campaign terminated in the domains of Kush itself where he erected victory inscriptions, a throne and a bronze statue at its capital Meroe, two of these inscriptions are of an unamed king bearing the titles "King of the Aksumites and Himyarites …" and they narrate his capture of Kush's royal families, erection of a throne, the bronze statue and the subjection of tribute on Kush( . While its difficult to gauge how firm Aksum's control of kush was, the primary intention of Aksum’s western campaigns into Sudan since the reign of Gadara was to secure the eastern desert region against the threats posed by the nomadic groups who were threatening the red sea ports like Berenike especially after the decline of roman control there, the road to southern Egypt built by Gadara was primarily for pacification of the region more than it was for over-land trade( . The resumption of nomad incursions in the the eastern desert prompted another invasion this time led by Ezana in 360AD primarily directed against the Nubians the latter of whom had overrun Aksum’s northwestern provinces as well as the territory of Kush -then a tributary state of Aksum and thus under its protection, as Ezana's inscription narrates: "_I went forth to war on the Noba, because the Mangurto and Khasa and Atiadites and Barya cried out against them saying: “The Noba have subdued us, come and help us, because they have oppressed and killed us._” Ezana then sacked many cities of the Nubians north of the 3rd cataract region upto the 1st cataract region.( But since the region of Nubia was peripheral to Aksumite concerns, these campaigns weren’t followed up by his successors and the Nubian state of Noubadia had firmly established itself in the region by the mid 5th century, by which time Aksum's power had seemingly declined briefly when it was visited by Palladius (d. 431)( although this “decline” may have only been apparent as the coinage issued during this period was monotonously stable in all three metals without debasement( . Throughout this period since the 3th century, the Aksumite monarchs maintained the titles "_king of Aksum, Himyar, Saba, dhā-Raydān, Tihāma, Ḥaḍramawt_ …" despite losing their Arabian territories (except Tihama/Hejaz), this lay of claim of territories that they didn't actually rule reflected the ambitions of the the Aksumite emperors to reposes them and were contrasted by the Himyratie king's similar titulary of "_King of Saba, dhū-Raydān, Ḥaḍramawt, Yemen_" thus pitting these two states in direct opposition to each other, so when the political and religious upheavals in Himyar in the early 6th century presented an opportunity for invasion, the Aksumite emperor Kaleb (r. 510-540) took this chance to restore Aksumite power in southern Arabia. _**Emperor Ousanas’ victory inscriptions at Meroe (now kept in the Sudan national museum)**_ * * * **Kaleb's invasion of Himyar and the restoration of Aksumite hegemony in Arabia** The Aksumite conquest of Himyar is attested in a number of primary sources and was ostensibly a religious conflict but was infact a restoration of Aksum's political and economic hegemony in the red sea region. As mentioned earlier, Kaleb had accused Dhu nuwas, the ruler of Himyar of disrupting Aksum's trade with Rome which was substantial as the byzantine-roman emperor Justinian I (r. 527-565) had asked the Aksumite emperor to increase his purchases of Indian silk at the time when the overland silk route across Asia had been constrained by Rome's uneasy relationship with the Sasanian-Persian empire. Parallel to Aksum's conversion to Christianity was Himyar's conversion to Judaism but since Aksum maintained a continuous presence in Arabia's Tihama coast, it was the them that introduced Christianity in the Himyarite domain through the bishop Philophilus of Adulis (also called Theophilos the Ethiopian) who built a church in Zafar (the Himyarite capital) in the mid 4th century, this church was supported by the Aksumites who were involved in a military campaign into Himyar with the support of the Himyarite Christians afterwhich they installed a puppet king in 518 named Ma‘dīkarib Ya‘fur, (the direct predecessor of Dhu Huwas) who was violently overthrown by the latter who then proceeded to massacre the Christian community at Najaran including priests, monks and its inhabitants in 523, he would also kill any merchants trading with Aksum and seize their merchandise according to a report made by the roman historian and ambassador to Aksum, Nonnosus : “_When some traders crossed into Homerite borders, as usual, Damianos \, the emperor of the Homerites, killed them and took away all their goods, saying, ‘The Romans wrong the Jews in their own country and kill them.’ As a result the trade of the inland Indians (i.e. Arabian Peninsula) and of the Axoumite region ceased_".( Kaleb invaded Himyar in 525 with a fleet of 60 ships, some of which came from Aila (Aqaba) as well as Berenike, Farasan, Barbaria (somaliland) and atleast 9 ships from Aksum itself (built at Adulis), most of these were largely of roman design and were likely originally merchant vessels except the Aksumite and Barbaria ships which were sewn ships bounded with ropes rather than nails, and were much like the square-sail medieval Swahili and Somali ships( , they carried the Aksumite army of 120,000 men which defeated Dhu Nuwas's army and replaced him with an aksumite vicerory named Sumyafa Ashwa‘. Kaleb restored and built several churches in Zafar and Najaran, left an inscription at Zafar commemorating his victory and left a sizeable Aksumite contingent to pacify the province( . This contingent was headed by the Aksumite general Abraha, who with its support deposed Ashwa and installed himself as ruler of Aksum's south Arabian province in 530, Abraha defeated several of Kaleb's attempts to remove him and the two later resolved that Abraha retain his autonomy in exchange for tribute to Kaleb, Abraha then begun ambitious construction projects in southern Arabia at Marib as well as military campaigns into central Arabia in 552 as far as the Hijaz coast (ie Tihama) including Mecca although without establishing a strong foothold thus marking the gradual end of Aksumite control of the western Arabia coast. Abraha had earlier on organized an international conference in 547 with diplomats from Byzantine, Persia, Aksum, the Lakhmids (eastern Arabian kingdom), and Ghassānids (northern Arabian kingdom) at his new capital Sana( which was a continuation of the power politics in late antiquity between the Romans and the Persians with their allied states of Aksum and Ghassanids vs the Lakhmids and the now deposed Himyarites and similar embassies had been sent by the Romans to the Aksumite emperor Kaleb in 530 headed by Nonnosus, and the Akumites had also sent two embassies to Constantinople in 362, 532 and 550( . Abraha ruled until 552 afterwhich he was succeeded by his sons Axum and Masruq until 570-575 when the Aksumite control of Arabia was ended by a Persian invasion, the resurgent Persians proceeded to annex Egypt from the Byzantines in 619, all of which was a prelude to the Arab invasion of the eastern Mediterranean region and the fall of both Persia and Byzantine, the great Aksumite coastal city of Adulis was sacked by an invading Arab fleet in 641AD but the Arab army was defeated onland by the Aksumites( , Adulis survived the attack but its importance as a transshipment port rapidly fell by the late 7th century coinciding with the rapid decline of the capital of Aksum( forcing the retreat of Aksumite court into the Ethiopian interior and the gradual fall of the empire in the late first millennium. _**bas-relief of Sumuyafa Ashwa from 530AD, Kaleb’s viceroy in southern Arabia**_ _Abraha’s inscription of 547AD, from Mārib, Yemen_ * * * **Conclusion: the legacy of Aksum** The extent of Aksum's global influence was preserved in accounts written by both its supporters and detractors, its commercial reach and dominance of the red sea region informed Mani's description of it as one of the global powers, its diplomatic, religious and commercial ties with Rome cemented its legacy as Rome's biggest ally. While its legacy in Muslim Arabia was split between the disdain for Abraha's invasion of the then pagan city of Mecca in 552 (which in Islamic tradition was postdated to around the time of Muhammad’s birth in 570), but this negative memory was paired with the positive image of the Aksumite ruler’s protection of the nascent Muslim community which fled to Aksum in 613AD. Owing to its domination of the red sea littoral, Aksum was the second African power to play a significant role in global politics (after the 25th dynasty/empire of Kush), its wealth, monumental architecture, the Ge'ez script (used by over 100 million Ethiopians and Eritreans) and the establishment of one of the oldest Christian churches, are some of the most important Aksumite contributions to history: the legacy of one of the world’s greatest powers in late antiquity. _**Ruins and architectural elements at Aksum (photos from the Deutsche Aksum Expedition 1902)**_ * * * _**if you liked this article, or you’d like to contribute to my African history website project; please donate to my paypal**_ ( * * * **for more on African history including downloads of books on Aksum’s history, please subscribe to my Patreon account** ( ( "The chapter of the four kingdoms" in "The Kephalaia of the teacher" by Iain Gardner pg 197 ( The indo roman pepper trade and the muzirirs papyrus by Fredericho de romanis pg 333 ( Aksum and nubia by G. Hatke pgs 52-53 ( How the Ethiopian Changed His Skin by D Selden pg 339-340 ( Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson pg 66-68) ( The Development of Ancient States in the Northern Horn of Africa by Rodolfo Fattovich pg 154-157) ( Relations between southern Arabia and the northern Horn of Africa during the last millennium BC by David W. Phillipson pg 260 ( Remarks on the preaksumite period of nothern ethiopia by R. fattovich pg 20-24 ( Relations between southern Arabia and the northern Horn of Africa during the last millennium BC by David W. Phillipson pg 260) ( The development of anfcient states in the Northern Horn of Africa by Rodolfo Fattovich pg 158) ( Aksum, an african civilization of late antiquity by by S. C Munro-Hay pg 48, 49 ( Ethiopia: History, Culture and Challenges by Siegbert Uhlig et al Pg. 106 ( Beta Samati: discovery and excavation of an Aksumite town by Michael J. Harrower et al ( Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson pg 139-156) ( Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson pg 181-193) ( Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson pg 54-56) l ( Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson pg pg 132-136), ( Aksum, an african civilization of late antiquity by by S. C Munro-Hay pg 69) ( Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson pg 73-74) ( Trade And Trade Routes In Ancient India By Moti Chandra pg 235 ( Aksum, an african civilization of late antiquity by by S. C Munro-Hay pg 72-73) ( (_see George Hatke and G.W. Bowerstock’s books in this reference list_) ( The Throne of Adulis: Red Sea Wars on the Eve of Islam By G.W. Bowersock pg 46 ( The Red Sea region during the 'long' Late Antiquity by Timothy Power pg 112) ( Aksum, an african civilization of late antiquity by by S. C Munro-Hay pg 75-77) ( Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson pg 196-201) ( The Red Sea region during the 'long' Late Antiquity by Timothy Power pg 115-116, 127 ( Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson pg 200) ( The Red Sea region during the 'long' Late Antiquity by Timothy Power pg 127), ( The Red Sea region during the 'long' Late Antiquity by Timothy Power pg 45-47) ( The Red Sea region during the 'long' Late Antiquity by Timothy Power pg 61) ( Cultural Interaction between Ancient Abyssinia and India by Dibishada B. Garnayak et al. pg 139-140 ( The Red Sea region during the 'long' Late Antiquity by Timothy Power pg 84-85) ( Aksum and nubia by G. Hatke pg 94 ( The Throne of Adulis: Red Sea Wars on the Eve of Islam by G.W. Bowersock pg 63-71) ( Aksum and nubia by G. Hatke pg 67-80 ( Aksum and nubia by G. Hatke pg 64, 62) ( Aksum and nubia by G. Hatke pg 95-121, 135) ( Aksum, an african civilization of late antiquity by by S. C Munro-Hay pg 82) ( Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson pg 187-188) ( The Red Sea region during the 'long' Late Antiquity by Timothy pg 115-116) ( Aksum, an african civilization of late antiquity by by S. C Munro-Hay pg 221 ( The Throne of Adulis: Red Sea Wars on the Eve of Islam by G.W. Bowersock pg 97-103) ( The Throne of Adulis: Red Sea Wars on the Eve of Islam by G.W. Bowersock pg 104-107) ( Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson pg 201-202) ( Arab Seafaring in the Indian Ocean in Ancient and Early Medieval Times By George F. Houran pg 54 ( The Ancient Red Sea Port of Adulis by Evan Peacock pg 133.

**Title: The Aksumite Empire: An African Global Power in Late Antiquity (200-700 AD)** **1. Global Context of the Aksumite Empire** - The Aksumite Empire was one of four major kingdoms during late antiquity, alongside Persia, Rome, and China. - According to the Persian prophet Mani, Aksum was recognized as a major power, reflecting its global significance. **2. Geographic and Political Expansion** - The Aksumite state emerged from relative obscurity in the 1st century AD. - Its conquests spanned southern Egypt to central Arabia, securing control over crucial trade routes. - The capital shifted from Bieta Giorgyis to Aksum, which facilitated the control of the coastal city of Adulis, a vital port on the Red Sea. **3. Trade and Economic Influence** - Aksum became a central trading hub, linking the Roman Empire with India and China through trade networks involving silk, pepper, and ivory. - Aksumite kings financed military campaigns through wealth garnered from agriculture and trade, leading to significant construction projects and monumental architecture. **4. Cultural and Diplomatic Relations** - Aksum's prestige is demonstrated through its monumental stone architecture and currency which circulated as far as Palestine and India. - Diplomatic relations were established with Rome and Indian kingdoms, highlighting Aksum's international standing. **5. Comparison with Other African Civilizations** - The Aksumite Empire marked the second major African civilization to impact global politics after the Kingdom of Kush. - Aksum's conquests in Arabia solidified its status as a dominant power in the Red Sea region. **6. Adoption of Hellenism and Christianity** - Aksum's rulers adopted Hellenistic culture cautiously, integrating it into their own. - The emperors later embraced Christianity, an important factor in Aksum's identity, given Ethiopia's prominence in biblical texts. **7. Historical Legacy and Influence** - The Aksumite Empire established one of the oldest Christian churches, with its missionaries spreading the faith throughout the empire. - The Ge'ez script emerged during this period, still used today in Ethiopia and Eritrea. - Aksum's monumental architecture and urban planning reflected its advanced civilization. **8. Development Path from the Neolithic to Aksum** - The development of Aksum stemmed from social complexities in the northern Horn of Africa dating back to the 3rd millennium BC, leading to the establishment of small polities. - The Kingdom of Damot (D'MT) significantly influenced Aksum's cultural and architectural evolution. **9. Key Periods of Expansion and Trade (200-270 AD)** - By the 2nd century AD, Aksum expanded its influence over Red Sea trade routes, becoming increasingly involved with southern Arabia's fragmented political landscape. - The Aksumite King Gadara facilitated military campaigns that extended Aksum's territories into Arabia, marking a peak in its imperial power. **10. Maritime Commerce and Trade Relationships (4th-6th Century)** - Aksum's trade network flourished during this era, particularly in ivory and re-export of Indian goods to Rome. - Aksum issued its own gold coinage for international trade, reinforcing its economic position. **11. Conquest of Kush and Regional Domination** - Aksumite campaigns targeted the declining Kingdom of Kush, aiming to secure its western borders against nomadic incursions. - Ezana, Aksum’s emperor, further expanded into Nubia, seeking to stabilize the region against external threats. **12. Invasion of Himyar and Restoration of Power** - The Aksumite conquest of Himyar in 525 AD was largely driven by political motives disguised as religious conflict. - Following the invasion, Aksum established a Christian presence in the region and installed a puppet ruler, restoring regional hegemony. **13. Decline of Aksumite Power** - The Aksumite Empire experienced gradual decline following internal and external pressures, including the rise of competing powers in the region. - The invasion of the Persian army and subsequent Arab conquests undermined Aksum’s control over Arabia and trade routes, leading to the eventual retreat of the Aksumite court into the interior. **14. Enduring Legacy** - Aksum's legacy is characterized by its monumental architecture, trade networks, and the enduring significance of the Ge'ez script. - The empire played a pivotal role in the religious and cultural exchanges that shaped early global history, particularly in the spread of Christianity in Africa. This structured narrative accentuates the factual history and significance of the Aksumite Empire, elucidating its key achievements and impacts within the context of late antiquity.

Negotiating power in medieval west-Africa: King Rumfa of Kano (1466-1499AD) between the empires of Songhai and Kanem-Bornu

Explaining the relative political fragmentation of Africa on the eve of colonialism

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Negotiating power in medieval west-Africa: King Rumfa of Kano (1466-1499AD) between the empires of Songhai and Kanem-Bornu ========================================================================================================================== ### Explaining the relative political fragmentation of Africa on the eve of colonialism ( Dec 19, 2021 9 The 16th century was the zenith of imperial expansion in west Africa. Viewed from the perspective of the two dominant empires of Songhai and Kanem-bornu, more than half the population of west Africa were citizens of just two states with a combined size of over 2 million square kilometers, a west African merchant, pilgrim or scholar could travel from Kaniaga (western Mali) moving east to Logone-Birni (in northern Cameroon) and then north to Traghen in southern Libya, covering a distance of over 4,000 kilometers, while only requiring the permission of two states, this was the apogee of state power in west Africa on an unprecedented scale since the emergence of centralized polities in the region, it was the golden age of commerce and scholarship. But viewed from the perspective of the small states on the peripheries of these imperial powers, the picture was rather mixed, while the developments in trade and learning were highly welcome and diasporas of such communities were encouraged to settle, imperial expansionism came at the expense of reduced political power in peripheral sates. Having to contend with the approach of powerful armies that could strike 2,000 miles from their capitals, some of these peripheral states contested the rising powers in the field of battle, most with disastrous results, but the majority of these states chose to negotiate with the imperial powers, allowing them to flourish and ultimately outlasting them. Nowhere was the threat of this imperial expansionism more apparent than in the Hausalands, a region tucked in between the Songhai and Kanem-bornu empires that would become the last theatre of battle in this era of imperial conquest, while Songhai and Kanem-Bornu never openly fought in a feared clash of empires, they wrestled both the Hausa city-states and the kingdom of Agadez from each other in protracted proxy wars lasting decades between 1500 and 1550, ushering in a period of political upheaval in these states some of which reformed their institutions of governance to meet this new challenge. In the half century that preceded the appearance of Songhai armies in Kano, a reformist king -Muhammad Rumfa, ascended to the throne of this Hausa city-state in 1466AD, Kano was then under the suzerainty of Kanem-Bornu to which it paid annual tribute but was otherwise largely autonomous in administration, warfare and trade. Contemporaneous with Rumfa’s rise was the spectacular unfolding power of Songhai which was then under its first emperor Sunni Ali (r. 1464-1492) who in just over a decade had greatly expanded his fledgling empire from his capital at Gao in eastern Mali to Walata in eastern Mauritania. Gao was beginning to feel the economic pull of the rising Hausa cities such as Kano that had been chipping away Gao's lucrative trade monopoly of gold and kola from the Akan region (in modern Ghana) through Borgu (modern Benin) so Sunni Ali set his sights on the wealthy city-states of the Hausalands beginning with the conquest of Kebbi, less than 500 kilometers west of Kano, which he used as a launchpad for conquering Borgu( , such that by the late 15th century, the armies of Songhai were nearer to Kano’s western borders than Kano’s own suzerain Bornu was to the east. and the task of extending Songhai’s reach to the Hausalands would be fulfilled by Sunni Ali’s successor Askiya Muhammed (r. 1493 -1528). To his east, Kano's suzerain, the emperor of Kanem-Bornu, Mai Ali Gaji (r. 1465-1497AD) had established a permanent capital for his empire at Birni Gazargamo bringing him much closer to the Hausalands and in a better position to defend his vassals against Songhai encroachments as well as expand his empire further south of lake chad conquering the Kotoko city-states (such as Longone-Birni) and the Wandala kingdom, as well as extending his reach east to the Kingdom of Agadez, and regain the territories of Kanem that had been lost in a rebellion, over the succeeding decades, the armies of Kanem-Bornu would play a more active role in the affairs of Kano and inevitably reduce the level of autonomy that Kano had enjoyed earlier.( Rumfa must have observed the approach of thse two powerful empires closing in on his small city-state which at the time covered no more than 50,000 sqkm and posed little challenge to their formidable armies, rather than hopelessly face off against them in what would be a doomed battle, he chose to greatly reform the political structure of his government such that his state could meet both empires on firmer footing. During his reign, the character and context of Kano's institutions underwent a fundamental and irreversible change thoroughly transforming the nature of the city state, this kind of political reform was a novel undertaking among the west African peripheral states but it would soon be replicated by his peers in the regions bordering Songhai and Kanem-bornu to successfully fend of the overtures of these two regional powers. and the reforms allowed Kano to maintain dynastic continuity throughout the political upheaval in the region brought about by the turbulent clashes of empires in the half-century that succeeded Rumfa's demise and for which Kano would attain virtual independence as the first among the peripheral states to permanently throw off both the yokes of Songhai and Kanem Bornu by 1550. This article explores the political reforms of Muhammad Rumfa, and how the robust government he created ensured the success of Kano in the face of regional powers and how the survival of his city-state served as a harbinger of the relative level of state fragmentation that came to characterize the west African political landscape of the early modern era from the 17th century to the eve of colonialism. _**map of west Africa in the 16th century showing the empires of Songhai and Kanem-Bornu and the city-state of Kano (underlined with red), plus the cities mentioned in this article**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The reforms of Muhammad Rumfa: governance, economy and defense.** Muhammad Rumfa was the son of the preceding king of Kano Yakubu (1452-146AD) but was regarded as founding a new dynasty (referred to as the “rumfawa”) because he introduced a new political order which greatly transformed the state, Rumfa was thus distinguished not by his genealogy but by his regime. The reforms were an inevitable consequence of a the rapidly evolving political and economic landscape of west africa at the time as well as the shifts in the internal governance of Kano under Rumfa’s predecessors, chief among these were the political realities brought by increasing power of the nobility such as the _Galadima_ (often the second in command) who occupied dynastic offices and were thus able to pose a significant challenge to the kings' rule and had progressively gained significant authority as the senior executive of the state and become kingmakers, able to greatly influence the enthronement of a ne successor, added to this was the reduced autonomy of Kano with the growing demands of Bornu's suzerainty, the influences of the scholarly diasporas (such as the Kanuri, Wangara and visiting scholars from the Maghreb) to bring Kano's state structures more inline with the mainstream forms of governance contemporary in the wider Islamic world as well the demands of the trading diasporas (such as the Wangara, Tuaregs and the Arabs) to regulate trade as well as formalize the economic institutions of the state to more efficiently manage the influx of new commodities like gold and kola that had flooded the Huasalands after an import trade route had recently been opened that connected Kano to the region of Gonja in northern ghana.( Faced with these new political and economic challenges, Rumfa set about reorganizing his state, augmenting his central authority by reducing the power of the nobility, establishing new lines of communication with his vassals, traders and scholars as well as ensuring dynastic continuity by establishing an electoral system for succeeding kings free from the influence of Kingmakers. As the Kano chronicler writes "Rumfa was the author of twelve innovations in Kano", three of these innovations were the most crucial to Kano's later success.( Rumfa’s most notable innovation was the establishment of the Kano state council of nine executives, called the "_Tara ta kano_" this new body of governance included the office of the _Galadima_ who had previously been independent, as well as other senior officials such as the _Madaki_ and _Makama_ (these were non-royal officials often with substantial fiefholdings and thus territorial administrative rights)( , to which he added the _Ciroma_ (a crown prince usually his favored successor), the _Sarkin bai_ (occupied by a eunuch official), the Wambai (often a powerful slave official), the _Turaki Manya_ (the kings' kin but not closely related), the _Sarkin Dawaki_ (could be occupied by a eunuch or a free official or a king's kin ineligible for succession) and the _Dan Iya_ (a non-royal noble).( These councilors inturn headed a lattice of lower offices answerable to them. On the death of the king, four of the non-royal officials of the state council constituted themselves as an electoral council to choose and appoint the successor, these were the _Madaki, Wambai, Sarkin bai_ and the _Dan iya_, even more importantly, the king was not expected to overule the joint advice of the four non-royal councilors according to Kano's constitutional doctrine and failure to observe this would lead to his deposition by the same,( _**Kano’s officialdom in the 18th century, the first nine offices under the Sarki comprised the council of nine (excluding the Dan Lawan) a few aditions were made by Rufma’s sucessors**_( The Kano council was envisaged by Rumfa firstly as a check against domination of the state government by kingmakers such as the _Galadima_, secondly as a way of formalizing territorial administration by bringing together the _Madaki_ and _Makama_ fief-holders, thirdly as a way of reducing the power of the nobility through the appointment of powerful slave officials thus creating alternate lines of communication removing the need to rely on a few nobles for policy decisions, and lastly as a way of checking the power of future kings who, given their tributary status with Kanem-Bornu, may undermine the structures of the state.( Rumfa's council was modeled on Kanem-Bornu's “council of twelve” but was significantly different in function and organization, and over the succeeding centuries, it would play a pivotal role in Kano's success maintaining a delicate equilibrium where power oscillated between the council and the king in what historian M.G. Smith described as “a mixture of oligarchy and patrimonialism”. Rumfa then established a permanent, central market called _Kurmi_ in the heart of the city of Kano. While his predecessors had established markets in the city to handle the increasing volumes of long distance trade such as Abdullahi Burja (r. 1438-1452) who had used the services of a deposed Kanem-Bornu prince named Othman Kalnama to establish the market of _Karabka_, it was Rumfa who brought the markets under formal control of the state first by creating the central market of Kurmi and thereafter by appointing officials to regulate it as well as the minor markets around the city and across the state. The top official in charge of Kano’s markets was the _Sarkin Kasuwa_ (market head) who exercised administrative control over the city's markets, below him were officials such as the Sarkin Pawa (chief butcher, who attimes doubled as the _Sarkin Kasuwa_) and the _Karoma_ (often a woman in charge of the grain sellers), among other offices. These markets were sustained by the burgeoning caravan trade whose official, the _Sarkin Zago_, would funnel the items of trade directly into the market rather than conduct the business in private transactions.( _**stalls in Kano’s Kurmi market (photos from the early 20th century)**_ Complementing the trade items derived from the caravan imports were the items derived from Kano’s local industries that furnished the market with locally produced dyed textiles, leatherworks and metalworks, while these were regulated outside the market to meet the palace demands of weapons and armor, the majority of their products were sold inside the main markets and their quality plus the standardization of measures used was assessed by the market officials, the latter were also incharge of inspecting and allocating market stalls. Its possible that the Kano system of returns was inplace by this time, which allowed purchasers of expensive cloth to return textiles of unsatisfactory quality to the vendor whose name was written in the parcel where the cloth was packaged. Virtually all market transactions were free from taxes at this early stage, the market officials supplied prisons with grain as well as territorial fiefholders with meat for festivals.( The creation of a central market with an administration in charge of the minor markets greatly improved the state's capacity to regulate trade, attract traders and grow the local crafts industries particularly the production and dyeing of textiles whose local demand, complemented by its external demand, turned it into one of the main currencies of the region. Last among Rumfa’s most important innovations were the extensive construction works undertaken in Kano; first on the city’s walls which were greatly expanded both to account for the increasing population within the capital itself as well as to reinforce the old fortification system. While the extent of Kano's fortification systems under his predecessors is unclear, the bulk of the city walls and rampart systems underwent major reconstruction, expansion and reinforcement under Rumfa for whom atleast six of the city's gates are credited.( _**walls and gates of Kano**_ Rumfa then constructed his first palace that was later called the _Gidan Makama_ in a densely settled section of the city, while it was significantly larger than his predecessors palatial residencies, it couldn't efficiently serve the newly expanded functions of the king's executive power which now included the concentration of officials both free and servile near his compound, and therefore necessitating the construction of a new palace that could accommodate these officials, his burgeoning royal family as well as serve as the venue for some of the administrative functions of the state. _**sections of the Gidan Makama**_ Rumfa then built a much larger palace named _Gidan Rumfa_ in a less crowded corner of the city that was essentially its own surburb, enclosed within a set of 30ft and 20ft high walls with well guarded gates, it measures 540meters in length and 280m in width but the entire complex itself covers 33 acres, and contained chambers for the king, court chambers for the Kano council, royal stables, dining areas for the princes and nobility, audience chambers, harem chambers and chambers for the slave officials, sections for housing the kings' personal guard and sections for the King’s crafts-persons such as dyers. All of these buildings were arranged in an elaborate labyrinthine order that was easy to defend in case of attack, the palace was the nucleus of the state's administration and the principle venue for the pomp and ceremony of court life, Rumfa thus introduced royal regalia which included the long royal horn (from the Kanem-Bornu empire) as well as the tradition of prostrating before the king by throwing dust on one's head( . (which was common in Songhai and was ultimately derived from the Mali and Ghana empire). The construction style of this secluded palace, the increasing use of slave officials, and the royal regalia were all current in both the Songhai and Kanem-bornu capitals of Askiya Muhammad in Gao and Mai Ali Gaji in Ngazargamu, so its unclear how much they influenced Rumfa’s construction styles and innovations. But the institution of these innovations, combined with the growing wealth from the caravan trade and local industry, had a profound effect on elevating the position of Kano as an independent power in the region able to stand on equal footing with the dominant west African powers.( _**exterior of the palace of rumfa in Kano and a map of the complex in the 15th century**_ * * * **Rumfa’s reforms at work: an overview of the immediate effects of Rumfa’s innovations during the half-century of Songhai and Kanem-Bornu proxy warfare.** The earliest effect of Rumfa’s reforms was the influx of maghrebian traders in the later years Rumfa's reign, these traders then carried information about Kano to the wider Islamic world and elevated the prestige of Rumfa relative to his peers, its within this context that the north African scholar al-Maghili arrived in Kano in 1492AD (near the end of Rumfa's reign). Maghili was a militant scholar who had left north Africa after failing to influence the its rulers, while he didn't have much success in west Africa either, his presence at Kano helped further legitimize Rumfa’s rule by presenting him as a true muslim ruler whose authority could therefore not be challenged on religious grounds and thus insulating him from the rationale of his peers (the Askiya of Songhai and the Mai of Kanem-Bornu) from attacking his state on such terms, its important to note that Al-Maghili did not instigate the reforms of Rumfa but rather consecrated them( , he then left for Katsina and then to Gao, the Songhai capital and to the Askiya Muhammad who, among other questions, asked him on the lawfulness of campaigning against fellow Muslim rulers (the Askiya no doubt had the Hausa city-states like Kano and the Agadez kingdom in mind) although the advice of al-Maghili against such an endeavor didn't deter the Songhai ruler from attacking and briefly conquering these regions, the fact that these were Muslim states blunted his ability to pacify them and must have contributed to his withdraw and Songhai's general retreat from its eastern theatre. compared to its southwestern flanks where it habitually campaigned. The advantages brought by the robust governance of the council combined with the extensive reinforcements of Kano's walls brought both immediate and long lasting benefits, in just over a decade after Rumfa's passing, the Songhai armies advanced onto the Hausalands from their base at Kebbi, taking the city-state of Katsina in 1514( and Zaria shortlyafter, later advancing onto Kano which was besieged but wasn't conquered although it was briefly subject to tribute( the Askiya’s armies then proceeded north to attack Agadez again in 1515 (which was Kanem-Bornu's vassal until the Askiya's first attack in 1500). The Askiya’s gains eastwards were however checked by the rebellion of his vassal the Kanta (ruler) of kebbi who by 1517 had conquered the Hausa city-states and defeated his overlord's armies sent to crush him, the Kanta retained Kano in a fairly privileged position and its ruler king Kisoke (r. 1509-1565) is recorded to have "ruled over all hausaland" and successfully repulsed Kanem-Bornu's attempt to reassert its suzerainty over Kano when the former laid an unsuccessful siege outside Kano's walls, marking the second time an imperial army had failed to break through Kano's formidable fortification system built by Rumfa.( .Not long after the Kanta's death in 1545, Kisoke reasserted his independence from Kebbi and successfully repulsed a Kanem-Bornu attempt at reestablishing tributary status, for the next two centuries, Kano remained an independent state and Kisoke explicitly credited the prominent members of his council for the newly acquired independence, By Kisoke’s time few offices had been added especially the office of _Maidaki (_probably late in Rumfa’s reign or in his successor Abdullahi’s reign 1499-1509_)_ the occupant of which became powerful official in Kisoke’s day and for the succeeding century, it was first occupied by his grandmother Hauwa and was later occupied by the mothers of the reigning kings, but despite its highly influential position in relation to the council, it wasn’t an electoral office and this ensured the council’s integrity just as Rumfa had envisioned it.( Kano’s newly found independence was nearly unique in the region bordered by imperial powers, Katsina for example, remained under Kebbi and Kanem-Bornu's control as a tributary state until around 1700 ( , Kebbi returned to Songhai's vassalage not long after the Kanta's death and it was still providing support for the Askiyas after the Morrocans had briefly occupied most of Songhai’s territories( , Agadez oscillated between Kanem-Bornu's and Songhai's control and after Songhai's fall remained firmly under Kanem-Bornu's heel, well into the 18th century( . The autonomy of Kano throughout this period was an impressive feat enabled by the reforms and robust system of governance initiated by Rumfa, attracting scholars from across west Africa and north Africa who settled in the city and greatly enhanced its status as the one of the most prominent scholarly capitals of the "central Sudan" region (the region of the Hausalands, Agadez and Kanem-Bornu) rivaling the city of Ngazargamu, the capital of Kanem-Bornu, an example of this scholary diaspora is the family of a Wangara scholar named Zaghaite who arrive in Kano in the late 15th century under Rumfa that was given lands to settle( , another group of scholars permanently resident in Kano during Rumfa’s reign were the disciples of the aforementioned al-Maghili such as Malam Isa who became an important Shareef, these would then be joined in Kisoke's reign by Tunusian and Kanembu scholars some of whom gained positions in Kano's government.( Kano's independence freed it from the financial burden of tribute allowing it to maintain its zero tax policy on caravan trade something few of its peers could afford to institute, this, more than anything else, attracted itinerant traders to Kano's markets, and influenced a flurry of descriptions in external accounts of the city such as the 15th century geographer Giovanni d'Anania who wrote of Kano, with its large stone walls, as one of the three cities of Africa (together with Fez and Cairo) where one could purchase any item( and overtime would make it that "emporium of west Africa" as it was referred to by 19th century explorers.( * * * **Conclusion: Rumfa and the peripheral states’ response to the dominant west African empires, and Africa’s later political fragmentation.** The portrait of Rumfa under Kano is accentuated by the colorful description his reign receives in the 19th century Kano chronicle (much like the Askiya was described in the 17th century _Tarikh_ chronicles of Timbuktu and Ali Gaji’s successor, Mai Idris was described in Ibn Furtu's 16th century chronicle), but underneath the praise lie the real actions of a ruler faced with unfavorable power politics, his reforms were part of a wider response by peripheral west African states to the larger empires that saw increased fortifications of cities, the rise of highly centralized governments as well as multiple economic and scholarly centers. West Africa’s political landscape after the fall of Songhai in the late 16th century and the decline of Bornu in the 18th century soon became dominated by dozens of relatively small states centered on highly fortified cities especially across Songhai's southern borders, states such as Gonja( (in northern Ghana) and Kebbi were carved out of Songhai even at the height of the empire’s hegemony, and after Songhai's fall, these states were followed by the kingdom of Massina and Segu and the emergence of the Wattara along Songhai’s southern flanks, while in Kanem-Bornu’s territory, the tributary states of Agadez and Damagaram broke off, as well as most of the Kotoko city-states to its south such as Logone-Birni and Gulfey which became heavily fortified and asserted their independence forming the Lagwan kingdom( such that by the late 18th century, no west African state exceeded 300,000 sqkm, and while the 19th century saw attempts at reestablishing large empires on the scale of Songhai (such as the Sokoto empire that subsumed Kano), none of the relatively large states of the 19th century succeeded in consolidating a region even a third as large as the medieval empires of Ghana, Mali or Songhai. Popular explanations for “scramble of Africa” often point out that political fragmentation was one of the reasons why colonial powers found it relatively easy to take over the region and counterfactuals of an uncolonised Africa postulate that a united Africa in which empires such as Songhai survive to the 19th century would have successfully fended off European expansionism, some even go back to observe that the course of the Atlantic slave trade may have been different if west Africa had been under the control of a few large states, what these counterfactuals ignore is that the conditions that sustained vast empires like Songhai and Kanem-bornu in the past couldn't be replicated once the peripheral states such as Kano became the new cores of economic and political power. West Africa’s relative political fragmentation on the eve of colonialism was therefore not a "an aversion to African unity" but rather a product of a series of political phenomena that played out over centuries which ultimately favored smaller, wealthier states over large empires. _**The walls of zinder (capital of Damagaram), and the Kotoko city states of Gulfey and Logone-Birni**_ * * * **Read more about the empire of Kanem-Bornu extent in north Africa and download free books about the history west Africa on my PATREON** ( ( Timbuktu and the songhay empire by J.Hunwick, pg 92 ( West africa during the Atlantic slave trade by Christopher R. DeCorse, pg 112 ( The government in kano by M.G.Smith, pg 124-125 ( The government in kano by M.G.Smith, pg 131 ( The government in kano by M.G.Smith, 76-78 ( The government in kano by M.G.Smith, pg 48 ( The government in kano by M.G.Smith, pg 48-49) ( The government in kano by M.G.Smith, pg 85 ( The government in kano by M.G.Smith, pg 134) ( The government in kano by M.G.Smith pg 132, 23 ( The government in kano by M.G.Smith, pg 63 ( The government in kano by M.G.Smith, pg 131-132 ( Islam, Gender, and Slavery in West Africa. Circa 1500 by HJ Nast, pg 55 ( The government in kano by M.G.Smith, pg 131 ( Islam in africa by N. Levtzion, pg 379 ( Timbuktu and the songhay empire by J.Hunwick pg 113 ( Timbuktu and the songhay empire by J.Hunwick pg 287 ( The government in kano by M.G.Smith, pg 140 ( The government in kano by M.G.Smith, pg 142 ( The government in kano by M.G.Smith, 141 ( Timbuktu and the songhay empire by J.Hunwick, pg 198,304 ( The International Journal of African Historical Studies 1985, pg 730 ( Source materials for the history of songhai, borno and hausaland in the sixteenth century by John hunwick, pg 584 ( The government in kano by M.G.Smith, pg 135,142 ( Being and becoming Hausa by A. Hour, pg 10 ( Travels and Discoveries in North and Central Africa by Heinrich Barth, pg 92 ( West Africa before the Colonial Era by Basil Davidson, pg 176 ( The land of Houlouf by Augustine Holl, pg 226.

## Title: Negotiating Power in Medieval West Africa: King Rumfa of Kano (1466-1499 AD) Between the Empires of Songhai and Kanem-Bornu ### Description: Explaining the relative political fragmentation of Africa on the eve of colonialism. --- ### Overview of West Africa’s Political Landscape (16th Century) 1. **Imperial Expansion**: - The 16th century marked the peak of imperial expansion in West Africa, particularly through the Songhai and Kanem-Bornu empires. - These empires controlled vast territories (over 2 million square kilometers) and significant populations, centralizing power and commerce. 2. **Geographical Mobility**: - Merchants, pilgrims, and scholars could travel great distances (over 4,000 kilometers) with relative ease between these empires, reflecting a strong centralized trade network. 3. **Peripheral States**: - Despite the strength of these empires, smaller peripheral states faced challenges due to imperial expansionism, which often diminished their political autonomy. - Some peripheral states resisted militarily but most opted for negotiation to maintain autonomy. ### King Muhammad Rumfa of Kano (1466-1499) 4. **Context of Reign**: - During Rumfa's ascension, Kano was a vassal of Kanem-Bornu but maintained a degree of autonomy. - At the same time, the Songhai Empire, under Sunni Ali, was expanding aggressively towards Hausa city-states. 5. **Imperial Threats**: - Both Songhai and Kanem-Bornu posed threats to Kano, prompting Rumfa to reform the political structure of the city-state. ### Political Reforms Initiated by Rumfa 6. **Political Structure Transformation**: - Rumfa’s rule marked the establishment of a new political order known as the “Rumfawa” dynasty. - He implemented significant reforms to address the power of the nobility and the demands of imperial suzerainty. 7. **Kano State Council of Nine**: - He created a council known as "Tara ta Kano," which included key officials such as the Galadima and other powerful nobles. - Four non-royal officials formed an electoral council to ensure a smooth succession and to challenge the influence of kingmakers, thereby enhancing central authority. 8. **Centralized Market System**: - Rumfa established the Kurmi market to centralize and regulate trade, appointing officials for oversight. - The market attracted traders and contributed to economic stability and growth through organized trade practices. 9. **Fortifications and Infrastructure**: - Significant construction projects included the reinforcement of city walls and the construction of the Gidan Rumfa palace. - These fortifications enhanced the city’s defensive capabilities against imperial forces. ### Impact of Rumfa’s Reforms 10. **Military and Economic Strength**: - The reforms enabled Kano to withstand external threats and maintain a degree of independence throughout the proxy wars between Songhai and Kanem-Bornu. 11. **Cultural Legitimacy**: - The arrival of scholars such as al-Maghili during Rumfa’s reign bolstered his legitimacy as a ruler and insulated Kano from external religiously motivated attacks. 12. **Post-Rumfa Developments**: - After Rumfa's death, Kano maintained its independence, successfully repelling efforts for re-subjugation by both empires despite external threats. - This independence allowed Kano to flourish as a scholarly and economic center in West Africa, preserving its unique governance structure. ### Conclusion: Political Fragmentation and Its Implications 13. **Fragmentation of States**: - The political landscape of West Africa evolved from large empires to smaller, more fortified states, partly in response to the dynamic interactions between these empires and peripheral states. - This fragmentation characterized the region by the late 18th century as smaller states emerged, each maintaining autonomy from dominant powers. 14. **Long-Term Effects**: - The survival strategies of states like Kano, employing negotiation and reform, influenced the region's political trajectory and contributed to the complexities observed during the colonial period. - The decline of large empires ushered in an era where small, economically prosperous states became predominant, impacting their resistance to European colonial ambitions. This structured analysis illustrates how King Rumfa’s reforms were pivotal not only for Kano’s survival but also for the broader political dynamics of West Africa, highlighting the region's eventual fragmentation leading up to the colonial era.

The legacy of Kush's empire in global history (755–656BC): on the "blameless Aithiopians" of Herodotus and Isaiah, and race in antiquity

The origin of the positive descriptions of Kush and "Black African" people in classical literature

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The legacy of Kush's empire in global history (755–656BC): on the "blameless Aithiopians" of Herodotus and Isaiah, and race in antiquity ======================================================================================================================================== ### The origin of the positive descriptions of Kush and "Black African" people in classical literature ( Dec 12, 2021 9 In the 8th century BC, the kingdom of Kush made a spectacular entrance on the scene of global politics from their heartland in Sudan. The rulers of Kush expanded their control over 3,000 kilometers of the Nile valley and surrounding desert upto the region of Palestine, appearing as the legitimate pharaohs of Egypt which they ruled over for nearly a century. This dynasty of Nubian origin etched their legacy in the annals of history, marking Kush's introduction into classical literature. Kush was the Egyptian name for the kingdom of Kerma (2500-1500BC) first used in 1937BC( during Egypt’s “middle kingdom” era, after the 8th century BC, it appears as _Kusu_ in Babylonian and Assyrian literature, as _kus_ in Hebrew( , as _Aithiopia_ and _Ethiopia_ in Greek and later roman literature( .(This is not to be confused with modern Ethiopia( and the word "Kushite" as i use it below shouldn't be confused with “cushitic” speakers in the horn of Africa). The literal meaning of the motif Kush/Aithiopia in all classical documents from these places pointed to both the African nation of Kush and its people. It attimes included a particular reference to their skin color and their geographic location as the furthest known place at the time. From these classical writings, the consensus among historians of classical literature is that the Kush and its people were portrayed in positive light, most notably in the anthropological and political descriptions of Kush written by Greek and Hebrew (biblical) authors. Greek authors’ description of Aithiopians tapers towards a utopian ideal, depicting the people of Kush as “blameless”, “pious”, “visited by the gods”, '“long lived”, “tallest and most handsome of all men” as written by Homer and Herodotus( in the 8th and 5th century BC. In biblical accounts, Kush is described "throughout the Hebrew bible as politically, economically and militarily strong"( and Kush’s people as descried as "a nation which tramples down with muscle power", "a people feared far and wide", "a tall, smooth nation" (Isaiah 18) with references to Kush's wealth (Isaiah 43:3, 45:14) and its military prowess (Ezekiel 38:5 and Nah 3:9). Kush’s positive biblical description “reflects the Israelite perception of this black African nation as a militarily powerful people, a feared people with muscle power, tall and good-looking"( More importantly, these positive descriptions of Kush were written between the 8th and 6th century BC and are often explicitly describing Kush's 25th dynasty (r. 755-656BC). Its rulers Sabacos and Sethos in Herodotus’ “histories”, are the Greek rendering of the names of Kings Shabaqo and Shabataqo of Kush, and the biblical Tirhaka is the Hebrew rendering of King Taharqa of Kush. Classical authors mentioned not just the political history of these kings’ reign but the important role Kush played in the politics of the eastern Mediterranean. In their portrayal of Kush as civilized, some classical authors even claimed that Egyptian civilization is derived from Kush; with Agatharchides of Cnidus writing that: _**"the customs of the Egyptians are for the most part Aithiopian, for to consider the kings, gods, funeral rites and many other such things are Aithiopian practices, and also the style of their statues and the form of their writing are Aithiopian"**_( This positive description influenced scholars as recently as the 19th century who claimed that Meroe (the capital of Kush) was the very origin of not just Egyptian civilization but of Greek and Roman civilization as well! with Hoskins writing that "Aithiopia was the land whence the arts of learning of Egypt and ultimately of Greece and Rome, derived their origin".( Within these classical author's descriptions of Kush; both realistic and fanciful, lies the legacy of the 25th dynasty. Its power, wealth, the virtuousness of its rulers and character of its people that lingered in classical thought long after Kush itself had withdrawn from Egypt to its heartlands in Sudan. These positive accounts of an “Black-African” state of antiquity stand in marked contrast with later descriptions of African states and people that increasingly came to include sentiments that are considered racialist. The lauding of the Kushites' might, character and appearance also stands in contrast with classical descriptions of foreign states and people in Greek and biblical literature that was often unfavorable( . This article provides an overview of the political history of the Kushite empire ( 25th dynasty Egypt), explaining why the generally positive memory of imperial Kush and its people was the direct consequence of the role this “Black-African” kingdom played in global politics, creating a legacy that was preserved by classical writers who described them in favorable light. _**Map of the kushite empire**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The Origins of Kush: from the kingdom of Kerma** **(2500BC-1500BC) through New kingdom Egypt (1550BC-1070BC)** The foundations of Kush were laid by the kingdom of Kerma; which from 1750 to 1550BC covered more than 1,200 km of the middle Nile valley between Aswan (in Egypt) and Kurgus (in central Sudan) becoming the "the First Empire of Kush, the largest political entity in Africa"( and its from Kerma that many of Kush's cultural aspects are derived such as its forms of governance, religious practices and iconography. The kings based at the city of Kerma grew their kingdom through consolidating several Nubian states and by the early 16th century BC had subsumed states as far away as ancient punt (in northern Ethiopia) their growing military power enabled them to march their armies into Egyptian territory as far as Asyut (in central Egypt) and taking over parts of southern Egypt which they controlled for a century( , by the turn of the 15th century BC however. the less centralized nature of Kerma's control over its vassal states was the catalyst of its downfall as successive Egyptian incursions chipped away parts of its empire until they reached the city itself in 1500BC although it wasn't until late in Thutmose III's reign in 1432BC that the Kerma ceased to exist and was incorporated into "new kingdom" Egypt.( _**ruins of the city of Kerma in sudan**_ Under “new kingdom” Egypt, the social stratification and territorial political structures that existed in the Kerma empire were maintained but integrated into the political and economic administration of Egypt's “viceregal” Nubian province (Nubia will be used here to describe the geographical region in Sudan formerly dominated by Kerma) allowing sections of the Nubian elite to engage in what has been described as a "Janus-faced acculturation processes" that involved partial egyptianisation( , although most of the middle and lower class sections continued in their native customs and periodic rebellions fomented by the latter drove attempts by the Nubian elites to re-assert their independence. When the Egyptian control over Nubia declined in the 12th century BC, viceregal Nubian disintegrated into smaller polities identical to its original viceregal units which inturn were based on the vassal states as were organized under Kerma, but given the Nubian elite's experience with imperial administration and the inheritance of social-economic structures that worked best on an imperial scale, a re-integration of these disintegrated Nubian states was begun that would merge them under the authority of autochthonous rulers whose capital was at el-kurru in Sudan in the 10th century BC( . At el-kurru, the Nubian rulers used bed-burials, tumulus tombs and practiced Nubian funerary rites, all of which were following the ancient Kerma-n customs, they also gradually and consciously begun a process of amalgamating Egyptian customs and iconography into Nubian customs, most notably the pyramid-on-mastaba superstructure (which was unknown in contemporary Egypt but was instead modeled on the pyramids of viceregal Nubian princes)( , and the re-emergence of Nubian ram-headed deity; Amun (of Napata) as part of the royal legitimation process and the new ideology of power( this amalgamation was complete by the 8th century BC and is first attested under the Kushite king Alara who ordinated his sister Pebatma as the priestess of Amun (an important office that was central to succession in Kush) and begun reconstructing the Amun temple at Napata( . By the time of his reign in the early 8th century BC the kingdom based at el-kurru expanded to control a territory stretching from Meroe in Sudan to Qsar Ibrim in Egypt. _**the royal necropolis of el-kurru in Sudan**_ * * * **The Kushite empire: control of Egypt and zenith.** **The reign of Kashta (770BC-755BC): the role of religion in Kush’s ascendance** Kashta's reign in Kush begun around 770 BC and his appearance in Egypt was marked by the installation of his daughter Amenirdis I as the "God's wife of Amun elect" at Thebes in 756BC in “upper Egypt” this ‘office of divine adoratrice’ was important in the governance of upper Egypt. Kashta’s appearance in Egypt was determined by the latter’s political fragmentation; from the decline of during egypt’s 21st dynasty in the 11th century BC and the rise of the 22nd dynasty of libyan origins (r. 945-715BC) Egypt had become increasingly decentralized and fragmented polities emerged as a number of independent chieftains established their own dynasties especially in lower Egypt (the Nile delta region) but a faint ideology of unity was maintained by the theology of the Amun's direct kingship hence the importance of the institution of the divine adoratrice of God's wife of Amun of Thebes that secured the legitimacy of Pharaohs of this period( . Amenirdis's installation therefore marked the formal extension of Kushite power into Egyptian territory not through conquest but by "courting the allegiance of pre-existing local aristocracies and countenancing their cross-regional integration through diplomatic marriages and ritualized suzerainty"( This style of Kushite governance was most likely analogous to the political system of Kerma and remarkably similar to medieval Sudanic states, it was dictated by ecological, geographical and demographic conditions in the region but was wholly unlike that of the beauractraic Egyptian kingdom which it was now gradually subsuming. In this case, courting the allegiance of local pre-existing aristocracies was done by having the incumbent God's wife of Amun named Shepenwepet I adopt Kashta's daughter and retaining the descendants of the 23rd dynasty (who had ordinated Shepenwepet I) in high social status. The Kushite rule in Egypt is therefore traditionally dated to 755BC with an inscription at elephantine (in Egypt) of a ruler of Kush styled as "king of upper and lower Egypt, lord of the two lands, Kashta" marking the formal beginning of Kush's rule in Egypt, this is also the same year when Kashta's successor Piye ascended to the throne.( **The reign of Piye (755BC-714BC): benevolence and military prowess** On Piye’s ascension, he immediately assumed a five-part Egyptian-style titulary and inscribed this on a monumental stela that he set at Napata in his third regnal year, Piye’s titles were similar to the titles of Pharaoh Thutsmose III (1479-1425C) in which the latter was announcing his victories in Asia and Nubia's surrender - that he also inscribed on a stela displayed in Napata (this is the same Thutmose III mentioned in the introduction as the pharaoh that oversaw the final defeat of Kerma) Piye was openly announcing "a momentous reversal of history" The use of Egyptian titles and Egyptian script as a means of articulating Kushite ideology of power was essential not just for integrating Egypt into the Kushite realm but for enhancing the legitimacy of the Kushite rulers as Pharaoh, and the in this reversal of history "the very symbols that were used by New Kingdom Egypt to integrate Kush into its realm were then re-deployed during the 25th dynasty to integrate Egypt into a Kushite realm"( .The Egyptian script was far rom a Kushite invention but the copious amount of documentation produced by the Kushite kings of the 25th dynasty compared to their immediate predecessors and successors is perhaps the origin of the classical claim that egypt’s script came rom Kush. In Piye's monumental inscription he declared that "_**Amun of Napata has granted me to be ruler of every foreign country, Amun of Thebes has granted me to be ruler of kmt (Egypt), He to whom I say "you are chief" he is to be chief. He to who I say "you are not chief" he is not chief…**_" stating his imperialist perspective of royal power and his duty of expanding Kush, while also allowing for the accommodation of existing rulers who accept his rule as subordinate chiefs.( _**Piye’s monumental inscription depicting him receiving the submission of Egyptian chiefs, this is the longest royal inscription written in egyptian hieroglyphs**_ Piye's armies advanced leisurely into Egypt in his 20th regnal year with him at the head of his army, defeating and acknowledging submission of more than 15 Nile delta chiefs such as Tefkent and Orsokon IV, Piye's kingship was confirmed by all egyptian chiefs, at all the three major Egyptian cities of Thebes, Heliopolis and Memphis and by all three major deities of the Egyptian state: Amun of Thebes, Ptah at Memphis and Re at Heliopolis, Piye went back to his capital at Napatan in Sudan but retained the subordinate Egyptian chiefs in their positions but under his authority.( Piye's conquest coincided with the aggressive expansion of the Assyrian state under Tiglath-Pileser III in the 730sBC who had absorbed city-states in Syria-Palestine and cemented his rule with mass deportations of their populations, his successor Sargon II then destroyed the (northern) kingdom of Israel by 720BC despite the aid of the Orsokon IV( the rulers in Egypt and Syria-Palestine watching the advance of these two foreign powers of Assyria and Kush had to choose which camp they should fall and the majority increasingly came under the Kush’s camp. Piye was succeeded by Shabataqo around 714BC.( _**Piye’s Amun temple of Napata viewed from the “holy mountain” of gebel barkal in sudan**_ **The reigns of Shabataqo (714BC-705BC) and Shabaqo (705BC-690BC): Kush in Syria-Palestine, archaism and the image of the ideal Kushite ruler.** Shabataqo ascended to the throne with a fairly complete control of both Egypt and Kush but facing the advance of Assyria to his north east whose army was in 716BC was standing just 120 miles from the city of Tanis in Egypt, Shabataqo thus moved the capital of his empire from Napata to Thebes and crushed the rebellion of Bakenranef in the delta region of Sai who'd succeeded Tefnakht and attempted to assert his independence from Kushite kings, the quelling of this rebellion involved the summoning of Taharaqo (a son of Piye) in 712BC. Shabaqo also extradited Iamani of Ashod to Sargo II of Assyria after the former had rebelled against the latter.( For now however, Syria-palestine was peripheral to the concerns of Kush and unlike Egypt, wasn't part of the Kushite ideology and royal patrimony, this is reflected in its absence in Kush’s documented history, therefore Assyria's advance to Palestine, the alliances and aid offered by the Kushites and even the battles between its armies and allies in Palestine against Assyria were barely mentioned in Kushite literature, in contrast to the copious amount of documentation that Kushite scribes produced during this time.( Shabataqo was succeeded by Shabaqo around 705BC. Shabaqo was heavily engaged in the constriction works and restoration in both Egypt and Kush particularly at Thebes and Napata but the most notable transformation during his rein was the intellectual integration of Kush and Egypt through the identification of his 25th dynasty rulers with the timeless history of Egyptian kingship leading in a process of archaism that is best evidenced by the restoration of the "Memphite theology" whose original copy had been worm eaten when Shabaqo found it, this theology, which presents Memphis as the primeval hill and the original place of creation was salient to Pharaonic kingship.( Shabaqo also engaged in large-scale building activity in both and Egypt, the erection of statues and carving of reliefs depicting the Kushite rulers. Shabaqo’s archaism which was a revival of concepts and forms of the past and was important to the 25th dynasty King’s ideology but was effected without masking them as traditional Egyptian pharaohs, and their southern origin was iconographicaly emphasized, their royal regalia was distinctly Kushite, enabling them to create their unique image of an idealized Kushite ruler.( _**granite heads of Shabaqo with the kushite cap-crown and shabaqo’s restored “memphite theology”**_ **Interlude: war with Assyria and Kush’s rescue of Jerusalem ?** In Syria-palestine, a coalition of Phoenicians, Philistines and the kingdom of Judah had rebelled against Assyria whose emperor Sargon II had died in 705BC and was succeeded by Sennacherib, the latter decided to crush the coalition, which turned to Kush for military aid that Kush honored by sending its armies. Shabaqo’s armies of Kush were led by Taharaqo their commander and the first battle took place at Eltekeh in 701BC and involved Kushite chariots, while the immediate outcome of the battle is disputed by historians but claimed by Assyrians as a victory, Sennacherib went on to divide his army with some besieging Judah’s capital Jerusalem and others taking the rest of the cities, it was this splintered army that Taharqo engaged with, the outcome of which is unknown but the long-term effects were mutually beneficial to all three states involved: Kush, Judah and Assyria, with dynastic continuity in judah (under Hezekiah) and Kush (under Shabaqo and later Taharqo) and the reception of tribute from Syria-palestine that was sent to both Assyria and Kush in the early 7th century BC which points to a kind of settlement between Shabaqo and Sennacherib. This theory is buttressed by the recent discovery of three clay sealings of Shabaqo dated to 700-690 BC in Sennacherib's palace at Nineveh (in Iraq) and another at Megiddo (in Israel)( which were originally attached to documents (now lost) and one of these seals contains both Assyrian and Kushite seal impressions indicating a two-factor authentication by both seal owners simultaneously (more likely by a Kushite factor in Assyria since Kushite expatriates are mentioned as active at Nineveh in the 8th-6th centuryBC attesting to friendly diplomatic relations between Assyria and Kush during the decade immediately succeeding the battle at Eltekeh. This settled outcome has attracted a flurry of publications on Kush's role in the "rescue of Jerusalem" most recently popularized by Henry Aubin’s “The rescue of Jerusalem” and recently supported by group of biblical scholars and Nubiologists one of whom, Jeremy pope, compiled a list of 34 historians that considered Kush either directly or partially responsible for the rescue of judah( . Shabaqo was succeeded by Taharqo in 690BC. _**clay seal of shabaqo found in sennacharib’s palace in nineveh (iraq) depiciting the pharaoh sticking a foe as well as a depiction of an Assyrian man before an assyrian god**_ **the reign of Taharqo (690-665BC)**: **the great builder and restorer of temples** Taharqo presided over a relatively long period of prosperity in kushite empire especially in the first two decades of his rule between 690 and 671BC, allowing him to devote himself to major reconstruction and building activity in both his northern and southern realms, and thus becoming one of the "great builders of Egypt"( , his constructions in Kush included temples at Sanam, Napata, Kawa, Tabo, Kerma, Buhen, Gezira, Faras, Qasr Ibrim, and in Egypt he built and reconstructed temples at Philae, Edfu, Mata'na, Luxor, Medinet, Memphis Athribis, Tanis and Karnak (the last of which he is credited individually with the construction and restoration of over a dozen temples)( while his predecessors had also commissioned construction works, none were to the scale of Taharqo, his building activity was only matched by the Pharaohs of the new kingdom. This monumental building activity couldn't have been possible without the prosperity derived from trade between Kushite empire and Syria-palestine for the luxurious and bulk goods of the latter especially "Asiatic copper" and "true cedar of lebanon" that were important to Kush's economy and royal redistribution system and are explicitly referenced in construction works of which both items were used to build and decorate temples as Montuemhat (a high official under Taharqo's government), wrote in an autobiographical inscription that he, too, had used “true cedar from the best of the Lebanese hillsides”( _**Taharqo’s Kawa and Sanam temples (in Sudan), and his “kiosk” and “nilometer” in the Karnak temple complex (in Egypt)**_ **Taharqo in the eastern Mediterranean and the Esarhaddon’s attack of Kush** Syria-Palestine now became part of Kush's political theatre, there was some military action taken by Taharqo in 680's BC in Syria-Palestine and the latter was subject to Kush as a tributary state (now referred in Kush's documents as “Khor”), as mentioned in an inscription by Taharqo at Sanam, this is affirmed by depictions of conquered "Asiatic principalities" in the Sanam temple reliefs( and the tribute of viticulturists drawn from the nomads of Asia but Khor wasn't central to Kush's politics and Kush’s foreign policy in the region was motivated by long distance trade and border security. In 681BC, the Assyrian King Sennacherib died and was succeeded by his son Esarhaddon, the latter reversed his father's foreign policy, while Sennacherib had destroyed Babylon and chosen to come to settle with Kush, Esarhaddon resolved to restore Babylon and instead advance towards Kush, Esarhaddon begun by systematically advancing through Syria-Palestine culminating in the destruction of Sidon, surrender of Tyre and effective Assyrian control over Palestine and by 673 BC faced off with Taharqa's army but the latter defeated the Assyrian force in what was considered one of Assyria’s worst losses and Esarhaddon retreated to Nineveh. He returned in 671 BC inflicting a defeat on Taharqo's army and the latter retreated to Napata, Esarhaddon appointed the same subordinate chiefs that had served under Taharqo as his vassals, these chiefs switched sides to Taharqo who reappeared in Egypt immediately after Esarhaddon had left. In 667BC, Esarhaddon’s successor Assurbanipal invaded again and the chiefs switched sides, Taharqo retreated south again to Napata, after Esarhaddon left, the chiefs appealed for Taharqo to return but he remained in Napata, and the chiefs were slaughtered by Esarhaddon, Taharqo passed away in 665BC and was succeeded by his son Tanwetamani. On Tanwetamani ascension, he received the acknowledgement of Amun sanctuaries of Napata and Thebes and went onto affirm his rule in the delta region whose chiefs again welcomed the Kushite king except Necho the Assyrian vassal who was defeated, on receiving this information, Assurbanipal set out for Egypt again, and Tenwetamani, judging his nascent and fragmentary position not strong enough retreated to Napata and the Assyrians sacked Thebes and Psamtik was chosen as the succesor of the slain vassal Necho, while Tanwetamani never reppeared in egypt, the God's wife of Amun elect was still a Kushite princess: Amenirdis II (Taharqo's daughter) who, along with the acting God's wife Shepenwepet II (Piye's daughter) ritually adopted Nitocris (daughter of Psamtik) in 656BC, making the formal end of the Kushite rule in Egypt and with it, the fall of imperial Kush.( The kingdom of Kush however, went on to outlive Egypt under the Napatan and Meroitic eras (656BC-360AD) and its prosperity is well attested in the cities of Meroe, Musawwarat, Naqa and dozens of others as well as its extensive trade and warfare with Egypt's subsequent colonizers beginning with the Persians, the Ptolemaic Greeks, and the Romans all of whom failed in conquering it with Rome famously signing one of the longest lasting peace treaties with the Kushite queen Amanirenas in the 1st century BC. * * * **Classical literature on Kush’s empire: the view from Greek and biblical scribes** **Greek authors on Kush: the ideal ruler and the blameless Aithiopian** In the years after the fall of the 25th dynasty, classical authors begun to collect and write down accounts about the empire of Kush, its rulers and its people. Herodotus (d. 425BC) received his information about Kushite history from Egyptian priests of Ptah temple at Memphis( while he says that the ethnographic accounts about the people of Kush were collected from other people (in Egypt), Herodotus's accounts of both Egypt and Kush's history are limited by his own curiosities and his perceptions but nevertheless preserve some historical truths, he thus claims that the he was informed of the names of “360 Egyptian monarchs 18 of whom were Kushite" but conflates Shabaqo's reign with the entirety of the 25th dynasty. He praises Shabaqo’s judiciousness and pragmatic nature for sparing the defeated chieftain of the delta and says that Shabaqo ceded power once once a prophesy of an oracle showed him the end of his rule. Herodotus's information of Shabaqo's personality and reign derives from "a combination of the traditional Egyptian image of ideal regency with the image of the ideal Kushite ruler of the Twenty-Fifth dynasty"( , this same image underlines the characterization of the other Kushite/Aithiopian rulers that Herodotus describes such as the Aithiopia ruler who faced off against the Persian King Cambyses, where Herodotus accords moral superiority to Kushite rulers and people over the Persians( , which is in line with his characterization of the idealized Kushite ruler Sabaqos and proves that the source of Kush's positive image in Herodotus' descriptions came directly from the Egyptian priests and their very positive memory of 25th dynasty rule. as Laszlo Torok writes "Egyptian historical memory preserved an ambiguous image of the Kushite dynasty: the Nubian rulers were remembered both as invaders and legitimate kings who reunited Egypt, restored the temples of her gods, and were then overthrown by a cruel conqueror" this heightened nostalgia of Kushite rule heightened under Persian rule as the Egyptians contrasted the “tyrannical” and “godless” Persian conquer with the “benevolent” and “pious” Nubian kings, the priests then conveyed these sentiments to Herodotus who also shared with them a hatred of the Persian ruler Cambyses II (r. 529–522BC) and in Herodotus’ description of the Kushites/Aithiopians he affirmed not just Homer's “pious, blameless and handsome” Aithiopian but complemented it with more realistic accounts about Kush’s history, its rulers and its people at the time of Cambyses II’s conquest of egypt.( Herodotus’s positive descriptions who then be repeated by later Greek authors Agatharchides of Cnidus (200BC) who i quoted in the introduction and Diodorus Siculus (d. 30BC) the latter of whom spoke highly of the Aithiopians as the first people to worship the gods and the origin of Egyptian civilization( , both of these views originated from Herodotus. **Biblical scribes on Kush and how Aksum became Ethiopia: Kush as a strong and honorable “gentile” nation.** The biblical authors of Isaiah (37:9) and 2 kings (19:9), composed these books the late 6th century and 5th century BC respectively( the writers explicitly refer to Kush and its ruler as Tirhakah marching out to fight Sennacherib who had besieged Jerusalem, (the chroniclers conflate Taharqo’s generalship and his kingship because Taharqo became king not long after this battle), as mentioned earlier, the documentary evidence from Kush places him at the head of the Kushite army as early as 712BC under Shabataqo and he would have been the leader of the Kushite army that faced off with Sennnacharib. The archival material used by biblical authors to compose these books was likely contemporary with the events described but combined at a later date, and unlike Herodotus, the informants of biblical scribes were local (in Judah itself) and were relating events from their perspective rather than the Egyptian perspective, but they nevertheless thought it necessary to include colorful remarks about a foreign/"gentile” nation (Kush) and its people, this positive portrayal was a result of Kush's military aid to Judah, but was also as a rhetorical tool for religious purposes; after all, the defeat of Sennacharib's siege of Jerusalem is attributed to God striking down his army.( It was this morally superlative portrayal of Kush/Aithiopia in biblical literature that influenced rulers of the kingdom of Aksum (in modern Ethiopia) to deliberatly appropriate the noun “Aithiopia” as their own self-identification “Ityopyis”/”Ityopya” which they did for geopolitical and religious purposes; first, with the intent of writing themselves into the grand narratives of classical history where Kush/Aithiopia features prominently and secondly by figuring in the messianic and eschatological role Ethiopia has in the bible primarily the Psalm 68:31 "Envoys shall have arrived from Egypt but Aithiopıa will be the first to extend her hand to God" which positions Ethiopia as the first among the "gentiles" in the sight of God( and this appears again in Acts 8 with the conversion of the Ethiopian eunuch, which many Christians claim as a “fulfillment of the prophecy” in Psalms, the Aksumite therefore had a strong incentive to consciously self-identify as “Ityopya” which they did beginning in the 4th century and coinciding with Aksum's emperor Ezana's conversion to Christianity in 340AD and Ezana's sack of Meroe in 360AD that formally marked the end of the ancient kingdom of Kush. That the Aksumites were successful in rebranding themselves as Ethiopians (instead of their endonym ‘Habasha’) is reflected in external sources which thereafter referred to Aksumites as Ethiopians beginning with the historian Philostorgius (d. 439AD) and continuing to this present day.( a product of the legacy of the “strong and powerful” Kushite empire, the “first among the gentiles”. * * * **Conclusion: “Race” and Political paradigms** The ascendance of the 25th dynasty and the formation of the Kushite empire was a momentous event in world history, Kush became the second largest empire and a major global power, reversing centuries of decline and political fragmentation in Egypt and presiding over a period of prosperity by reviving trade with Syria-Palestine, the might of Kush in uniting Egypt and defending Syria-palestine, the benevolence and piety of its rulers in treatment of subordinate chiefs, their devotion to religion, and the character of its people were contrasted with other foreign rulers (and nations) who were often negatively portrayed in Egyptian, Biblical literature and Greek literature in general.( The positive descriptions of Kushites/Aithiopians (and thus the first unambiguous literary descriptions of black African people in antiquity) was therefore not a general tolerance/openness towards foreign people in classical literature but was instead a direct consequence of the role Kush played in global affairs as the ideal foreign rulers, which was contrasted with the "brutish" foreign ruler such as the Assyrians in biblical literature and the Persians in both Egyptian and Greek literature. What had been Kushite ideologies of governance and border defense inadvertently became the templates for exemplary leadership in the eyes of external observers. Classical writers were infact ambivalent towards foreign people at best and hostile at worst, early Egyptian portrays of Kush were often negative because of the rivalry with Kerma (ie: Kush) which was referred to as "vile kush' or "wretched kush", a stark contrast to the image of Kush that the Egyptian priests were conveying to Herodotus. However, the conditions that enabled Kush's imperial ascendance to the global political arena couldn't be replicated in the latter centuries as successive empires centered their control in the eastern Mediterranean and northern Egypt, confining Kush to Sudan and southern Egypt despite several incursions into Egypt by the Kushite armies in the later centuries, by the time Kush fell in 360AD, embryonic concepts of race and racism were being formulated in late antiquity between the 1st and 5th century AD, characterized by an increasing the literary focus and commentary on the “curse of Noah” to his grandson Canaan which scholars begun to instead direct at Ham (Canaan’s father) hence the “curse of Ham”, and exclusively identifying Ham with Kush and claiming the curse itself was slavery and blackness. Therefore between Philo in the 1st century AD, the Palestine and Babylonian Talmuds in the 4th century AD, and the medieval Arabic writers in the 10th century, the foundations were laid for later anti-blackness seen in medieval literature and the portrayal of Kush (and thus Africans in general) in negative light. By then, writers were no longer describing African rulers and states that played an active part in their history but peripheral foreigners the majority of whom came not as Kings or military generals but at-best as merchants and at-worst as slaves.( Proponents of the view that the world of classical antiquity wasn't racist have been criticized by some for “closing their eyes to obvious expressions of anti-black sentiments”, a critique that is blunted when one attempts to define what anti-black sentiment is, while such debates are beyond the scope of this article, the evidence provided here shows that the positive depiction of Kush’s 25th dynasty in classical literature was a direct consequence of the role its rulers and people played in the politics of the societies where those positive sentiments about them were written. And the evidence of the negative descriptions of Kush before its ascendance and after its fall shows how views about “foreign” people were informed by the nature of interactions they have with those writing about them which are dictated by the prevailing political paradigms. The interactions classical writers had with the 25th dynasty and the people of Kush were colored by the political paradigms of the 8th/7th century BC in which Kush was seen as a liberator and its people were remembered as pious, these positive sentiments were then reflected in classical descriptions of Kushites: “the blameless, strong and handsome Aithiopian”. * * * **Read more about the history of Kerma and download free books about the history of Kush on my patreon** ( ( Between Two Worlds by László Török pg 87 ( The Curse of Ham by DM Goldenberg pg 17 ( The kingdom of kush by László Török pg 69-73) ( on how Aksum became Ethiopia; hence the modern country, see “Aksum and Nubia” by George Hatke pg 52-53 ( Herodotus in Nubia by László Török pg 33,38,49, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce Williams pgs 702 ( Jerusalem's Survival, Sennacherib's Departure, and the Kushite Role in 701 BCE by Alice Ogden Bellis pg 41 ( DM Goldenberg pg 40 ( The Image of the Ordered World in Ancient Nubian Art by László Török pg 483 ( The double kingdom under taharqo by Jeremy Pope pg 5 ( for descriptions of “the foreign” in classical literature see “The Invention of Racism in Classical Antiquity” by Benjamin Isaac ( The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce Williams pg 184 ( Between Two Worlds by László Török pg 109) ( Between Two Worlds by László Török pg 165-166) ( Between Two Worlds by László Török pg 274 ( The kingdom of kush by László Török pg pg 111-112 ( The kingdom of kush by László Török pg 121 ( The kingdom of kush by László Török pg 122 ( The kingdom of kush by László Török pg 125-126 ( The kingdom of kush by László Török, pg 147 ( The double kingdom under tahaqo by Jeremy pope, pg 275-91 ( The kingdom of kush by László Török, pg 145 ( Between Two Worlds by László Török. pg 324) ( Sudan: ancient kingdoms of the nile by bruce williams, pg 161-71) ( The kingdom of kush by László Török, pg 155) ( The kingdom of kush by László Török, pg 160) ( The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce williams, pg 419-420) ( (the exact dates of Kush’s reigns are still debated but recent revisions place Shabataqo before the better known Shabaqo and assign the former relatively shorter reign) ( sennacherib's departure and the principle of laplace by jeremy pope, pg 119-20, 114) ( Beyond the broken reed by Jeremy pope, pg 153-4, 112-117) ( The kingdom of kush by László Török, pg 169) ( The kingdom of kush by László Török, pg 195) ( Sennacherib's Departure and the Principle of Laplace by Jeremy Pope pg 114 ( The Horses of Kush by LA Heidorn ( sennacherib's departure and the principle of laplace by jeremy pope, pgs 100-123) ( The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce williams pg 421 ( The kingdom of kush by László Török, pg 141-142), ( Beyond the broken reed by Jeremy pope, pg 119 ( Beyond the broken reed by Jeremy pope, pg 119 ( The kingdom of kush by László Török 180-188 ( Herodotus in Nubia by László Török pg 56 ( Herodotus in Nubia by László Törökpg 79 ( Herodotus in Nubia by László Török pg 99 ( Herodotus in Nubia by László Török pg 123-125 ( the negro in ancient greece by Frank Snowden pg 37 ( Jerusalem's Survival, Sennacherib's Departure, and the Kushite Role in 701 BCE pg 172 ( Jerusalem's Survival, Sennacherib's Departure, and the Kushite Role in 701 BCE, pg 22-40 ( How the Ethiopian Changed His Skin by D Selden pg 339-340 ( Aksum and nubia by G. Hatke pgs 94-97, 52-53 ( for racism in antiquity in greco-roman texts, see “the invention of racism in classical antiquity by Benjamin Isaac ( for the evolution of anti-black racism in late antiquity to the medieval era, see “The Curse of Ham by David M. Goldenberg pgs 150-156, 160-175”.

### The Legacy of Kush's Empire in Global History (755–656 BC) **1. Introduction to the Kingdom of Kush:** - During the 8th century BC, the kingdom of Kush emerged as a significant political entity from its heartland in Sudan. - Kush expanded its territory over 3,000 kilometers along the Nile Valley, influencing regions as far as Palestine. - The rulers of Kush, of Nubian origin, established the 25th Dynasty in Egypt, reigning as legitimate pharaohs for nearly a century. **2. Terminology and Historical Context:** - The name "Kush" refers to the ancient Kingdom of Kerma (2500-1500 BC), initially cited in 1937 BC during Egypt's Middle Kingdom. - In various classical literatures, "Kush" appears as _Kusu_ in Babylonian, _kus_ in Hebrew, and evolves into _Aithiopia_ and _Ethiopia_ in Greek and Roman contexts. - Classical references to Kush typically pertain to the African nation itself, often indicating the people’s skin color and geographic remoteness. **3. Positive Representations in Historical Texts:** - Greek authors, including Homer and Herodotus, depicted Kushites as “blameless,” “pious,” “handsome,” and exceptionally virtuous. - Biblical texts describe Kush as politically and militarily potent, referencing its wealth and strength. - The favorable portrayals were especially linked to Kush's 25th Dynasty and its rulers, such as King Taharqa and others. **4. Historical Significance of the 25th Dynasty:** - The 25th Dynasty (755-656 BC) is marked by the reigns of kings like Kashta, Piye, Shabaqo, and Taharqo, who played pivotal roles in revitalizing Egypt and extending Kushite influence. - Scholars note that Egyptian civilization's elements may derive from Kushite practices, with Agatharchides asserting that many Egyptian customs are Aithiopian in origin. **5. The Reign of Kashta and the Ascendance to Power:** - Kashta’s reign began around 770 BC, marked by his daughter's appointment as God's Wife of Amun, securing Kush's political foothold in Egypt. - His reign took advantage of Egypt's political fragmentation during the 21st and 22nd Dynasties. **6. The Reign of Piye:** - Piye ascended to the throne in 755 BC, establishing Kushite rule over Egypt through military conquests and diplomatic maneuvers. - His inscriptions reveal a strong sense of imperial ambition while accommodating existing Egyptian leadership under his authority. **7. The Challenges from Assyria:** - The Assyrian Empire's expansion during Piye's reign posed a threat to both Egypt and Kush, increasing the complexity of regional politics. - Despite the threats, Piye effectively allied with local Egyptian leaders to bolster Kushite authority. **8. The Reigns of Shabaqo and Taharqo:** - Shabaqo’s era (705-690 BC) saw significant cultural integration and military maneuvers against Assyria, including support for Judah against Sennacherib. - Taharqo continued military campaigns and extensive temple-building initiatives, enhancing Kush's presence in both Egypt and Nubia. **9. The Fall of the Kushite Empire:** - Taharqo's reign ended as Assyrian pressure increased, leading to the eventual fall of Kush in 656 BC when local Egyptian leaders shifted allegiances. - Despite losing Egypt, Kush continued to thrive until around 360 AD, maintaining trade and cultural exchanges. **10. Classical Literature and the Perception of Kush:** - After the collapse of the 25th Dynasty, classical authors like Herodotus documented Kush's storied past, focusing on themes of moral superiority and benevolence. - The biblical narrative further reinforced positive sentiments about Kush, especially in light of its military support to the Kingdom of Judah. **11. Legacy and Historical Interpretation:** - The Kushite empire's intervention in regional politics reshaped perceptions of African states and peoples in classical literature, contrasting with later negative portrayals. - The distinctions in representation indicate how historical interactions influenced the narratives crafted by external observers. **12. Conclusion:** - The legacy of Kush's empire reveals insights into ancient perspectives on governance and race, highlighting its role as a formidable power and a respected force in antiquity. - Subsequent depictions and emerging racial constructs illustrate how historical paradigms evolve, shaping the narratives surrounding different peoples, including those of African descent.

The last king of Kano: Alwali II at the dawn of West Africa's age of revolution (1781–1807)

All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The last king of Kano: Alwali II at the dawn of West Africa's age of revolution (1781–1807) =========================================================================================== ( Dec 05, 2021 5 The fall of Songhai to Morrocco in 1591 was succeeded by a over a century of political and social upheaval in west Africa, the Niger River Valley from Jenne to Timbuktu - which comprised the old core of the medial empires of Ghana, Mali and Songhai- became a backwater while the previously peripheral regions in what was Songhai's southwest and south eastern flanks become the new centers of wealth and heartlands for the succeeding states. The Moroccan empire which briefly succeeded Songhai had effectively pulled out of the entire region after 1612( following its failure to pacify the region beyond the principal cities; effectively making 1591 an pyrrhic victory that "swallowed up both the conqueror and the conquered"( , a period of internecine warfare erupted across the region as the now-independent provinces and periphery states sought to consolidate their power, culminating with the rise of the empire of Segu under Bitòn Coulibaly in 1712 (in what were formerly Songhai's south western provinces) and the re-establishment of independent Hausa city-states (in what were formerly Songhai's south-eastern peripheries); a process that was completed by 1700AD.( The principal Hausa city-state during this time was Kano, the capital had a population of over 40,000 a vibrant handicraft industry in textiles and leatherworks, it controlled a territory about 60,000 sqkm large and engaged in extensive trade with west Africa and north Africa. Kano had been effectively independent by the end of the reign of its ruler (Sarki) Kisoke (r. 1509-1565AD) who'd ended the tributary relationship it had with the empires of Kanem-bornu and Songhai (plus its offshoot of Kanta). The city state controlled a bevy of towns such as Gaya, Rano, Karaye, Dutse and Gwaram, it had a heterogeneous population dominated by Muslim Hausa but with significant proportions of traditionalist Hausa (Maguzawa) as well as non-Hausa minorities such as the Fulani, the Kanuri, the Wangara (Dyula), the Yoruba and seasonal traders from its north like the Turegs, maghrebian Berbers and Arabs. Kano was run by a quasi-republican system of government in which power oscillated between the state council comprised mostly of non-royal hereditary and appointed officials versus the King himself, the latter of whom was elected by four senior members of the state council and his powers over administration were restrained depending on the power of the sitting council members.( _**painting of Kano from Mount Dala by H. Barth, 1857**_ Kano's political and social structure was largely Islamized by the 16th century, the religion had been adopted formally as early as the 14th century during Sarki Yaji I's reign (r. 1349-1385AD) following a period of extensive relations with the Wangara of the Mali empire and the immigration of this group to the Hausalands that may have also involved a brief conquest at Kano and Katsina.( Yaji I appointed many of these Wangara to prominent positions such as Muezzin and judge and the religion was impressed on his subjects who now observed the obligatory prayers( , however as with all state-imposed social orders, the new religion was observed with varying degrees in practice which allowed for brief returns of secularization that occasionally accommodated traditionalist elements as power swayed between the deposed traditionalists and the increasing Islamized court and officials, therefore, there were long periods of rule under devout Muslims interspaced with periods of rule where traditionalist influence was significant, the most notable devout rulers were the Sarkis; Yaji I (r.1359-1385), Rumfa (r. 1463 -1499), Zaki (r. 1582-1618) and Alwali II himself (r.1781–1807), including some who went as far as resigning to concentrate on their quranic studies eg Sarki Umaru (r. 1410-1421) and Sarki Kado (r. 1565-1573) about whom it was written that he "did nothing but religious offices, he disdained the duties of the Sarki, he and all his chiefs spent their time in prayer"( .These were interspaced with periods when traditionalists influenced the royal court and gained the upper hand such as the _Cibiri_ cult under Sarki kanejeji (r. 1390-1410AD)( , and the charms used by Sarki Kukuna in (1652-1660AD)( , and _chibiri_ and _bundu_ cults under Sarki Dadi (1670-1703AD)( . This sort of pluralist Islam was a characteristic of states with Dyula Islam which was brought into Kano (and most of west Africa) by the Wangara (a catchall term for the Soninke and Malinke diaspora from the Mali empire). Central to Dyula islam are the pedagogical traditions of Al Hajj Salim Suwari, a prominent scholar of Soninke origin living in the late 15th century and early 16th century who taught several notable west African scholars active in the Mali and Songhai empires, Salim belonged to a dominant school of thought among the Wangara that was concerned with principals guiding the interactions between Muslims and non Muslims. The central theme of these principles was an aversion towards armed conversion (eg through jihad) except in self-defense, because unbelief was interpreted by this school as a product of ignorance rather than wickedness; that it was God's design for some people to remain unbelievers longer than others, and that Muslims may accept the authority of a non-Muslim ruler if that ruler enables them to follow their religion( . Suwari's school of thought was a product of the political realities of west Africa during this time, when traditionalist forces were powerful and Muslims constituted a small minority (albeit influential). it was carried by Wangara traders and scholars across west Africa but especially to the Hausalands where they comprised an influential merchant and scholarly class in the cities of Katsina and Kano, their Dyula Islam was urban based, associated largely with the elite and royal courts and supported by the long distance trade in gold of which the wangara were famous. One such immigrant was Abd al-Rahman Zaghaite who arrived in the Kano in the late 15th century according to the Wangara chronicle. This “accommodative” Islam held sway over the more orthodox teachings especially those of the northafrican scholar al-Maghili who had visited Kano and Katsina in the late 15th century and advocated for more radical reforms of the political and social systems of the state to be more in line with Islamic principles and insisted that the only association between Muslims and non-coverts was jihad.( This pluralist state of affairs lasted until the 18th century when a revolution swept across westafrica beginning with Nasir al-Din's movement in the senegambia region who primarily directed it against the Hassaniya Arabs of southern Mauritania and also against the Senegambian African states the latter of whom he claimed offered little protection for their citizens from the former’s raids. The teachings of Nasir and his followers were relatively more in line with al-Maghili's and in opposition to the predominant Dyula teaching in the region. The decades from 1770 to 1840 AD have been characterized by various world history scholars as the "age of revolutions", a historical construct used to highlight the period of rapid political and social transformation in western Europe and the Atlantic world. In Africa, this period was marked by the fall of several old states to the growing power of village-based transhumant scholarly groups whose call for political reform directed against the elites of the Senegambia region was couched in the language of jihad, this begun with Nasir al-Din in 1673 a Berber cleric who rallied a diverse group of followers from Wolof and Torodbe-Fulani groups against intrusive nomadic Arab groups north of Senegal river and against the African rulers of the kingdoms south of the river, his movement was ephemeral but the scholarly groups associated with it spread it across the region founding the states of Futa Bundu in 1699, Futa Jalon in 1727, Futa Toro in 1769 and Sokoto in 1804( , it was the latter that subsumed Kano which was at the time led by Sarki Alwali II (r. 1781-1807). As the first Hausa city-state to fall to the revolution, Kano under the reign of Alwali has been the focus of studies on the revolution age in west Africa. This article looks at the social political organization of Alwali's Kano on the twilight of the 800-year old Bagauda Dynasty. _**Kano cityscape in the early 20th century**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **State and society under Alwali II (r. 1781-1807)** **Political structure and governance in Kano** The main authority in the Kano government lay with the Sarki (ruler) and the Kano state council (_Tara ta Kano_) comprised of nine senior officials; the _Madaki, Sarkin Bai, Dan Iya Wambai, Makama, Galdima, Sarkin Dawaki_ and the _Tsakar Gida_, the first four were electors who appointed the successor on the death of the Sarki and their advice on official matters was not to be overuled by the Sarki, they were therefore the highest forum of the state and its final deliberative organ.( The power of the council was counteracted by the Sarki through expanding his executive authority by creating offices of senior and powerful slave officials such as the _Shamaki, Dan Rimi, Sarkin Dogarai_, etc as well as elevating dynastic offices such as the _Ciroma._ While government power had been oscillating between both the Sarki and the council for centuries, the continuous expansion of executive powers created differing lines of communication and effectively centralized authority around the Sarki at the expense of the council, the pinnacle of this centralization was attained by Sarki Zaki (r. 1768-1776) and continued by his successors including Alwali II.( Below this was a lattice of dozens of administrative offices with varying levels of seniority and authority, differentiated by various criteria such as; hereditary or appointed, royal or non royal, resident in the capital or outside the capital, military or civil, secular or religious. The most influential of these offices were the dynastic offices reserved for the ruler's kin such as the _Ciroma_ (crown prince) and the fief holders (_Hakimai_) who were directly under the authority of the Sarki( . The state had courts both at the capital and regional courts all of which were presided over by a judge (_Alkali_) and the appointed provincial judges (_Alkalai_), the law administered in Kano was a mixture of Hausa law (_al'ada_) and Muslim law, these judges (and rural chiefs) were also incharge of local prisons and police staff( . Kano under Alwali II was an expanding polity, incorporating formerly independent chiefdoms as subordinate components, he is credited with subsuming the chiefdom of Birni Kudu, which was then added to the dozens of statelets that had long been conquered by Kano such as Rano, Gaya, Dutse, Karaye and Burumburum.( _**Kano and its neighbors in 1780**_ Kano’s expansion was enabled by its military, its strength primarily lay with its cavalry whose horses, armor and mounted soldiers were provided by the _Hakimai_ while war campaigns were planned by the Sarki and the city council( But as Kano faced increasing Jukun predations in the 17th century and the council-controlled military proved impotent to defend the city whose walls were breached thrice and whose army attimes abandoned the Sarki in the midst of battle, later Sarkis sought to bring the military under their direct control such that by Sarki Zaki's reign (r.1768-1776) Kano’s army included an elite force of musketeers and was developing into what historian Toby green termed a "fiscal military state": collecting revenues to pay a standing army, this extended Kano's influence across west africa such that by the 1770s, Kano had to confirm the appointment of a new ruler in Timbuktu.( , due to the constrained supplies of muskets however, none were mentioned by Alwali' IIs time but the Army was by then effectively under the Sarki’s control. _**The walls of kano**_ **Trade and economy in Kano**. Kano in the late 18th century was one of the most prosperous and largest cities in west africa, within the city's walls were about 40,000 people engaged in all kinds of crafts industries, farming and trading activities, the city-state provided an attractive market for visiting merchants owing to its strategic position along the main trans-west African and Transaharan caravan trade routes The caravan trade was closely regulated by Alwali' IIs government, first by securing the major routes within its territory through building fortified towns along these routes, garrisoning the perimeter against bands of Tuareg raiders, sinking wells, and encouraging settlements and small markets to provision caravans along the routes. On arrival, the caravan was met by the _Sarkin Zago_ (an official incharge of supplies and accommodation), unloading their camels at the Kofar Ruwa gate and showing the guests to well-built hostels where they would be housed (rent) during the course of their stay, the hostel owner also acted as their broker/trading agent who itemized their goods, change their currencies, buy provisions and was provided a minimum price above which he was allowed to retain the profit, while credit and warehousing services were provided by wealthy residents in the city. Initially, no tax was levied on these caravans and other itinerant traders by the government but they were expected to present a small gift to the king and senior officials.( Kano's main market, the _Kasuwan Kurmi,_ had been established by Sarki Rumfa in the 15th century, with most of the market officials remaining in place by Alwali II's time. Kano's primary trade items were its local manufactures, especially its signature textiles that were used both as clothing and as currency. Kano had by the 17th century established itself as one of the major cloth producers in west Africa supported by its vast cotton plantations in the state, its signature indigo-dyed robes, veils, turbans and trousers being traded north to the Tuareg, east to Kanem-Bornu, west to the Niger valley and the Senegambia region and south to Yoruba country. Strips of cloth of uniform size, weave and dye called _turkudi_ served as secondary currencies (complementing gold dust, silver coinage and cowries) and were favored by merchants in the region The second most lucrative trade items were leatherworks such as footwear, armor, bags, book covers, beddings etc. The most important imports were salt from the Sahel (brough by Tuareg and Kanuri traders), Italian paper from Northafrica (brought by Berbers and Arab traders), kola from Asante (modern Ghana) as well as silk cloths and other manufactures. Kano had in the early 18th century been briefly supplanted as the Hausaland’s economic capital by Katsina (a neighboring Hausa city-state to its north) because of the Kano state’s response to the cowrie inflation in the local market, ie: the high taxation used in an attempt to curb it, but selective immunity of influential traders from this taxation saw Kano recover its position under Sarki Yai II (r. 1753-178) and Sarki Zaki (r. 1768-1776) continuing into Alwali' II’s reign.( Collection of state revenues was governed by both Hausa custom and Maliki-Islam law and were thus derived from the following; inheritance taxes (such as 33% on deceased officials assets and10% of deceased private individuals' property), 20% of war booty, 10% on civil transitions that occurred through its court, 10% on cereal/grain harvests and mining products. The grain was collected by Hakimai and stored in large granaries under their care, it was mainly held as reserve against famine but was also used to supply the royal court since the Sarki was always informed of the amounts of grain collected and locations of the granaries where it was kept after every harvest. Alwali is recorded to have collected stores of sorghum and millet as reserves against war.( * * * **Epilogue: Inflation, taxation, revolution and the fall of Kano** **Cowrie inflation imported into Kano** In the early 18th century, a new route for importing cowries into Kano was opened through yoruba country that was coming directly from the Atlantic economy, unlike the relatively small amounts of cowries in Kano arriving from transaharan routes, these Atlantic cowries arrived in sufficient quantities; with more than 25 tonnes of cowries being brought into the neighboring Hausa city-state of Gobir from the Nupe (in Yoruba country) between 1780-1800 AD.( This increase in cowrie circulation in the Hausalands was part of a wider phenomenon across west Africa as the 18th century that saw vast quantities of cowrie imported from european traders, these cowrie imports rose from an average volume of 90 tonnes annually in the decade between 1700-1710; to 136 tonnes a year in 1711-1720; to 233 tonnes in 1721-1730 (with spikes as high as 323 tonnes in 1722, 306 tonnes in 1749) the average annual imports of cowrie then gradually fell in the 1760s to 61 tonnes but resumed to 136 tonnes a year in the 1780s( , The supply of currency in west Africa during the 18th century was thus exceptionally high both along the coast and in the interior as evidenced by the fact that just one Hausa city (Gobir) could absorb nerly 2% of west africa's annual currency supply, and this doesn’t include the cowries arriving from the transahran routes and the influx of Maria Theresa Thaler coinage in the 1780s. West African states faced a new challenge of inflation to which they responded with what by then considered to be unorthodox taxation policies. (this inflation and taxation is best documented in the “chronicle of Timbuktu” written by a resident scholar; Mawlāy Sulaymān in 1815) **Cash taxation in response to the inflation** These increased volumes of cowrie currency without corresponding increases in production of tradable goods triggered an inflation in Kano beginning with Sarki Sharefa's reign (r. 1703-1731) who tried to curb the cowrie inflation by introducing; monthly taxation paid in cash (ie cowrie) at Kano's _Kurmi_ market (as opposed to the usual annual tax paid mostly in kind); a cash tax on iterant Tuareg and Arab traders (from whom none was previously demanded); a cash tax on family heads in Kano state (in lieu of grain tribute) and a cash tax on transhumant pastoralists such as the Fulani called _jangali_ (replacing the usual livestock tithe).( Opposition to these taxes must have been bitter as the Kano chronicle says of Sarki Sharefa that "he introduced certain practices in Kano all of which were robbery", despite this, the taxation was mostly continued by successive Sarkis with varying decrees of intensity; with taxes increasing under Sarki Kumbari (r. 1731-1743) and briefly reducing under Sarki Yaji II (r. 1753-1768) but only for iterant traders -thus attracting them back to Kano- while maintaining the taxes for the rest of the population, Yaji II’s taxation policy was continued under Alwali II’s reign.( **Reaction by Kano’s citizens to these taxes** Response to these new taxes was varied; the itinerant Tuareg and Arab traders left for Katsina during Sarki Sharefa's reign but returned when their taxes were removed during Sarki Yaji II's reign, but the heaviest burden of this cash tax fell on the Maguzawa (non-muslim Hausa groups) who paid 3,000 cowries per family head vs 500 cowries for Muslim Hausa family heads, it was especially heavy for the Maguzawa who had peripheral relations with the economy and couldn't procure the shells easily, but these groups had little avenue for protest so their only recourse was to form larger families (thus reducing the number of taxable family heads), as for the response of the Muslim Hausa within the Kano city itself the Kano chronicle mentions that “most of the poorer people in the town fled to the country”.( The tax was also relatively heavy on transhumant pastoralist groups particularly the non-sedentary Fulani (as opposed to the sedentary Fulani who had were already citizens of the state). During the dry season, these pastoralists crisscross the Sahel and savanna looking for good grazing lands as well as a market for their dairy products; moving back and forth following the monthly shifts of the rainy seasons. These pastoralists presented an administrative challenge for the (sedentary-based) Hausa city-states as the former were ill formed about local state laws and taxes, while most of these pastoralists were Fulani, the state response to them was unlike the resident Fulani who were part of the local scholarly class (_ulama_) or were sedentary agro-pastoralists that had for long been familiar with state laws and even had administrative positions in the Kano government such as the _Sarkin Fulani_, _Ja’idanawa_ and _Dokaji_. The _jangali_ tax on these pastoralists was intended to force them to avoid Kano altogether or to settle permanently and join the resident Fulani community.( But for this _jangali_ tax to be successful it required a clearer level of communication between the government and these seasonal populations, but these communications had since been constrained by centralization. **Revolution arrives at Kano** As Nasir’s revolution was growing the _Torodbe Fulani_ (who were sedentary Fulani of diverse origin but spoke fulfude and thus assumed Fulani identity) had established themselves as an prominent group among the diverse scholarly class (_ulama_) of the senegambia region, it was from these (as well as a few other groups such as the Wolof) that Nasir al-Din heavily recruited in his 1673-1674 movement. While Nasir’ movement was ultimately unsuccessful, the Torodbe would reignite their movement in 1776 by overthrowing the Mandinka-led Denanke state of great Fulo and establishing the imamate of Futa Toro.( Between Nasir's failed movement in 1674 and the 1776 establishment of Futa toro, the Torodbe migrated from the senegambia to the Hausalands, Muhammad Bello (a scholar and later, sultan of Sokoto) attributed this migration to the wars between the Torodbe and the Tukolor (a Fulani group native to the senegambia and related to but distinct from the Torodbe, Wolof and the Serer). In the Hausalands, the Torodbe became part of the local _Ulama_ (alongside the already established Wangara, Kanuri and Hausa scholars) but were largely village-based thus becoming distanced from the the urban-based _Ulama_ and instead associating more with the peasants and pastoralist Fulani, therefore articulating the peasant's grievances better.( These grievances came at a time when Hausa governments such as Alwali II's were faced with the challenge of inflation, added to this was the increasing centralization of authority under the Sarkis that had been accomplished by the early 18th century at the expense of constrained communication with the lower levels of society. It was these political and economic conditions that created a situation ripe for a revolution movement, therefore when the Torodbe cleric Uthman Fodio made a call for reform he found ready support. He called for reform, ostensibly against what he claimed were "oppressive" Hausa rulers who "devoured people’s wealth" through taxes (especially the Jangali tax against which he protested vehemently)( , he claimed that they were opulent, and supposedly practiced a hybridized form of Islam. He recruited his followers mainly from the pastoral Fulani and despite initially failing to take the Hausa city of Gobir in 1804, he succeeded in spreading his movement through letters and writings first to the Sarkis and then to the _Ulamas_ of other city-states. Most of the Sarkis ideologically agreed with some of his reforms but were against his movement, Alwali II reportedly wanted to write to Uthman, accepting his reforms but was advised against it by his _Ciroma_ named Dan Mama, the latter instead accepted the movement of Uthman in secret and offered to support him overthrow Alwali II who knew nothing of this treachery. Dan Mama's father had been appointed _Ciroma_ under Yaji II's reign (1753-1768) as regent to secure the latter's son's election to the throne over the sons of his predecssor’s line, while Yaji II was successful in his goal (since his sons; Zaki, Dawuda and Alwali II himself suceded to the throne), it was at the expense of investing unusual powers in the _Ciroma_ as regent (such as substantial fief holdings that allowed him to raise cavalry units and accumulate wealth to influence the council) so when Alwali II named his one week old infant as _Ciroma_, and officially dismissed Dan Mama (only retaining him as the regent), the latter was deeply estranged and threw his lot to the first invaders to appear at Kano's gates: Uthman's movement. The Dan Mama would later be rewarded by by Uthman's government who retained him in his lofty office after the overthrow of Alwali II.( Uthman's movement mobilized followers by writing letters to the _Ulama_ who'd then recruit locally and appoint a leader for their local movement then travel to receive a flag from Uthman; symbolically assuming his as their leader (caliph). In Kano, the Ulama sent for a flag although they didn’t appoint a leader, but the group coalesced enough to battle with Alwali II and successfully defeat two skirmishes sent by him at Kwazzazabo in 1806. After negotiations between Alwali II and Uthman fell apart, battle lines were drawn at Kogo, Alwali II's force was routed and armor was captured, Uthman’s followers then took the town of Karaye and continued advancing towards Kano, losing some forces in an engagement with the armies of Alwali II’s tuareg ally named Tambari, but continued to steadily approach the city of Kano itself. Alwali II met them outside its walls, by then, the Dan Mama (and a few other officials such as the _Sarkin Fulani)_ openly dissented and switched to the invading force supporting it with their own forces (although Dan Mama himself remained in Alwali II’s camp). Alwali II then sent appeals to the Bornu empire but they weren't forthcoming because Uthman had organized his followers in Bornu to block any assistance coming from there, something that they succeeded in doing by blocking the Bornu vizier's troops and threatening Bornu itself. Alwali II therefore turned to other Hausa cities; Katsina and Daura who assembled force to join him, Alwali II thus met Uthman's followers for a pitched battle at Danyaya, the latter had combined all his followers to face Alwali II and after a 3-day battle, they defeated Alwali II’s army, and his allies, all of whom went back to their cities. Alwali II would later face his last battle at the fortified town of Burumburum, Uthman's followers besieged it and managed to breach it after several weeks and in the ensuing battle, Alwali II fell; marking the end of one of the world's longest reigning dynasties. After this battle, Kano was subsumed in Uthman's Sokoto empire along with other Hausa city-states, their deposed dynasties founded powerful splinter states such as Damagaram, Maradi and Abuja. As for the idealized revolutionary government; the Sokoto empire retained many of the "vices" Uthman had charged the Hausa states of perpetuating and expanded some of them, the _jangali_ tax remained, the market taxes remained, the abhorred taxes on the Ulama remained( and the opulent palaces of Hausa Sarkis were maintained. Just like the Genevan journalist Jacques Mallet du Pan observed about the French revolution; Uthman’s movement eventually "devoured its own children" gradually at first in the succession disputes of the 1860s and then rapidly in the internecine civil wars that raged in the 1890s. In the end, all states formed during the revolution movement both in support and in opposition to it were but players in the rapidly evolving global economic and political order that culminated in their colonization by Britain in 1904 and ended with the independent state of Nigeria in 1960. _**Sokoto empire in 1850**_ * * * **Conclusion** Kano under Alwali II was a Hausa city-state per excellence, a virtually independent kingdom free from the imperial overreach of Kanem-Bornu empire (the preeminent west African power of the time), and able to exert its influence as far as Timbuktu, but Kano under Alwali II was only one of many states in a political order that had been prevailing in west Africa since the early second millennium, an order characterized with the conscious acculturation into the dominant West African political and religious order that involved a delicate synthesis of traditional customs and Islam, but one that increasingly favored the latter when articulating and legitimizing power. This complex equilibrium was supported by an elaborate economic system which furnished the state with revenue in tribute rather than in cash, and mobilized armies from territorial fief holders rather than maintaining them permanently. This entire political and economic system was threatened once new forms of articulating and legitimizing power were propagated, and once the rapidly evolving global economic order washed shiploads of cowrie currency onto the west African littoral and into the interior, as Toby Green observed, powerful fiscal-military states equipped with relatively modern firepower and robust taxation systems such as Dahomey and Asante did not fall to the revolution sweeping west Africa( , (Asante and Dahomey in fact expanded northwards, absorbing Muslim states in their path), while states where such fiscal- military systems were embryonic (like Kano under Alwali II) or nonexistent (like Segu), fell to the revolution movement. Some of the revolution states were themselves inturn absorbed by other reform movements once they failed to implement these fiscal-military systems; such was the fate of the Massina empire which fell to Umar Tal's Tukulor empire whose standing armies were equipped with modern rifles. Alwali II was therefore a leader faced with a complex interplay of economic and political phenomena most of which was beyond his control, while discourses on west Africa's revolutions has given outsized credit to the cleavages of ethnicity and new sects of Islam, and have gone on to anachronistically extrapolate them into modern conflicts couched within the same theories of ethnicity and religion, few have examined the revolutions in 18th century west Africa from political and economic angle which would offer a far more accurate assessment of circumstances that led to their success. Far from myopically placing blame on villains and lauding heroes, this observation of Kano under Alwali II presents a balanced portrait of a west African ruler in the midst of a happenstance driven process of revolution, such a nuanced perspective of political paradigms should guide our interpretations of modern African political movements, the entrenched leaders they seek to replace and provide an assessment of the political order that these movements establish once in power. * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **for free downloads of books on Huasa history and more on African history , please subscribe to my Patreon account** ( ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick, pg 256-7 ( The man who would become caliph by S Cory, pg 197 ( Government in Kano by M. G. Smith, pg 141 ( M. G. Smith, pgs 48-49 ( A Reconsideration of Hausa History before the Jihad by Finn Fuglestad pg 326-339 ( M. G. Smith. pg 116-117 ( M. G. Smith. pg 145 ( M. G. Smith. pg120 ( M. G. Smith, pg 159) ( M. G. Smith, pg 161 ( The history of islam in africa by Nehemia levtzion, pg 97-98 ( Nehemia levtzion, pg 73) ( chapter: “the origins of Jihad in west Africa” in : West Africa During the Age of Revolutions by Paul Lovejoy ( M. G. Smith pg 48, 49 ( M. G. Smith pg 170-172 ( M. G. Smith, pg 73-78 ( M. G. Smith pg66 ( M. G. Smith, pg 26-27, 34) ( M. G. Smith pg69 ( sub-chapter: “The experience of state power: the example of kano” in: A fistful of shells by Toby Green ( M. G. Smith pg 41-42 ( M. G. Smith pg 61-63 ( M. G. Smith 51, 53 ( The shell money of the slave trade by J. S. Hogendorn, pg 104-105 ( J. S. Hogendorn, pg 58-62 ( M. G. Smith, pg 55-61 ( M. G. Smith pg 61-63 ( M. G. Smith pg 59 ( M. G. Smith pg 57 ( Nehemia levtzion pg 77,78 ( Nehemia levtzion pg83, 85 ( M. G. Smith pg 55 ( M. G. Smith pg 188, 171-173) ( Islamic Reform and Political Change in Northern Nigeria By Roman Loimeier, pg 12 ( sub-chapter: “conclusion: reforming the system or reproducing it” in: A fistful of shells by Toby Green.

### The Last King of Kano: Alwali II and the Dawn of West Africa's Age of Revolution (1781–1807) #### Historical Context 1. **Fall of Songhai (1591)**: - The Moroccan conquest over the Songhai Empire led to a period of political and social upheaval in West Africa. - The Niger River Valley, once vibrant under Songhai, became politically fragmented and economically stagnant. 2. **Rise of New Powers (1712)**: - Following the Moroccan withdrawal in 1612, power shifted to new entities such as the Segu Empire (founded by Bitòn Coulibaly) and independent Hausa city-states, including Kano. - By the end of the 17th century, Kano established itself as a leading city-state with a diverse population and a flourishing trade network. #### Political Structure of Kano 3. **Kano's Quasi-Republican Structure**: - Governance in Kano was shared between the elected Sarki (king) and a state council, known as Tara ta Kano. - Key council members included the Madaki, Sarkin Bai, Dan Iya Wambai, and others. They held significant power, often outweighing the Sarki’s authority. 4. **Islamization and Political Influence**: - Islam was formally introduced in the 14th century, catalyzing shifts in governance and social structure. - The state's political and judicial systems began incorporating Islamic law alongside customary Hausa law. #### Economic and Military Expansion 5. **Economic Prosperity**: - By the late 18th century, Kano was a major economic hub in West Africa, known for its textile and leather industries. - The city-state effectively controlled important trade routes, enabling extensive commerce with North and West Africa. 6. **Military Strength**: - Kano's military evolved to include an elite cavalry and musketeer units, centralizing military authority under the Sarki. - Military campaigns expanded Kano’s influence, consolidating authority over surrounding chiefdoms. #### Socio-Economic Challenges 7. **Inflation and Taxation**: - The influx of cowrie shells from the Atlantic economy in the early 18th century triggered inflation in Kano. - The Sarki implemented new taxation policies, leading to unrest among various social groups, particularly the Maguzawa and pastoralist communities. 8. **Public Discontent**: - Increased taxation disproportionately affected the lower classes, fostering dissatisfaction and rebellion against the ruling elite. #### The Rise of Revolutionary Sentiment 9. **Emergence of Revolutionary Movements (1776-1804)**: - The Torodbe Fulani, who settled in Hausaland, began advocating for reform based on grievances against Hausa rulers, particularly concerning oppressive taxation. - Uthman Fodio, a key figure in the revolution, called for reform and rallied support among the Fulani and peasant classes. 10. **Betrayal and Downfall of Alwali II**: - Internal dissent grew as key figures in Alwali II’s court conspired with revolutionary forces. - Uthman’s forces successfully defeated Alwali II’s military at multiple engagements, leading to a siege of Kano. #### Conclusion 11. **Fall of Kano (1807)**: - Alwali II ultimately lost power after protracted battles against Uthman's forces. Kano was integrated into the Sokoto Empire, marking the end of a significant dynasty. - The aftermath saw the emergence of new governance structures that retained some previous practices while failing to deliver the anticipated reforms. #### Significance 12. **Revolutionary Dynamics**: - The events surrounding Alwali II illustrate the complex interplay of economic pressures, social unrest, and political transformation in West Africa. - This period highlighted how fiscal constraints and centralization of power created vulnerabilities that revolutionary movements exploited, reshaping the political landscape of the region. The history of Kano under Alwali II serves as a critical case study in understanding the broader revolutionary movements in West Africa and their impacts on the region's political and economic development.

Cloth in African history: the manufacture, patterning and embroidering of Africa's signature textiles

An overview of textiles from sub-Saharan Africa

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Cloth in African history: the manufacture, patterning and embroidering of Africa's signature textiles ===================================================================================================== ### An overview of textiles from sub-Saharan Africa ( Nov 28, 2021 11 Textiles are one of humankind's most essential commodities. Throughout history individuals and social groups have used clothing to enhance their social position and identity, set social boundaries, as currency and a variety of utilitarian purposes. In Africa, conspicuous displays of expensive cloth was a fine-grained way of displaying wealth, this included both locally made luxurious cloth and imported cloth, such displays were made in both public and private settings; on festivals and burials where redistribution, gift giving, bride price and burial shrouds involved countless meters of finely made cloth, in homes where wall hangings, carpets, blankets and other attire of excellent manufacture were prominently displayed in a custom that was common across many parts of Africa. Delicately woven, dyed and patterned strips of cloth served as currencies in the majority of African societies, spreading designs and techniques of cloth manufacture across regions and making textile production and trade a mainstay of African industry and commerce; weavers, dyers and embroiderers, textile merchants were some of the most ubiquitous professions across the continent and the cloth artworks that they propagated were (and still are) a defining feature of African aesthetics. The manipulation of plant and animal fibers into apparel constituted a major human revolution; African weavers processed flax palm, reeds, papyrus, tree barks, sheep fleece, camel hair and cotton to make tunics, robes, head warps, skirts, cloaks, trousers, blankets. African Cloth industries are attested possibly as early as the Khartoum Neolithic in Sudan with the discovery of spindle whorls dated to the 5th millennium( and the cotton plant species '_Gossypium herbaceum’_ has since been proven to be native to Africa( While our knowledge of cloth in Africa is limited by the few studies on its development and the poor preservation of plant fibers in tropical climates (especially in the subequatorial regions), what is known is that woolen textiles from sheep wool and camel wool, and plant fibers such as flax-linen, raffia and barkcloth were fairly widespread across much of the entire continent before the spread of African cotton (and later Indian cotton) starting in the late first millennium BC. There have been a few notable early discoveries of such cotton textiles eg from nubia dated to the 1st century BC( , cotton textiles from Aksum dated to the 4th to 7th century( , cotton textiles from iwelen in Niger dated to the 9th century and from Bandiagara region of Mali in 11th century( , on the east African coast by the 11th century( , and igombe ilede’s cotton textiles in southern Africa dated to the 14th century.( Depictions of textiles in Africa are fortunately, much older such as the linen and leather cloths of the Kerma kingdom from the 3rd millennium BC( , body-wraps clinched on the waist, from the Nok neolithic from the late first millennium BC( , as well as a number of sculptural and painted depictions of textiles from across the continent. Textural evidence for cloth in Africa comes much later; concerning cotton cloth, one of the earliest mentions of cotton cultivation in Africa was about the cotton trees grown in kingdom of Kush and is taken from Pliny's natural history( , similar cotton cultivation is mentioned in Aksum on the _ezana stela_ from the 4th century( , In the 11th century, al-bakri (d. 1094) wrote that the people of the Ghana empire wore cotton silk and brocade, that domestic cloth weavers and supplying large cities with woven products and that in the kingdom of Takrur, cloths of finely woven cotton served as currency( , References to extensive cloth making industries in Africa became more common from the mid second millennium, by which time many of Africa's signature fabrics and designs, weaver’s looms, dye-pits, and trade routes were in place, the list of which is includes dozens of unique cultural textiles such as the _Bògòlanfini_, _Uldebe, Boubou_ and _Riga_ from western africa, the _kemis_ and _gabi_ from horn of Africa, the _Adire, Akwete, Benin, Ijebu_ and _Kente_ cloths from coastal west africa, the _libongo, kuba_ and _loango_ cloths from west central Africa, the _Seketa_ and _Machira_ cloths of southern and eastern Africa, etc African textile manufacture and aesthetics was dynamic involving innovations in its designs and patterns, the various forms of apparel and changes in fashion were dictated by local factors such as; discoveries of different forms of looms, patterning styles, dyes and forms of embroidery, and external influences such as; imports of yarn and silk whose threads were incorporated into locally made cloths. Africa’s textile industry declined by the mid-20th century not as much because of competition from cheap factory imports but because of the shifts in labor supply ; Africa's major textile producing regions also tended to be significant importers of cloth, but drastic changes in labor supply during the colonial and post-independence era (as workers moved to other sectors) constrained the ability of this traditionally labor intensive handicraft industry to attract new workers or maintain the required amount of labor. Fortunately, the increasing demand for both hand-woven and factory made African textiles has led to a resurgence in production of Africa’s cultural textiles This article explores the history of cloth making and textile designs across the continent in four regions of Sudan and the horn of Africa; west Africa; west-central Africa and eastern and southern Africa mostly focusing on the types of apparel, the methods of manufacture and the different designs. * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Cloth history in Sudan and the horn of Africa** Home to some of Africa's oldest states, this region is also the place with some of the earliest attested African textiles. Restricting our observation to the post-neolithic era; the A-Group, C-group and Kerma kingdom Nubians living in the 4th/3rd millennium BC wore dyed linen loincloths and skirts (similar to Egyptian loincloths) and a leather caps (that would later became a staple Nubian wardrobe)( , during the Kushite era (800BC-300AD) this attire was then complemented with a shoulder-fastened wrap-over (similar to a coat) and a sash tied around the right shoulder (similar to a shawl) both of which were elaborated embroidered( .Aksumites wore linen loincloths, as well as cloak and embroidered tunic shirts( , while medieval Ethiopians wore shirts, tunics, cloaks all of which could be loose or tight fitting and buttoned, white or vibrantly colored, plain or embroidered as well as full-length cotton skirts for women, other attire included headwraps or turbans, stockings and a netela scarf for women( , in Somalia common apparel included wrapped clothing such as tunics, cloaks and turbans or leather caps for men and a full length dress for women, most of these clothes were bleached, some were dyed and embroidered( In ancient Nubia, cloth was weaved using warp-weighed looms and it was done from the top downwards producing thick cotton cloth and woolen cloth as well( , medieval weavers in Sudan would later use in pit treadle looms. In Ethiopia and Somalia, weaving was done over pit-treadle looms( ; a weaver sat on the edge of the pit above which the loom is mounted and in which he operates the treadles with his feet, in the Benadir region of Somalia, spinning wheels were also employed to speed up the production of yarn, as many as 1,000 weaving households in Mogadishu were employed in the 1840s and as much as 360,000 pieces of cloth that were sent into the interior annually in the mid 19th century.( Dyeing in Nubia was done using indigo, weld and madder to achieve blue and red shades, and embroidery threads often used dyed yarn. ( Ethiopian and Somali weavers attimes unwrapped imported silk threads and incorporated them into local clothing to create colorful embroidery( typically applied on the corners of the cloth using several kinds of foliate and floral motifs in various colors the most striking of which were gold, yellow, and red. _**11 century painting of Bishop marianos of Faras from the kingdom of Makuria wearing typical ecclesiastical garb of Nubia, embroidered silk cotton dress of Queen Woyzaro Terunesh of ethiopia made in 1860s (now at V&A museum)**_ _**silk and cotton tunic from 19th century mahdist Sudan (at the smithsonian museum), Somali women in traditional garb (photo from early 20th century)**_ * * * **Cloth history in eastern and southern Africa** In south-eastern Africa, locally woven cotton cloths were made into blankets, cloaks, hammocks, robes and body-wraps clichéd on the waist( , along the east African coast, cloth was widely manufactured in many of the coastal city states such as Kilwa, Pate, Sofala and the Kirimba islands into various forms of attire such as wide sleeved robes, full length dresses, ankle length silk cloaks that were wrapped over their shoulders and a head wrap of a turban( , in the east African interior both cotton and other plant fibers and barks were woven into fine clothing; most notably cotton in much of central Tanzania at Ufipa and Nyamwezi, and Malawi in the lower shire region( , and in the African great lakes region, finely made barkcloth was fashioned into robes, cloaks and beddings the biggest makers of these textiles were the in Buganda and Karagwe kingdoms( Weaving was done using the the fixed-heddle horizontal ground loom in most parts of eastern and southern Africa often for weaving wider cloths, and the pit loom was later used in northern Kenya( , production of cloth in this region was substantial, most of the cloths made in the Swahili cities were sold into the interior, in Mutapa, strips of locally made cloths also served as currency while in the great lakes region, Buganda and Karagwe barkcloth was sold across the region, by the late 19th century, the Zanzibar cloth makers had come to dominate the east African market selling over 614,000 meters of cloth a year into the interior during the mid 19th century most of which was reworked cloth that it had imported.( Cloths in eastern and southern africa were dyed using indigo especially near Kirimba islands which where the main source of indigo dyed cloths on the swahili coast and the Kirimba’s local Milwani cloth was often dyed blue,( Zanzibari weavers are known to have added fashionable borders of embroidery using silks and dyed cotton threads by the early 19th century into the Zanzibari cloth and imported _merikani_ cloth, these patterns would later be mimicked by Dutch and British producers in the early 20th century in the manufacture of the now-ubiquitous kanga( . _**Swahili men from Lamu, Kenya (photo from 1884), Swahili woman from Zanzibar, Tanzania (photo taken before 1900)**_ _**Barkcloth from Uganda (inventoried in 1930 at the British museum), Fipa weavers in Tanzania (photo taken in 1908)**_ * * * **Cloth history in west Africa** In the central and western Sudan (a belt of land stretching from northern Nigeria to Senegal) cotton cloths were made into trousers, gowns, dresses, cloaks, turbans, blankets, shirts, and caps this was done in a variety of places but the major production centers were in the inland Niger delta (central Mali) and the Hausalands (northern Nigeria)( , the same articles of clothing such as shirts, trousers, headwraps, blankets were made in coastal west Africa but with a stronger emphasis on robes and body-wraps either clinched to the waist or on the shoulder.( West African weavers employed a wide variety of looms the most common were narrow band treadle looms which speed up pattern weaving through the use a harnesses suspended from a pulley and foot pedals to manipulate warp threads, both vertical and horizontal looms were also used to produce larger cloths as well( , Manufacture of textiles in west African cities and regions was substantial, as Heinrih Barth estimated that the city of Kano alone exported over £40,000 worth of cloth annually in the 1850s (about £5,000,000 today) and Kano was one of many cloth producing cities in northern Nigeria, while Benin kingdom exported more than 120,000 meters of cloth to Dutch and English traders in 1644-1646 which was a fraction of its internal trade( , explorers in the 19th century observed that thousands of tailors, dyers and embroiderers were employed in the manufacture of cloth during In the Hausalands, in south-eastern Nigeria, in the Senegambia and in central Mali. Dyeing was primarily done using natively domesticated indigo which was the favorite medium for resist dyeing in south-eastern Nigeria and the Hausalands, while a wide range of plant and mineral colors such as hibiscus and camwood were used for obtaining red patterns( , the Bambara weavers of Mali dyed using fermented mud and plant extracts to achieve a deep brown color with yellow and black accents( Patterning in west African cloth was achieved by stitching strips of cloth, stamping, drawing and painting designs on its surface using dyes or paints made from organic materials, while embroidering was worked in stiches using colored yarn and imported silk or wool than was unwrapped; a variety of geometric, floral designs were attained using interlacing chain stiches as well as straight stiches depending on the skill of the embroiderer( , in Dahomey and among the yoruba, such embroiderers added lively scenes such as animal hunts, battle scenes and other depictions _**cross section of west african tunics from; the Mande of mali (19th century, at quaibranly), the Tellem of Mali (17th century at Ulm museum), the Hausa of Nigeria (19th century at british museum), the Fon of Dahomey, Benin (19th century at quai branly)**_ _**cross-section of west African traditional garb; a fokwe chief from Cameroon in a riga, edo women from Benin kingdom, Nigeria, Senufo men from Senegal (photos from the early 20th century)**_ * * * **Cloth history in west central Africa** In west central Africa, weavers used the fiber of raffia to make wall hangings, blankets, carpets, ankle-length skirts, full length body-wraps, burial shrouds and tents, the “great textile belt” in west central Africa included kingdoms such as Kongo, Loango, Kuba, Luba, and the ‘seven kingdoms’. Production was done using both vertical and ground looms for making narrow strips and wide cloths although some cloths were also made without the use of the loom and the size of the cloth was determined by the lengths of the fibers, "units" of larger pieces of cloth were often made by stitching together smaller square pieces of cloth using rafia threads. West-central African weavers used very tight weaves to make the cloths attain a soft texture and the process of making them required a high level of skill, thus making the quality of such textiles high, this can be collaborated based on observations of travelers, traders and missionaries in the region during the 16th to 18th centuries who compared it to velvet or “velvetized satin” and favorably drew parallels to their own best manufactures( , they collected many of these cloths and set them back to Europe inadvertently preserving some of the oldest textiles from this region (as none are found in archeological contexts). Production capacity of west central African cloth manufacturers was high, the eastern Kongo region of _Momboare_s produced about 400,000 meters of cloth a year in the 17th century (this was a region with just 3.5 people per sqkm and a population of 250,000) the _Momboares_ was one of several centers in the great textile belt of west-central Africa that stretched from the northwestern coast of Angola to the Tanzania/DRC border and including such famed cloth producers as the Kuba and Luba, The production capacity of this region compares favorably with contemporaneous cloth producers such as leiden in eastern Holland that were making 100,000 meters of cloth a year.( Cloth in west central Africa was dyed using a number of organic mediums and mineral sources such as redwood, chalk, charcoal and select types of clay to archive various colors such as red, yellow, blue and enhance their characteristic deep-gold of the raffia, dyeing was added to the thread before it was woven and could as well be added after the cloth was made, this latter process was also featured in embroidering which involved dyeing, detailed needlework and clipping of individual tufts applying geometric and interlacing patterns and motifs.( _**Kongo cushion cover (inventoried 1737 at Nationalmuseet, Copenhagen), Kuba embroidered prestige panels from the 19th-20th century (at detroit institute of arts, met museum)**_ _**Portrait of a Kongo ambassador (from Angola) in Recife, Brazil (from 1637–1644), Kuba embroiders in DRC (mid 20th century photo), Gara chief of pande in congo brazaville (from the early 20th century)**_ * * * **Conclusion: On the gradual decline of Africa’s cloth production and its recent upsurge** Cloth is arguably africa’s most resilient aesthetic tradition, African textiles were a pivotal form of individual and cultural identity and their designs, motifs and artworks are a vivid illustration of historical chapters of the African past. African patrons consistently favored a cosmopolitan spectrum of textiles with aesthetics derived from a wide range of sources; this was attested for example, in west central Africa where royals and elites accumulated great hoards of cloth from all over the world as part of a regional tradition of using large burial shrouds, Queen Njinga for example, had a cloth hoard in 1663 that included Dutch, Asian, Kongo, Loango and Yoruba cloths. Cloth was also hoarded in the gold coast region as a marker of wealth and frequent changes of expensive cloth bought from as far as the Huasalands and central Mali as a way of conspicuous consumption. These extravagant purchases, displays and uses of textiles were also observed in northern Nigeria, in Ethiopia, in Zanzibar, in south eastern Africa and it was this appreciation for diverse fashions that defined African cloth manufacturing and consumption. Discourses of Africa’s cloth history especially those that focus of africa’s propensity to import textiles are based on facile models of economic behavior in which it’s assumed that cloth was imported because it wasn’t made locally or the imports were of high quality, yet the evidence shows Africa’s biggest cloth producers were also the biggest importers, rather than displace the domestic textile industry, imports complemented it not only by stimulating demand for cloth products and increasing the supply of yarn but encouraging related crafts of dyeing and embroidering, and far from being high quality, early factory made cloth was mass produced and of very poor quality; estimates of textile production and consumption also record a marked uptick in both across Africa in the mid 19th century that continued into the early 20th century( . The twilight of Africa’s cloth manufacture was instead heralded by the shifts in its labor institutions beginning in the early 20th century particularly the interactions between African workers, producers and consumers as African producers chose to allocate labor where the most profit could be accrued based on local conditions and global trading opportunities. The recent upsurge in production of African cultural textiles is also dictated by the same dynamic; increasing domestic and foreign demand that can afford to pay the wages required for specialist tailors of African designs whose products are relatively pricey because of the cultural value attached to them and the methods of production. The recent renaissance of African textile production is characterized by highly personalized artworks which draw upon reservoirs of classical traditions, the visual language of African textile tradition preserve a rich legacy of Africa’s cultural history * * * **for more on African history, please subscribe to my Patreon account** ( ( Early Khartoum by John Arkell ( Archaeogenomic Evidence of Punctuated Genome Evolution in Gossypium by Sarah palmer ( Cotton in ancient Sudan and Nubia by E. Yvanez and M. M. Wozniak, pg4 ( Foundations of an African civilisation by D. W Phillipson, pg 179 ( The early history of weaving in west africa by Sonja Magnavita, pgs 191-193 ( The Swahili world by Stephanie Wynne-Jones, p327 ( Cotton weaving in South-east Africa by P Davison, pg 175 ( daily life of nubians by R. S. Bianchi, pg 97 ( Cloth in west african history by Colleen E. Kriger, pg 71 ( Studien Zum Antiken Sudan by Steffen Wenig, pg 299 ( D. W Phillipson, pg 200 ( Colleen E. Kriger, pg 74 ( R. S. Bianchi, pg 44, 97 ( The kingdom of kush by L. Torok, pg 438 ( D. W Phillipson pg 200, A Late Antique Christian king from Ẓafār pg 6 ( history of ethiopia 1622 by pedro paez, pg 204-205 ( The politics of dress in Somali Culture by H. M. Akou pg 36,37 ( Encyclopaedia of the History of Science, Technology, and Medicine in Non-Western Cultures by Helaine Selin pg 241 ( textiles of africa by D. Idiens pg 23 ( Africa's development in historical perspective by N. Nunn, pg 271, 267 ( Indigo in the Arab World By Jenny Balfour-Paul pg 119 ( Economic History of Ethiopia by R. Pankhurst, pg 260 ( D. Idiens, pg 187 ( As Artistry Permits and Custom May Ordain by J. G. Prestholdt pgs 30-35 ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by K. Frederick, pg 37, 167 ( Political power precolonial buganda by R. J. Reid pg 72-75) ( N. Nunn, pg 272 ( K. Frederick pg 141 ( J. G. Prestholdt, pg 21,22 ( K. Frederick, pg 73 ( Colleen E. Kriger, pg 96-99 ( Colleen E. Kriger, pg 37 ( Colleen E. Kriger, pg 70-77) ( Benin and the Europeans by A. F. C. Ryder, pg 93 ( D. Idiens, pg 15) ( Sahel art and empires by Alisa LaGamma, pg 241 ( The Essential Art of African Textiles by Alisa LaGamma pg 33-34 ( A history of west-central africa by J.K.Thornton pg 12 ( Precolonial African industry and the Atlantic trade by J. Thornton pg 11-14 ( Power, Cloth and Currency on the Loango Coast by PM Martin pg2 ( K. Frederick, pg 10-20.

### Cloth in African History: An Overview of Textiles from Sub-Saharan Africa #### Introduction to African Textiles 1. **Importance of Textiles**: Textiles have been a fundamental part of human society, serving various purposes such as enhancing social status, setting social boundaries, functioning as currency, and fulfilling utilitarian needs. 2. **Wealth Display**: In Africa, the use of luxurious cloth—both locally made and imported—served as a means to express wealth during public and private events, including festivals and burials. #### Historical Context 3. **Cotton and Textile Production**: - Evidence suggests that cloth industries in Africa date back to the Khartoum Neolithic in Sudan (5th millennium BC). - The native cotton plant species, *Gossypium herbaceum*, has been confirmed to be indigenous to Africa. - Various plant and animal fibers, including flax, palm, reeds, tree bark, and sheep fleece, were crafted into garments. 4. **Early Textiles**: - Historical discoveries include ancient cotton textiles from Nubia dated to the 1st century BC and Aksum (4th to 7th centuries). - Textiles from regions like Mali (11th century) and southern Africa (14th century) also provide evidence of established textile production. 5. **Cultural Depictions**: - Older depictions of textiles can be seen in Kerma kingdom artifacts (3rd millennium BC) and the Nok civilization (late 1st millennium BC). #### Regional Textile Histories 6. **Sudan and the Horn of Africa**: - The Nubians wore dyed linen and leather garments in ancient times. - Textiles included trousers, cloaks, and embroidered items made from linen and cotton. 7. **Eastern and Southern Africa**: - Coastal city-states, such as Kilwa and Pate, produced various clothing items from locally woven cotton. - Barkcloth was significant in regions like Buganda and Karagwe, with extensive weaving methods employed. 8. **West Africa**: - Major textile production centers included the inland Niger delta and coastal regions, focusing on cotton garments. - West African weavers utilized narrow band treadle looms and other techniques, leading to substantial textile exports in the 19th century. 9. **West Central Africa**: - Rafia fibers were primarily used to create textiles, including burial shrouds and wraps. - The production was characterized by intricate designs and high-quality fabric compared to European standards. #### Decline and Resurgence of Textile Production 10. **20th Century Decline**: - Africa's textile industry experienced a downturn primarily due to shifts in labor patterns during colonial and post-independence eras, which affected the labor-intensive nature of textile production. 11. **Recent Resurgence**: - Increasing demand for both hand-woven and factory-made African textiles has led to a revival of cultural production. - The recent focus has shifted towards personalized artworks that reflect traditional techniques, preserving historical legacies. #### Conclusion 12. **Significance of Textiles**: African textiles serve as a vital representation of cultural identity and historical narratives. The appreciation for diverse textile forms continued to resonate within African societies, highlighting the dynamic interplay of local craftsmanship and global influences throughout history. #### References - Historical works and studies that provide further insights into the development and significance of textiles across different African regions. This structured approach underscores the importance of textiles throughout African history, detailing their evolution, cultural significance, and the factors contributing to their production and decline.

The political history of the Swahili city-states (600-1863AD): Maritime commerce and architecture of a cosmopolitan African culture

Dotted along the east African coast are hundreds of urban settlements perched on the foreshore, their whitewashed houses of coral rag masonry crowd around a harbor where seagoing dhows are tied, between these settlements are ruins of palaces, mosques, fortresses, tombs and houses; the remains of a once sprawling civilization that tied the African interior with the Indian ocean world.

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The political history of the Swahili city-states (600-1863AD): Maritime commerce and architecture of a cosmopolitan African culture =================================================================================================================================== ( Nov 21, 2021 11 Dotted along the east African coast are hundreds of urban settlements perched on the foreshore, their whitewashed houses of coral rag masonry crowd around a harbor where seagoing dhows are tied, between these settlements are ruins of palaces, mosques, fortresses, tombs and houses; the remains of a once sprawling civilization that tied the African interior with the Indian ocean world. "Swahili" is one of the most recognizable terms in African culture and history, first as a bantu language -that is one of the most widely spoken languages in Africa with over 100 million speakers- and secondly as a city-state civilization and culture that dominated the 3,000 km long east African coast from Mogadishu in southern Somalia to Sofala northern Mozambique. The origins of the Swahili city-states are dated to the middle of the 1st millennium AD following the last expansion of the bantu speakers between 100-350 AD that involved small populations of farming and fishing communities who were drawn to the coast from the surrounding interior.( These "proto-Swahili" communities grew sorghum and millet and subsisted on fish, their architecture was daub and wattle rectilinear houses, a few engaged in long distance trade especially at Unguja Ukuu (on Zanzibar) and Qanbalu (on Pemba) in the early 7th century, by the turn of the 11th century, a number of these villages had grown into sizeable settlements on the archipelagos of Lamu, Kilwa (in Kenya and Tanzania) and Comoros, in the Benadir region of southern Somalia, at Sofala in northern Mozambique and Mahilaka in northern Madagascar. Maritime long-distance trade, while small, begun to increase significantly, a number of local elites adopted Islam and a few timber and mud mosques were built beginning with shanga in 780AD these were later rebuilt with coral stone at 900AD( . From the 12th century onwards, Swahili urban settlements rapidly grew across the coast and nearby islands, state-level societies based on elected elders chosen by a council of the _waungwana_ (elite families) were firmly established on Mogadishu, Kilwa, Zanzibar, Lamu, Mombasa, Barawa, etc, some of the rulers of these city-states took on the title sultan and aggressively competed with other Swahili cities to dominate the increasingly lucrative maritime and overland trade especially in gold from great Zimbabwe, ivory from the interior and the grain-producing agricultural hinterlands and islands. Iron and cloth industries in the cities expanded and substantial construction in coral-stone architecture was undertaken.( During this time, the ruling elites of the Swahili city states begun to firmly integrate themselves within the wider Islamic world and define their relationships between each other by creating an origin myth for the prominent Swahili cities. This origin myth narrates a story in which a prince (or a princess for the matrilineal Comorians) named Ali, sailed (or fled) from his home in Shiraz in Persia due to his maternal Ethiopian ancestry, he is said to have founded Kilwa, while his brothers (or his seven sons) founded six other towns (the exact list of these towns varies). The oldest version of this origin myth was recorded in the 16th century Kilwa chronicle, subsequent versions would then be written or narrated much later in dozens of cities in the late 19th and early 20th century local chronicles and collections of oral traditions with significant variations in the gender of the founder, the origins of the founders (Shungwaya, Syria and Yemen) and the cities they are claimed to have founded. while early historians first took these origin myths at face value, recent work by archaeologists and linguists has rendered that old simplistic interpretation untenable in light of the overwhelming evidence in favor of autochthonous development that has led them to interpret this mythical origin as representing the tendency of many Swahili to invent conspicuous genealogies for themselves and a way for the Swahili elite to legitimize their Islamic identity by tracing the origins of their founders to Muslim heartlands -which is a common phenomena among Muslim societies across the world. The so-called _shirazi_ and their dynasties were according to the historian Randal Pouwels: _"the Swahili par excellence, those original 'people of the coast’ that comprised the original social core of recognized local kin groups, whose claims to residence in their coastal environs were putatively the most ancient"._ The term Shirazi (_wa-shirazi_) was thus used endonymously as a distinctive (self) designation by the people of the coast now known as Swahili.( The term Swahili on the other hand is exonymous, being derived from the Arabic word for coast, it was first used by Arab writers to refer to the area within the _bilad al-zanj_ (land of the zanj) which they described as beginning at Mogadishu and ending at Sofala. the center/heartland of the _zanj_ was located on the Pemba island by Ibn Said (d. 1275AD) and later by ibn Battuta (visited 1331AD).( _Map of the swahili city-states mentioned in this article (and detailed maps on the Lamu and Zanzibar archipelagos)_( It was during this so-called "_wa-shirazi_ era" that the Swahili cities were at their peak roughly from 1000-1500AD. This golden age ended by the time the Portuguese interlopers arrived in 1498, their predations along the coast and the sack of Kilwa, Mogadishu and Mombasa and brief occupation led to the rapid deterioration of the cities' wealth and the abandonment of several towns, a period of political upheaval followed as multiple imperial powers notably the Ottomans and Omani Arabs, tried to lay claim on the cities while the latter played each of these powers against the other; a number of Swahili cities remained independent until the 19th century when they increasingly came under Omani suzerainty, culminating with the fall of Siyu in 1863. This article focuses on prominent Swahili cities for each period and weaves their individual threads down to the Omani occupation in the 19th century. * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **On Swahili historiography and writing the political history of the Swahili** The bulk of pre-16th century Swahili historiography is taken from the Kilwa chronicle, the chronicle was written in the mid 16th century and a version of it was copied in _Décadas da Ásia_ by João de Barros in 1552AD and slightly later, an Arabic version of it was written, the latter was then copied in 1837AD and is currently in the British library number "Or. 2666". Sources for post-16th century period include chronicles written in the late 19th and early 20th century such as the _kitab al-zunuj_ from the 1880s, the Mombasa chronicle from 1899, and the chronicles of pate, Lamu, Vumba kuu, Ngazija, Anjouan, Zanzibar and many others (one catalogue of Swahili chronicles found as many as 90 chronicles and traditions from dozens of towns).( most of which have been translated and published but unfortunately remain undisguisedOther sources for reconstructing Swahili history are the inscribed coins from Shanga, Pemba, Zanzibar, Mafia, Mombasa and Kilwa most of which include the names of Swahili rulers and their dates of issue allowing for a comparison with the written sources. _The Mombasa chronicle, written in 1899 by a Swahili scribe in Mombasa (now at SOAS)_ * * * **Early Swahili era (500-1000AD)** **Swahili urban foundations in the 6th to the 11th century: from Shungwaya to Shanga** The east African coast was already inhabited by the 1st century mostly by a mixed farming and fishing group of bantu speakers among whom a number of proto-urban settlements are mentioned to have been built during the early 1st millennium AD, most notably the entrepot of Rhapta and Menouthias in (Tanzania and Kenya), but these two remain archeologically elusive and predate the distinctive emergence of the Swahili. The formative period of Swahili history in the second half of the 1st millennium AD was characterized by expansion and migration from their core region of _Shungwaya_. Shungwaya was a region just north of the Tana river in Kenya that included the coast, offshore islands and the immediate hinterland, terminating at the jubba river in Somalia. This region is attested in the ethnoliguistic history of many of the Sabaki-bantu languages (a sub-group that includes Swahili, Comorian and Majikenda) as their original ancestral homeland from which they eventually migrated southwards along the coast. This is also attested archeologically in the similarity of the "early tana tradition" wares from Mogadishu in the north and asfar south as Chibuene in Mozambique which are ubiquitously present in the earliest levels of all early urban settlements on the coast such as Shanga and Manda (on the Lamu archipelago) in the 8th century( , Tumbe and Kimimba (on Pemba island) in the the 7th and 8th century( and Unguja Ukuu in Tanzania in the 6th century( . At this stage, some imported pottery, glassware from china, south India and the Arabian coast is found, although dwarfed by local pottery (96% vs 5%), a substantial iron industry developed and most of the elite buildings were rectilinear and built with timber and daub. _Map of the kenyan coast showing the possible location of shungwaya_ The first Swahili rulers attested locally were the two issuers of silver coinage from Shanga in the 8th and 10th centuries named Muhammad and Abd Allah respectively( , the sophistication of its silver coinage, the substantial construction of coral stone buildings -which were the earliest of all Swahili cities and by the 14th century numbered more than 200- made shanga the most prominent city of this early period. Shanga was sacked in the 11th century and despite its resurgence in the 14th century, it never became one of the major trading centers of the Swahili coast in the later era but it doubtlessly played an important role in the origin of the culture of the Swahili city states notably, the issuance of coinage and the construction in coralstone. Interpretations of the shirazi myth which suggest that _wa-Shirazi_ were from the Lamu archipelago and migrated to the south therefore position Shanga at the center of Swahili origins.( Contemporaneous with Shanga was Ras mkumbuu on Pemba island. This city was visited by al-Masudi in 916AD, he referred to it as Qanbalu, and mentioned that it was an important trading town; "_**among the inhabitants of the island of Qanbalû is a community of Muslims, now speaking the language of the Zanj, who conquered this island and subjected all the Zanj on it**_" the word “zanj” being a catch-all term for the local east African coastal people. Masudi also noted the trade items of the Swahili particularly gold re-exported from Sofala and iron exports to India, Masudi's observation of Pemba is confirmed archeologically at Ras mukumbuu with its numerous stone houses and tombs and a 10th century coral-stone mosque, the second oldest after Shanga. this was the first mention of Sofala as an economic power-player on the coast: whichever city controlled its trade became the most prosperous. later writers like al-Sîrâfî (d. 979AD) noted a failed attack on Qanbalu by the _waq-waq_, Buzurg ibn Shahriyar also describes the same group with a massive fleet of 1,000 vessels attacking “_many towns and villages of the Zanjis in the Sofala country_” in 945-946AD. The _waq-waq_ were an Austronesian group related to the Sakalava of Madagascar, the latter of whom were formidable foes to the Comorian and Swahili city-states in the 18th century.( Ras Mukumbuu later faded into obscurity by the 15th century. _Ras Mkumbuu’s 11th century mosque and 14th centuy pillar tombs_ * * * **Classical swahili era (1000-1500AD)** **Overview of the 12th-13th century** From the 11th to the 13th centuries, dozens of swahili cities expanded, more than half of the known Swahili cities were established in this period; including Pate, Unguja Ukuu, Mkokotoni, Anjouan, Kisimani Mafia, Kilwa, Manda, Munghia, Gezira, Chibuene; in the 12th century and then Mogadishu, Merka, Barawa; Faza, Lamu, Ungwana (Ozi), Malindi, Gedi, Mnarani, Kilepwa, Mombasa, Chawaka Kizimkazi, Zanzibar town, Kaole, Kunduchi, Jongowe, Mtambwe Mkuu, Ras Mkumbuu, Mkia wa Ngombe, Mduuni, Sanje ya Kati and kilwa. It was in during this early period in the 11th and 12th centuries that the Swahili elites became islamised although largely superficially; the rulers kept the pre-islamic regalia like royal drums, the side-blown siwa, royal spears, medicine bag( , etc. some practiced facial scarification and tooth filing( is attested and the 15th century Swahili palace of Makame Dume at Pmeba which had a traditionalist segeju shrine built under it( , all of which are common across various African groups. _Lamu’s Siwa (side-blown ivory horn) from the 17th century_ The Arabic script was widely adopted, the earliest dated inscriptions come from this era at Barawa in 1104AD and at Kizimkazi in 1106 AD( , and the Swahili became maritime sending both diplomatic and trading missions across the Indian ocean to arabia and as far as china; in the 11th century, An unanmed ruler of Zanzibar (the city called Cengtan/Zangistân ) with the title _Amîr-i-amîrân_ sent an emissary to Song dynasty china in 1071AD, and another arrived at the same court from Mogadishu in 1101AD. by the early 16th century Swahili ships and merchants were active in the Malaysian city of Malacca.( While none of the Swahili city-states dominated the other politically, a few gained prominence such as Kilwa, Pemba, Zanzibar, Barawa and Mogadisghu; the largest among these cities was Mogadishu in the northern regions and Zanzibar in the southern region. _illustration of a 'mtepe' swahili ship dated to 1277AD from Al-Hariri's Maqamat_( **The Swahili from the 12th century to the 13th century: Mogadishu and Zanzibar** Mogadishu was first settled in the 12th century, its described by Yakut (d. 1229AD) as a "town in the land of zanj" governed by a council of elders, while al-Dimashqi (d. 1327AD) refers to it as as the capital of the zanj people belonging to the coast of Zanzibar. Mogadishu’s description as “zanj”, its traditions which hold that the first Mogadishu dynasty was shirazi and its oldest section -shangani, being of bantu derivation, establishes it as the northernmost Swahili city. By the 12th century it had supplanted the neighboring city of Merca as the most prominent city in the benadir region (the southern coast of somalia). Mogadishu's traders had in the early 13th century established ties with the southernmost Swahili city of Sofala that had begun re-exporting gold from the k2-mapungubwe region in south-east Africa, the prosperity that followed this trade is attested by the three oldest mosques which date from this era especially the Fakhr al din mosque built in 1269AD. Mogadishu was visited by Ibn battuta in the mid 14th century who described it as ruled by a Somali (“_barbara”_) sheikh who spoke _maqdishi_ (a Swahili dialect) and who had by then replaced the council-style government described by Yakut earlier.( Mogadishu's rulers are attested from the early 14th century on its coinage whose issue continued into the 16th century. Mogadishu first dynasty was replaced in 16th century by the Mudaffar dynasty. Portuguese sources from the early 16th century described as a large city with houses several floors high flourishing on ivory and gold exports and locally manufactured textiles, it was soon bombarded by the Portuguese in in 1499 and in 1518, afterwhich Mogadishu (and the cities of Merca and Barawa) came under the orbit of the mainland Ajuran sultanate in the mid 16th century but remained largely autonomous.( it gradually declined until 1624 and it was taken by the darandolla (somalis of the Hawiye clan) who established themselves at shangani, this fall continued into the 18th century as Mogadishu’s population and prosperity declined along with the neighboring cities of Merca and Barawe that had by then been reduced to villages, it was then bombarded and taken by the Omanis in 1828AD.( The most prominent of the southern cities in the 12th and 13th centuries was Zanzibar. Yaqut, writing in 1220AD, described Zanzibar as a center of trade and Tumbatu as the new location of the people and seat of the king of the Zanj, its reach expanding to Shangani, and to Fukuchani, it also traded with the hinterland cities of Kunduchi and Kaole( that were flourishing at the time, Zanzibar rapidly declined by the early 14th century and Ibn battuta passed it without mention most likely because the ruling elites at Tumbatu moved to Kilwa after having deposed Kilwa's previous dynasty in a coup d'état at the end of the 13th century( . It was never an important power in the later centuries until its occupation by the Omanis in the mid 18th century. (we shall return to this below) _Old town Mogadishu, the 12th century mosque at Tumbatu_ **The Swahili from the 13th to the 14th century: Kilwa** The city of Kilwa was first settled in the 9th century but had grown significantly in the second half of the 11th century under its first attested ruler Ali bin al-hassan, he issued silver coins with his names engraved on them and rebuilt the old Kilwa mosque with coralstone. Kilwa extended its control to the island of Mafia by the 13th century and later Songo mnara, Sanje ya kati and much of the "southern Swahili coast”. Kilwa took sofala from Mogadishu in the late 13th century and prospered on reexporting gold that was now controlled by the kingdom at Great Zimbabwe. At the turn of the 14th century, Kilwa’s first dynasty was deposed by the Mahdahali dynasty from a nearby swahili city of Tumbatu under the new ruler, al-Hassan Ibn Talut, the most illustrious ruler of this dynasty was al-Hassan bin sulayman who reigned in the early 14th century, he issued trimetallic coinage and built the gigantic ornate palatial edifice of Husuni Kubwa, expanded the great mosque, made a pilgrimage to mecca (the first of several Kilwa sultans) and hosted the famous Moroccan traveler Ibn Battuta who described the city as elegantly built entirely with timber and the inhabitants as Zanj with facial scarifications( Ibn Battuta’s account was accurate for Kilwa which in the early 14th century whose houses at the time were mostly built with wood save for the great mosque and the palace (and unlike Shanga, Pemba, Tumbatu, Mogadishu, Gede and a few other cities where a significant number of houses had already been built in coralstone). Kilwa's fortunes briefly decline in the second half of the 14th century due to the collapsing gold prices on the world market and the black death but revived at the turn of the 15th century with heavy investment in coralstone building around the city and the nearby island on Songo mnara, during this century, the city-states of Mombasa and Malindi rose to prominence challenging Kilwa's hegemony and setting off the latter's gradual decline.( In 1505 kilwa was sacked by the Portuguese, the first of a number of assaults on the city including one from the mainland Zimba in 1588 that further impoverished the city, the Portuguese took Sofala and gold exports plummeted from 5-8 tonnes a year to 0.5 tonnes under Portuguese control.( , no buildings were constructed through the century while Kilwa was under Portuguese suzerainty the latter of whom had established themselves at Mombasa. The city fell into political turmoil and a number of assassinations, invasions and rebellions are recorded in the first half of the 17th century. By the end of the 17th century, the Portuguese had been expelled from much of the coast by a combined Swahili and Omani force.( Kilwa's prosperity was revived in the late 17th and early 18th century, under sultan Alawi and then queen (regent) Fatima bint Muhammad's reign when ivory trade with the Yao (an interior group) expanded, a fortified palace was built on top of the 15th century palace and the grand mosque was repaired, Kilwa’s influence extended to the cities of Mafia and Kua. late in the 18th century, a series of weak rulers saw the city declining and increasingly coming under Omani suzerainty who built the Gezera fort around 1800, In the early 19th century and focus shifted to Kilwa kivinje and Kilwa’s last ruler, sultan Hassan, was exiled by the Omanis in 1842.( _gold coins of Kilwa sultan al-Hassan Sulayman from the 14th century_ _Kilwa’s great mosque built in the 11th century and a 14th century elite house in Songo Mnara_ * * * **Late Swahili era 1500-1850** **The Swahili from the 15th to the 16th century: Mombasa and Malindi** From the 15th to 17th century the most prominent Swahili cities were Mombasa and to a lesser extent, Malindi. They both derived most of their prosperity from the agricultural bases in their hinterlands and surrounding islands such as the growing and exportation of rice and millet, mangrove wood for construction, exportation of locally made iron and the manufacture and trade of cotton textiles.( Such prosperity based on controlling the hinterland agricultural produce is first utilised in the nearby hinterland cities of Mnarani and Gedi but especially the latter, which reached its apogee in the 13th and 14th century when heavy investment in monumental coralstone architecture was undertaken with hundreds of stone houses constructed, before it gradually declined by the 16th century likely due to the ascendance of the neighboring cities of Malindi and Mombasa. Mombasa’s prosperity stagnated while it weathered a succession of catastrophic Portuguese attacks in 1505, 1528/29 and 1589( , its internecine wars with Malindi and against the hinterland groups; the Zimba and Segeju forced it into a period of gradual decline by the end of the century when it became the Portuguese seat on the coast following the construction of fort Jesus. This fort was in the late 17th century wrestled from the Portuguese by a Swahili-Omani force, Mombasa was thereafter ruled by an alliance of the old council and the Mazruis of Oman origin. The latter gradually supplanted the former and the city’s prominence was slowly revived by the 1770s controlling the agriculturally rich Pemba island and their immediate hinterland, but the Mazrui’s meddling in the affairs of the neighboring city-state of Lamu’s led to a war in 1812-14 which it and its allied city of Pate, was defeated by Lamu allied which was allied with the Busaid Omanis. the latter took the city in 1837.( _Mombasa beachfront in the 1890s, Malindi 15th century Pillar tomb_ **Interlude: Portuguese, Ottoman and Oman imperial claims on the Swahili coast in the 16-17th century** The 16-17th century was a time of great social and political upheaval on the Swahili coast that witnessed radical shifts in trade relations as the city’s wealth attracted the attention of multiple imperial powers such as the Ottomans, Portuguese and Omanis, who sought to dominate the coast. The Swahili cities allied with some of these powers against the others and against other Swahili foes, for the southern Swahili cities: old trade kingdoms like great Zimbabwe and Mutapa collapsed and were replaced by the Maravi and Yao who were much closer them, the Omanis had sacked fort Jesus in 1696 and expelled the Portuguese but the Swahili soon grew weary of their former partners who had garrisoned Pate, Mombasa, Zanzibar and Kilwa; the Swahili threw them out of fort Jesus by the turn of the century and all cities were afterwards largely autonomous, this state of affairs lasted until the resumption of Busaidi-Omani expansions in the mid-18th century( . This period also witnessed the ascendance of the Comorian city states whose development, culture and customs mirrored the Swahili city states and whose language was closely related. **The Swahili and Comoros from the 17th to the 18th century: the rise of Anjouan** A number of Comorian city-states rose to prominence during the 15th to 18th century. the Comoros archipelago had been settled by Comorian-bantu groups in the second half of the 1st millennium, these comprise the bulk of its current population on the four islands of Ngazidja/Grande Comore, Mayotte, Mwali and Nduzuani/Nzwani, they practiced mixed farming and fishing and participated in trade with the Swahili cities and the Indian ocean. The Matrilineality of Comorian inheritance (which existed in some Swahili groups as well) created a curious version of the Shirazi myth where instead of the founder (prince Ali) being a man, it was a two unammed Shirazi princesses who are said to have came to Ngazidja( and Mayotte and intermarried with local elites such that succession followed their line.( the cities of Old sima and Domoni grew into important towns between the 11th and 14th century including the construction of coralstone houses and mosques and trade based on exportation of the commodities rice, millet and chlorite schist flourished. The islands came under Kilwa's orbit in the 15th century, an offshoot Kilwa elite then founded the sultanate of Anjouan at Nzwani island in the early 16th century and substantially expanded the capital Domoni, later moving it to Mutsamudu and uniting most of the island. Anjouan owed its wealth inpart to its better harbor which by the 17th century was a favorite stopover for French, Dutch and English ships whose demand for food surpluses further led to the economic prominence of the state represented by the construction of more stone houses, public squares and baths and a large fortress. Anjouan later declined due to Sakavala raids in the late 19th century the other islands eg Ngazidja were mostly divided under many local rulers most prominent being those of Bambao whose capital was Iconi, these sultanates were then united in the late 19th century on the eve of French colonialism.( _The 18th century fortress at Mutsamudu on Nzwani and the 16th century palace of the Bambao ruler at Iconi in Grand Comore/Ngazidja_ **The Swahili in the 18th century: Pate and the rise of Lamu** Lamu and Pate's ascendance in the late 16th century owed much to Mombasa's decline, Pate in particular secured a standing as the most important supplier of ivory on the coast and managed to establish trade relations with mecca and the red sea by 1569AD avoiding the then Portuguese controlled Mombasa. Skippers from Pate plied their seagoing trade north to Barawa, Merka and Mogadishu, The 18th century saw a marked resurgence in relations between the central Swahili core (the Lamu and Zanzibar archipelagos) and the northerly Swahili of the Benadir region especially the city of Barawa( ; the latter of whom were reportedly ancestors of the _shomvi_ Swahili clan prominent in the Rufiji delta region of Tanzania, these revived the collapsed cities of Kaole and Kunduchi in the 18th century and founded Bagamoyo in the 19th century( The same century was a period of renewed prosperity for the Swahili cities especially Lamu, Pate as attested by elaborate coral construction, detailed plasterwork in mosques and homes, and voluminous imported porcelain. By the late 18th century succession disputes at Pate led to Lamu upending Pate's position as the most prominent city on the coast (although sharing this position with the newly emerging city of Siyu). Lamu's wealth was based on the same agricultural economy as Mombasa involving patron-client relationships with hinterland cultivators, coupled with its better harbor. Lamu had a typical Swahili council-style government of _waungwana_ where an elder from the two main factions was chosen rather than a sheikh. The city's population grew to around 21,000 in the early 1800s, its preeminence was cemented following the ‘battle of Shela’ in 1812-14 when Lamu defeated a combined Pate and Mombasa force, later placing itself under the protection of the Busaidi Oman sultan Sayyid Said who was increasingly setting his eyes on the coast, Pate was thereafter reduced to a small village by 1840s.( _18th century elite house in the city of Pate, Lamu beachfront_ * * * **Swahili epilogue in the early 19th century: the Omani capital at Zanzibar and the fall of Siyu.** While Zanzibar had flourished before the 14th century, it was for a minor town for much of the succeeding period, it too switched alliances between the Omani and Portuguese during the 16th/17th century upheavals and attained autonomy at the turn of the 18th century under their local ruler titled Mwinyi Mkuu, this lasted until 1744 when the Busaid Omanis installed a governor on Zanzibar who initially shared power with the local ruler but increasingly used Zanzibar as a base to conquer the rest of the Swahili cities and the Mwinyi mkuu was soon reduced to a ceremonial figurehead. The victory of Omanis’ Lamu allies at the battle of shela established them as the dominant power of the coast, they then went on to seize the island of Pemba (which was Mombasa's agricultural base for rice) to weaken the Mazruis of Mombasa, the latter sought to ally with the British against the Busaidi Omanis who had now surrounding them but the Omanis had much firmer ties with the British, in the end, Mombasa became tributary to the Omanis who blockaded it leading to its collapse in 1837.( The last major Swahili holdout was Siyu whose origins date to the 15th century. Siyu had flourished alongside Lamu in the late 18th/early 19th century with a population of more than 20,000 it was as major scholarly city and the center of a substantial crafts industry under its ruler Bwana Mataka. The Omani sultan attacked Siyu several times starting in the late 1820s prompting Bwana Mataka to build the Siyu fort, the Omanis then launched another attack in the late 1840s but this too was repulsed, it was only after the last attack in 1863 that Siyu finally capitulated after a 6 month-long siege by Sultan Seyyid Majid,( formally marking the end of Swahili independence. _Siyu fort_ * * * **Conclusion** The Swahili city-states are the archetype of African cosmopolitanism, their political system of “oligarchic republics” governed by a council of elders was fairly common on the African mainland especially in west-central Africa, as well as their traditionalist regalia and customs, their spatial settlement -whose enclosures followed the style of the _kayas_ of the Majikenda- and their architecture which expresses forms derived from local materials such as mangrove poles, coralstone, thatch and coral-lime. Yet the Swahili were also cosmopolitan adopting and indigenizing elements from across the Indian ocean littoral. Swahili social structure was defined by diversity and ethnic multiplicity and its political life was characterized by binaries organized around principles of inclusiveness versus exclusiveness. Its this aspect of Swahili dynamism that confounds some observers whose interpretations of Swahili history and culture are reductive; preferring to misattribute Swahili accomplishments to other groups. Swahili society preserves the legacy of Africa's integration into the Indian ocean system and its wealth is a testament to the active role Africa merchants and commodities played in global history. * * * _**for more on African history, please subscribe to my Patreon account**_ ( * * * ( The East African Coast c. 780 to 1900 CE by R. Pouwels pg 253 ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones et.al, pg 140-145 ( The swahili city state culture by N. T. Hakansson pgs 470-472 ( Horn and cresecnt by R. Pouwels pg 34-37 ( The swahili by M. Horton pg 16 ( this map is taken from “The Swahili World” by Stephanie Wynne-Jones et.al ( A History of Swahili Prose, Part 1 by J. D. Rollins, pgs 29,30 ( R. Pouwels, pg 10-16 ( Stephanie Wynne-Jones et.al, pg 163 ( Stephanie Wynne-Jones et.al, pg 169 ( Shanga by M. Horton, pg 377 ( The swahili horton, pg 50 ( Stephanie Wynne-Jones et.al, pg 234, 369, 370 ( R. Pouwels, pg 27,28 ( China and East Africa by M. Kusimba, pg 73 ( Swahili Archaeology and History on Pemba, Tanzania by A. LaViolette, pgs 149-151 ( Swahili Origins by J. de V. Allen, pg 183 ( Stephanie Wynne-Jones et.al, pg 433, 376 ( Trade in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond by D. J. Mattingly et.al, pg 147 ( medieval mogadishu by N. chittick pg 48-50) ( J. de V. Allen pg 156 ( Muqdisho in the Nineteenth Century by Edward A. Alpers, pg 441-445 ( Southern Africa and the Swahili World by Felix Chami pg 15 ( Stephanie Wynne-Jones et.al, pg 242 ( The Indian Ocean in World History By Edward A. Alpers pg 52 ( Kilwa a history by J.E.G sutton pg 123-132) ( Port cities and intruders by M. Pearson, pg 49 ( Ivory & Slaves in East Central Africa by Edward A. Alpers, pg 61-62 ( A Revised Chronology of the Sultans of Kilwa in the 18th and 19th Centuries by Edward A. Alpers pg 160 ( R. Pouwels, pg 7 ( Stephanie Wynne-Jones et.al pg 233 ( R. Pouwels, pg 98-100 ( Stephanie Wynne-Jones et.al, pg 519-523 ( Becoming the Other, Being Oneself by Iain Walker pg 60-65 ( Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea by Iain Walker, pg 34-39 ( The Comoro Islands in Indian Ocean Trade before the Nineteenth Century by M. Newitt pgs 145-160 ( R. Pouwels, 39-41 ( Historical Archaeology of Bagamoyo by Felix Chami ( The battle of shela by R. L. Pouwels pgs 370-372 ( Slaves, spices, & ivory in Zanzibar by Abdul Sheriff, pg 26-30 ( Omani Sultans in Zanzibar by Ahmed Hamoud Maamiry, pg 16.

# The Political History of the Swahili City-States (600-1863 AD) ## Introduction - The Swahili city-states flourished along the East African coast, from Mogadishu in southern Somalia to Sofala in northern Mozambique. - Dotted along the coast are urban settlements characterized by whitewashed houses of coral rag masonry and ruins of palaces, mosques, and other structures. - The term "Swahili" refers both to a widely spoken Bantu language with over 100 million speakers and the civilization that dominated the East African coast. ## Origins of the Swahili City-States (600-1000 AD) 1. **Proto-Swahili Communities (100-350 AD)** - Small populations of Bantu-speaking farming and fishing communities migrated to the coast from the interior. - These communities engaged in agriculture, growing sorghum and millet, and fishing. - Early architecture included daub and wattle rectilinear houses. 2. **Formation of Urban Settlements (7th-11th Century)** - By the early 7th century, settlements began to form at Unguja Ukuu (Zanzibar) and Qanbalu (Pemba). - By the turn of the 11th century, settlements developed into robust urban centers in Lamu, Kilwa, Comoros, and Sofala. - The adoption of Islam among local elites began, leading to the construction of mosques, starting with a timber and mud mosque at Shanga in 780 AD, later rebuilt in coral stone around 900 AD. 3. **Establishment of State-Level Societies (12th Century Onwards)** - Urban centers grew rapidly, with political structures based on elected elders (waungwana). - Prominent city-states included Mogadishu, Kilwa, Zanzibar, and Mombasa. - Some rulers adopted the title of sultan, leading to competition for dominance in lucrative maritime and overland trade, particularly in gold and ivory. ## The Rise of the Shirazi Myth - A common origin myth emerged, claiming that a prince named Ali from Shiraz, Persia, founded Kilwa and six other towns. - Early historians accepted these myths at face value; however, modern archaeological and linguistic evidence points towards an autochthonous development of Swahili culture. - The term "Shirazi" came to designate the original coastal inhabitants and their descendants, while "Swahili" was used more broadly by outsiders. ## Golden Age of the Swahili Civilization (1000-1500 AD) 1. **Economic Prosperity and Trade** - Swahili cities became significant trade hubs, connecting Africa with the Indian Ocean and beyond. - Maritime trade escalated, with diplomatic missions reaching as far as China. - Key exports included gold, ivory, and textiles. 2. **Political Structures and Rivalries** - No single city-state dominated; however, cities like Kilwa, Zanzibar, and Mogadishu rose in prominence. - Kilwa became particularly notable for control over trade routes and its architectural achievements, including monumental coral stone buildings. 3. **Decline of the Golden Age** - The arrival of Portuguese explorers in the late 15th century marked the beginning of instability. - Portuguese attacks decimated coastal cities, leading to significant economic decline. ## Interactions with Foreign Powers (16th-18th Century) 1. **Portuguese and Omani Influence** - The period saw increasing foreign intervention, notably by Portuguese and Omani powers. - Mombasa and Malindi became key players in the region, with shifting fortunes due to warfare and alliances. 2. **Resurgence of Swahili City-States** - Despite foreign domination efforts, some city-states managed to preserve a degree of autonomy and economic vitality. - Fresh alliances were formed as local leaders adapted to changing political landscapes. ## Conclusion: The Legacy of the Swahili City-States - The Swahili city-states exemplify African cosmopolitanism through their diverse cultural influences and trade networks. - Their political systems, characterized by council governance, reflect common practices across African societies. - The architectural heritage, rooted in local materials, showcases the unique adaptation of Swahili culture to its geographical and historical context. - The story of the Swahili city-states illuminates Africa's integration into the wider Indian Ocean trading system, highlighting the vibrant legacy of its merchants and cultural exchanges.

Science and technology in African history; Astronomy, Mathematics, Medicine and Metallurgy in pre-colonial Africa

On ancient Africa's accomplishments in Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics.

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Science and technology in African history; Astronomy, Mathematics, Medicine and Metallurgy in pre-colonial Africa ================================================================================================================= ### On ancient Africa's accomplishments in Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics. ( Nov 14, 2021 17 Most of us have a fairly intuitive understanding of the terms science and technology within our modern context (ie from the 20th century onwards), but much of what we understand about modern science can't be easily defined across different time periods and societies making the terms themselves a source of anachronism in the study of pre-modern science and technology because we tend to highlight the things about pre-modern science that we recognize and ignore those that seem incomprehensible to us. Simply defined, science is, according to George Sarton: “_the acquisition an systemization of positive knowledge_” of which "positive" means information derived empirically from the senses, while technology is the application of scientific knowledge for practical purposes.( Africa during and after the Neolithic era witnessed the emergence of large complex states many of which were fairly urban, covered vast swathes of territory and had large populations, sustaining these states necessitated the production of scientific knowledge and the application of technology by Africans to grow their societies, economies, militaries, etc. Save for the sole exception of metallurgy, studies of African technologies have received little attention leaving gaps in our understanding of how African states sustained themselves, how African architecture, intellectual traditions, agriculture, transportation, warfare, medicine, astronomy and timekeeping, were applied to improve the lives of Africans in the states that they lived in. A central feature of African science and technology were the dynamics of invention and innovation, the former refers to the initial appearance of an idea/process while the latter refers to the adaptation of an invention to local circumstances.( The robustness of science and technology in the different African states -as in all world regions- was dictated by the interplay of these two dynamics. Invention, which occurs less commonly in world history, requires a much longer time scale, sufficient local demand and a degree of isolation. In Africa, invention primarily occurred in metallurgy (iron, copper smelting, lost-wax casting) in glass making, forms of intensive agriculture among others. Innovation occurs much more frequently in world history and is responsible for much of the technological progress we see today, in Africa, it occurred in writing, warfare, architecture, textile manufacture, astronomy, medicine, mathematics, among others. Because science as an orderly and rational structure (and the technology with which it was applied) predates writing, we can begin this article on the history of science and technology in Africa by looking at the oldest technologies and then cover the written sciences. * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **African Technologies: on their invention, innovation and use in early industry, agriculture and construction.** **Metallurgy: on the use of metals in African history** Due to the geographical diversity of Africa, the process of extracting metals from their ores on the continent begun at different dates in different locations and using different methods. Nubian metallurgy begun with the smelting of copper and its alloys in 2200BC at Kerma while the smelting of Iron was established by 500BC at Meroe. In West Africa, copper smelting was present in Niger by 2000BC in the region of Termit massif, iron would later be smelted in the same region by 800 BC. In the rest of Africa, the advent of metallurgy begun in the early first millennium BC (save for some exceptional dates from Obui in the central African republic and Leja in Nigeria older than 2,000BC), it started with the working of iron at Taruga (Nok neolithic, Nigeria) between 800BC and 400BC, at Rwiyange (Urewe neolithic, Rwanda) in 593BC, Otoumbi in Gabon between 700BC and 450BC, and dozens of other sites across the continent in the second half of the 1st millennium BC such that by the turn of the common era, virtually all regions in Africa had an iron age site. The diffusionist hypothesis that iron was introduced from Carthage or Meroe now only stands on a purely conjectural theory that iron couldn't be smelted without prior knowledge of copper and bronze smelting, even after recent dates showed west and east African iron working was contemporaneous -and in some cases arguably earlier- than its established dates in Carthage and Meroe (where it supposedly originated) and which all fall between 800BC-600BC. As archeologist Augustin Holl writes "the very diversity of African metallurgical traditions escapes a purely taxonomic approach… chronologies that appear to run counter to the prevailing idea of diffusion are often disregarded, the question is whether this rejection is based on reasonable interpretation of the evidence at hand or is simply unwillingness to accept evidence contradicting long held ideas".( The smelting of other metals such as gold and tin begun slightly later; after the mid 1st millennium AD in various places from Jenne jeno to Mapungubwe, lead smelting appeared in some places like Benue in Nigeria in the late first millennium and the DRC is the seventeenth century. Tin and copper were alloyed to produce bronze in the late first millennium in Nigeria and mid second millennium in south Africa. at Rooiberg where an estimated 180,000 tonnes of rock were mined to extract 20,000 tonnes of Cassiterite ( Iron was used for utilitarian purposes while copper and gold were used in ornamental jewellery, besides the high demand for iron weapons and armor from the militaries of African states see my article on ( the largest demand for iron in Africa was for domestic implements from farm and mining tools to kitchenware, this made blacksmithing a fairly common profession in many regions of Africa and turned made blacksmiths a relatively privileged caste in some. Improvements in African furnaces happened in the shift from using shaft and bowl furnaces to using natural draught furnaces by the late first millennium AD which had superstructures upto 7m tall and allowed for the smelters to remove the slag as it accumulated.( Specialist metal smelting and forging centers could be located within cities such as in the Hausalands, along the Swahili coast and just outside the city of Meroe where 10,000 tonnes of slag were found, and also in rural settings, where the quantities were just as substantial eg 60,000 tonnes of slag were found at Korsimoro in Burkina Faso, more than 40,000 furnaces were located in an 80km belt along the middle Senegal valley( and Sukur smelters of Northern Cameroon forged over 60,000-225,000 hoes annually.( Iron was also exported by African surplus producers such as the Swahili who are known to have produced high-carbon crucible steel and cast iron in their bloomeries, according to the historian Al-Idrisi (d. 1165AD), the Swahili cities of Mombasa and Malindi produced large quantities of iron that formed their main export which was shipped primarily to south India.( _<left picture> rural natural draught furnaces in Burkina Faso from the early second millennium, <right picture> an urban two story furnace from ile-Ife, Nigeria illustrated by Carl Arriens in 1913_ Another salient aspect of African metallurgical technology was in coinage, jewellery and other forms of ornamentation where African gold, sliver and bronzesmiths achieved the highest level of sophistication and mastery. Gold, which was a major African export throughout the pre-modern era, was refined in places such as in the city of Essouk in Mali managing to attain upto 99% purity, the process of refining it involved crushed glass and this essouk industry flourished between the 9th and 11th centuries( , cast and sheet gold was also fashioned into jewellery in various places on the continent but most notably among the Asante where some of their masterpieces include the soul washers badges, gold weights and ornaments which were made with intricate designs. gold was also struck into coinage in local mints in various cities across the continent, from Aksum in Ethiopia, to Kilwa in Tanzania to Nikki in Benin using various molds that were unique to each city. Copper alloys were perhaps the most commonly used metals in ornamentations, at Ife, a number of highly naturalistic life size heads were fashioned out of pure copper in the 13th-14th century using the lost wax method, an impressive feat given copper's higher melting point than its alloys and is more difficult to cast with only few sculptures in the ancient world cast in pure copper( . Copper-alloys, especially bronze, were far more common and were the primary material for ornamentation across Africa from Nubia to Igbo Ukwu, from southern Africa to central Africa. The most common manufacturing technologies employed in the casting of African gold, copper-alloy and silver-works were: the cire perdue (lost-wax casting), Repousse casting and riveting. Examples of applications of these casting technologies include the Meroitic bronzes of ancient Kush, the Benin brass plaques, the Akan gold discs, masks and ornaments, the Mapungubwe gold artifacts, etc _<Left picture> gold disk; Asante soul washer’s badge from the 19th century (British museum), <Right picture> bronze wine bowl from Igbo ukwu from the 9th century (NCMM Nigeria)_ **Glass manufacture: innovation and invention in African glassware** Practical and decorative glass objects are a common occurrence in African history, mostly in ornamentation in the form of glass beads but also in domestic settings eg glass vessels and in architecture eg windows. Independent invention of glass in Africa was undertaken in the city of ile-Ife in south-western Nigeria beginning in the 11th century, Ife’s glass has a distinctive high lime, high alumina content and was made using local pegmatite sands with manufacturing centers identified at Igbo Olukun and later at Osogobo in the 17th century, the glass beads made in Ife circulated widely in west Africa especially in the ancient capitals of Kumbi-Saleh and Gao in the 12th century, the city of Essouk and at Igbo ukwu.( _HLHA glass beads made at ile-Ife, Nigeria dated to between the 11th century and 15th century_ Secondary glass manufacture and repair was a more common industry across Africa, the increasing importation of glass vessels, glass beads, glass panels and their use in ornamentation, domestic settings and elite architecture led to the development of a vibrant local glass industry that produced and reworked glass objects better suited for local tastes. There’s evidence of a glass industry in the kingdom of Kush especially during the Meroitic era with the presence of raw glass at Hamadab and the unique Sedeinga goblets.( and a similar glass industry in Aksumite Ethiopia based on the presence of raw glass found at Aksum, Ona Negast and Beta Giyorgis ( , and evidence of a glass industry in the kingdom of Makuria as well, based on the presence of numerous fragments of glass vessels and raw glass found at Old Dongola.( The presence of local glass industry may also be inferred from the recovery of glazed window panes alongside glass vessels and beads many of which were locally reworked in a number of cities such as the palace of Kumbi Saleh (Ghana empire) as reported by al-idrisi (d. 1165), and in archeological digs at Essouk and Gao( and Ain farah( (Tunjur Kindom). The most common re-workings of glass across Africa were glass beads, such workshops are attested across virtually all African regions most notably at Gao Saney( and k2-Mapungubwe in south eastern Africa.( _<Left picture> glass flute made in Kush around 300AD, from Sedeinga, Sudan (at the sudan national museum). <Right picture> glass goblet made in Aksum in the 3th century (at the Aksum archaeological Museum)_ **Textiles: on the technologies used in African cloth industries** As one of the biggest handicraft industries in pre-colonial Africa cloth making also had some of the most diverse techniques used in manufacturing, the most common being the hand-operated weaver's looms, of these looms, the most efficient was the pit treadle loom which operated with spinning wheels and the vertical loom which operated with foot pedals, others included the ground loom. The production capacities of African weavers were substantial as I covered in my article on “( ", just one Dutch purchase of benin cloths in 1644 involved 96,000 sqm of cloth from benin which was only a fraction of benin's cloth trade while in west-central africa, exports to the portuguese colony of angola from the kingdoms of kongo and loango involved more than 180,000 meters of cloth annualy rivaling contemporaneous production in other world regions. _<left> Cotton spinning somalia 19th century, <right> hausa weaver working on a vertical loom in Nigeria_ **Agriculture: On intensive farming in Africa** Several African states and societies used a number of methods of intensive agricultural technologies to sustain their large populations, these methods included, ox-plow agriculture, dry-stone terracing, mechanical water-lifting and other forms of irrigation such as channeling. In ancient Kush and medieval Nubia, intensive irrigation farming involved the use of the saqia water wheel, this animal-powered wheel could lift Nile river water upto 8 meters, enabling the sustenance of agriculture in an otherwise semi-arid Kushite territories of upper nubia and later in the Dongola reach which was Kush’s heartland, added to this were the older water harvesting methods called _Hafirs_; these were large artificial water reservoirs measuring up to 250m in diameter and storing as much as 200,000 m3 that were dug in arid regions of the kingdom of Kush, with as many as 800 of them constructed in Sudan between the 4th century BC and 3rd century AD, these _Hafirs_ significantly extended the kingdom's reach into the surrounding desert regions. Kush’s intensive agricultural tradition continued into the medieval Nubia era and the muslim era under Darfur and Funj kingdoms where extensive plantations were sustained using various forms of irrigation. similar water conservation systems were built during the aksumite era such as the safra dam in eritrea.( _<left> A Nubian sakia wheel in the mid-19th century, <right> Safra dam in Qohayto, eritrea_ In Aksum and Ethiopia, oxdrawn plows, drystone terracing was well established between the 1st and 4th centuries AD, increasing in the medieval era, agricultural productivity was the backbone of medieval Ethiopia's economy especially in the highland regions. In eastern Africa, intensive agriculture was carried out by both state level and non-state level societies, primarily using dry-stone terracing and furrow irrigation most notably at Engaruka in Tanzania. In southern Africa, the most notable intensive agriculture occurred at Nyanga in Zimbabwe and the Bokoni of South Africa, using dry-stone terracing and irrigation, these regions supported substantial settlements with an estimated 57,000 people in a narrow 150km corridor along the highveld escarpment in Mpumalanga that exported surplus grain to surrounding regions. In west Africa, intensive farming was used in a number of regions most notably; flood recession and water-lifting farming in the inland Niger delta (this region was the agricultural heartland of the Mali and Songhai empires) and the dry stone terraces of northern Cameroon particularly at DGB.( The construction and maintenance of these intensive farming methods across these African states involved significant amounts of labor, a degree of mechanisation and an understanding and documentation of seasonal variations in rainfall, this was perhaps best documented in the kingdom of Kush where floods were recorded( and the level of the Nile was measured to predict planting seasons and floods. **Warfare: On the technology of African weapons, armor and fortifications** As covered in my article on "( " some of the most robust application of science and technology were employed in African warfare involving both the invention and innovation of weapons, armor and defensive systems. These innovations and inventions can be seen from the early use of ancient missile weapons such as flaming and poisoned arrows, to the adoption of cross-bows, muskets and cannons, from the the various inventions of close-combat swords, lances and daggers to the adoption and manufacture of gunpowder, and lastly defensive/static warfare technologies can also be seen from the construction of massive fortification systems across Africa including towering city walls sheltering hundreds of square kilometers of residential and agricultural land, these fortresses were attimes sieged and taken by armies using raised platforms on which were stationed musketeers or archers, and in a few cases, the walls and gates were blown up using gunpowder and cannon fire. **Construction: On the technology used in African architecture and engineering** African architecture involved various materials and techniques in the construction of large residential, palatial andreligious buildings, many of Africa’s architects and masons applied standardized measurements and instruments in construction, this was especially evident when the materials for construction was sandstone, fired-brick, coral-stone, mud-brick, mortared stone and dry-stone which were used across the continent in hundreds of African cities. As covered in my article on African architecture in "( " the different styles of African architecture were dictated by various functional needs, aesthetic choices, building materials and the levels of; cosmopolitanism, population and urbanisation. Depending on the construction material and climate, some of the earliest African roofs were flat roofs that were used across various regions eg in southern Mauritania, the inland Niger delta in Mali, the Hausalands, Lake chad basin, ancient and medieval Nubia, Aksum and medieval Ethiopia, the Benadir coast and the swahili coast, other African roofs were high pitched set ontop of rectilinear houses eg in southern Nigeria, Ghana, most of west central Africa and parts of southern and eastern Africa all of which are in more humid climates. These rectilinear houses allowed for more living space and the need to house even higher populations with the confined spaces of large African cities required the construction of storey buildings, this was enabled by the use of mortar (although storey construction could be achieved without mortar eg at Aksum), such superstructures were supported using columns of both stone and timber, and thick walls. In the inland Niger delta region, southern Mauritania and the Niger bend, the two-storied house became a staple for elite housing best attested in the cities of Djenne, Dia, Timbuktu, Mopti, Segu and Gao. Such buildings typically used the terraced upper floors as living quarters and lower floors as servants quarters and receptions. The same pattern of construction for storey buildings can be observed in the Hausalands, while in ancient and medieval Nubia, houses, dormitories and castle-houses had multiple stories especially in the cities of old Dongola, Karanog and Faras, the same was also observed in the Ethiopian cities of the Aksumite era especially at Adulis and Aksum itself, and a number of medieval settlements in the northern regions especially in Tigray and later more famously at Gondar. Perhaps the most ubiquitous occurrence of similar multistory housing was in the cities of the east african coast especially Mogadishu, Pate, Kilwa, Lamu, Mombasa and Zanzibar. _a city section in djenne with double-storey residential homes_ _sections of the cities of Zanzibar (Tanzania) and Kano (Nigeria) showing double-storey residential houses_ Inorder to maximise open space, African architects also used vaulted and domed ceilings, such were present in the Hausalands, in ancient and medieval Nubia, in Aksumite and gondarine Ethiopia, and in the Benadir and Swahili coastal cities the arches, domes and vaults being constructed using coral stone and mud-brick. _the great mosque of kilwa, Tanzania built in the 11th century, with a barrel vaulted ceiling_ Inorder to maintain sanitary cities, various designs of indoor lavatories, bathrooms, under-floor heating are attested in a number of African cities. The combination of these three was a feature of medieval Nubian and Aksumite elite housing; Nubian toilets were made of fired-clay ceramic bowls, with one serving as a water closet and another for seating, the refuse was flushed out with hot water through a ceramic pipe into a vaulted cesspit underground( , while an indoor toilet and bathroom superstructure, built over deep latrines and/or cesspit were a feature of urban construction in the Swahili cities (eg at Shanga and Gedi, the cities of ancient Ghana (eg Kumbi saleh, in the Inland Niger delta cities (eg jenne-jeno and Niger-bend cities (eg Timbuktu and Gao and the Asante cities (especially in Kumasi. Other aspects of African construction are the construction of defensive and monumental architecture like the walls of great Zimbabwe and the palatial residences of Husuni Kubwa, Kano, Gondar and the palaces of Benin, Kumasi and Dahomey, the baths of Meroe, Gondar, the rock-hewn temples of Lalibela and the public courtyards of the Comorian cities. _<left> top story toilet in a house at Kumasi, Ghana from Thomas Bowdich’s illustration, <right> a lavatory a house at Gedi, Kenya (archnet photo)_ **Transportation: On technological innovations in African maritime and overland travel** The bulk of African innovation in transport occurred in water-borne transportation, particularly along the eastern African coast where maritime trade was important for the coastal states from Aksum in Ethiopia to Adal and Mogadishu in Somalia, down to the Swahili coast; both for commercial and military purposes (for African maritime warfare, see the section on African armies and warfare in “( ”) . a number of ship-building centers existed especially at the Aksumite port of Adulis in the 6th century( , and along the Benadir and Swahili coasts from the early 1st millennium( , Aksumite ships sailed as far as sri-lanka( while Swahili _mtepe_ ships and Somali _beden_ ships travelled well into the Indian ocean to southern Arabia, southern India and possibly the Indonesian islands where Swahili traders from Mogadishu, Kilwa and Mombasa were active at Malacca the 16th century( , the ships varied in size and number of sails, the most common _mtepes_ had square sails and had a capacity of 20 tonnes. In overland transportation extensive road networks were constructed by the Aksumites and the Asante. Aksum’s roads were paved and ran along interior trade routes eg the road described in the _Monumentum Adulitanum_ that ran from Aksum to the Egyptian border (likely at philae) and along the red sea coast these roads were primarily for centralizing the state and keeping conquered tributaries in check but may have also served commercial purposes ( . Asante’s roads radiated out of kumasi and served to secure trade routes and centralize Asante's power, these roads -which consisted of 8 major roads/highways and dozens of minor roads- were constructed at state expense which endeavored to repair them annually and maintain a highway police that was stationed along major roads to keep them secure, these roads also had rest-places for lodging travelers.( In gondarine Ethiopia, several bridges were built to enhance the capital's prominence, ease transportation of armies from the capital to the various provinces and improve trade routes.( _<left> a gondarine-era bridge on the blue Nile, built by emperor fasilidas in 1660 but blown up during the Italian invasion of 1935, <right> an ancient paved road at Aksum; both in Ehiopia_ Extensive street paving was used in many west African cities, wide streets were raised and their surfaces fitted with broken potsherds that were neatly laid using various patterns, the technology may have originated in the ancient city of ile-Ife and occurs widely in both the Sahel and the forest region of west Africa from Jenne-jeno in Mali to Dikwa in north eastern Nigeria( . Other miscellaneous feats include street lighting in Benin city and indoor lighting in various Swahili and eastern African cities that included wall niches for placing lamps. _<left> potsherd paved street in Ife, <right> oil lamp from Benin city; both in Nigeria_ * * * **Science; On the documentation and study of scientific disciplines in Africa.** As shown by its application above, science was a central feature of African society, both written and oral accounts attest to its study, innovation and application. Scientific disciplines were part of the school curriculum in west Africa, Sudan, Ethiopia, the horn of Africa and the east African coast, these disciplines taught included mathematics, astronomy, medicine and Geography, and these are just from the written records, the oral history also attests to a disciplined undertaking of the study of sciences especially in medicine and astronomy across a wide variety of african cultures, and the archeological evidence from African ruins also attest to the existence of a rigorous application of learned sciences especially mathematics in construction. **Mathematics: On the documentation and application of mathematics in Africa** Archeologically, one of the best evidences for the application of mathematics in Africa comes from the kingdom of Kush where a large engraving depicting a pyramid was drawn on the chapel of a pyramid (number BEG N8), the engraving measures about 1.68meters in height (ie it was reduced to the scale of 1:10 compared to the normal Meroe pyramid height), and it depicts 48 perfectly straight lines running vertically across the pyramid separated at a distance of 5.25cm (ie: a tenth of a cubit) and two diagonal lines climbing from the base of the engraving to a capstone at the top, angled at about 72 degrees, thus giving a base to height ratio of 8:5 (ie: the golden ratio, that was used for structural and aesthetic purposes in ancient architecture) based on this plan, the engraving was drawn for the construction of pyramid BEG N2 for King Amanikhabale, thus dating it to around 40BC. The center line in the engraving was also essential to the construction of the pyramid as supervisors of pyramid masons used this line to maintain symmetry and structural integrity of the pyramid during construction. The sheer number of Meroitic pyramids, their fairly uniform construction and this engraving are all evidence of the extensive use of mathematics in Kush's architecture.( and as discussed below, this application of mathematics in Kush also extended to astronomy. I discussed the mathematics of this pyramid in detail ( . _Hinkel’s illustration of the Meroe engraving and its interpretation_ More common evidence for mathematics in Africa were the mathematical manuscripts especially those dealing with "magic" squares, one of the extant works on these was that written in 1732 AD by an astronomer and mathematician named Muhamad al-Kishnawi al-Sudan, who was born (and studied) in Katsina (Nigeria). The work is titled :"_Mughni al-mawafi an jami al-khawafi_" and it deals with formulas for solving magic squares with odd number of rows; 5×5, 9×9, 11×11 and is specifically addressed to math students with encouraging words: "_Do not give up, for that is ignorance and not according to the rules of this art. Those who know the arts of war and killing cannot imagine the agony and pain of a practitioner of this honorable science. Like the lover, you cannot hope to achieve success without infinite perseverance_", al-Kishnawi was taught mathematics by his tutor Muhammad Alwali of the kingdom of Bagirmi in Chad( Similar magic squares can be found across various African scholarly centers eg in Ghana (especially from Kumasi), in guinea (at Timbo), in Mali at Djenne and Timbuktu, in Ethiopia at Harar, and in Kenya and Tanzania at Lamu and Zanzibar. _al-Kishnawi’s “Mughni al-mawafi” (now at the Khedive library cairo)_ **Astronomy: On an African astronomical observatory and astronomical manuscripts** Astronomy perhaps the oldest attested science in African history, occurring from as early as the 9000BC Nabta playa and the various stone circles and monuments across the continent, and continuing well into the era of African states in antiquity most notably in the kingdom of Kush and extending into the medieval and modern era with the creation of various solar and lunar calenders and the study of astronomy as a discipline in the various intellectual centers of Africa eg Djenne and Timbuktu in Mali and Lamu in Kenya. _**On the world's oldest observatory; a building complex dedicated to the study of stars in the city of Meroe**_ Archeologists discovered a set of three buildings constituting a complex that was exclusively dedicated to the study of star movements in the ruins of the city of Kush. The top building in this complex served as the observatory and had engravings of quadratic equations written in cursive meroitic on one side of its walls, on another wall was an engraving of two figures with one sited and another assisting to handle a large wheeled instrument pointed at the sky, and a lastly on the room’s floor was a square pillar on which was inscribed a bisected isosceles triangle angled at around 76 degrees. All archeologists who worked on the site and historians who studied the engravings and the building complex concluded that it was strictly of astronomical nature, this was first identified by John Garstang immediately during excavation of the site in 1914, and later by nubiologist Bruce Williams in 1997, egyptologist Leo Depuydt in 1998 and the nubiologists Thomas Logan and Laszlo Torok in 2000 and 2011 respectively, Torok also identified an office of an official state astronomer who was tasked with measuring the hours and lengths of the day and nights and the seasons, as well as timing the Nubian feasts( . Also found in the lower rooms were large sandstone basins which according to Torok were used to preserve pure Nile water drawn at the exact time of inundation. The building is dated to the 1st century BC and is therefore seven centuries older than the Cheomseongdae observatory in Korea. I discuss the entire observatory and Meroitic astronomy in detail ( . including photographs of the site and building plans. _illustrations of the Meroe astronomical observatory’s engravings_ The better documented studies of African astronomy come from the medieval intellectual hubs of Africa, while few of the manuscripts have been studied, an estimated hundreds of them deal specifically with the discipline of astronomy especially on recordings of astronomical events such as the meteor shower of august 1583 AD that was recorded by the chronicler Muhammad al-kati in the Tarikh al fattash. The teaching of astronomy in African schools was necessitated by the need to make accurate calendars, guiding caravans across the Sahara and the seafarers in the Indian ocean, and determining prayer times. Astronomical manuscripts produced in Gao, Djenne, Timbuktu and Lamu often include illustrations of planetary orbits, the solar system, tabulation of days, weeks, months, star positions, directions to mecca, and other details.( _<left> Astronomical manuscript from Lamu, Kenya in the 19th century, astronomical manuscript from Gao, Mali in the 18th century <right>_ **Medicine; on the practice and documentation of medicine in Africa** Africa has an old history of medical traditions that grew out of African scientific observations of the environment and disease. Ethnographically and archeologically a wide variety of treatments, surgeries and healing practices have been recorded across a large number of African societies. The intellectual documentation of medicine in African history is also fairly robust with medical manuscripts making up a significant share of African scribal production especially in the old cities of Sokoto and Kano, Djenne, Timbuktu, in Ethiopia and the on the east African coast Ethnographically, a number of cataract surgeries, inoculations (especially against smallpox) were observed to be widespread across most of Africa( , treatments for malaria, guinea worm, treatment of wounds from poisoned arrows and gunshots, medical care for horses, diagnosis and treatment of hemorrhoids and eye infections, venereal diseases and skin diseases were also observed and written by African scholars.( But perhaps the most famous of African medical practices witnessed was a caesarian section surgery performed in the kingdom of Bunyoro in western Uganda, involving banana wine both as an anesthetizer and a sterilizer for the expectant woman and the surgeon, a sharp blade was used by the surgeon to effect the cut across the abdomen, the baby was removed and the bleeding was stopped by careful cauterization using a hot iron, the wound was stitched together using small iron spikes and covered in a clean cloth. This process was observed by Robert Felkin, a British medical student during a missionary expedition to the kingdom, he later followed up with the mother and her baby; both of whom fared well during this time with the mother's stiches had been removed within 3-6 days. The surgeon worked with a team of two assistants who in all their operations, exhibited a high level of precision that could only have been achieved through years of experience. similar medical feats in Bunyoro were also observed in inoculation and medicine experimentation.( _illustration from Robert Felkin showing the young woman lying on the operating table, with the surgeon's assistant holding her ankles, as published in the Edinburgh medical journal in 1884_ Africa’s written accounts on medicine, diseases and their treatment are also equally extensive, there are dozens of published and translated manuscripts from the 18th and 19th century on the treatments of eye diseases, skin diseases, venerial diseases and hemorrhoids using local medicinal plants by scholars such as al-Tahir al-Fallati an 18th century scholar from Bornu, and the Sokoto trio Abdullahi Fodio (d. 1828), Muhammad bello (d. 1837) and Muhammad Tukur (d. 1894) . These three scholars differed in approaches to medicine, with Bello and Tukur not objecting to the use of both Islamic and traditional medicine (especially Hausa medicine) while Abdullahi strongly recommended that practitioners stayed within the realm of Islamic medicine.( In Ethiopia, several documents attest to an old medical tradition in the state, with lists of medicinal plants and herbs, lists and treatments of diseases, common ailments, wounds, etc. A number of these from the 18th and 19th centuries have been studied.( _Medical manuscripts from Sokoto, Nigeria written in the 19th century <left> and from shewa, Ethiopia written in the 18th century_ **Geography; On documentation of Topography, Mapmaking and descriptions of occupied space in Africa** A few manuscripts on geography from west Africa have recently received academic attention, particularly two that were written by a scholar from Sokoto, the first being ‘_Qataif al-jinan’_ (The Fruits of the Heart in Reflection about the Sudanese world" written by the philosopher, geographer and historian Dan Tafa (d. 1864) , the work provides a detailed account of the topography and history of West Africa, North Africa, Arabia, South India and the East African coasts. Dan Tafa uses information derived from pilgrims and travelers for the regions closes to him (west Africa and north Africa) and he quotes multiple medieval Arabic authors in his descriptions of the regions far from his homeland in northern Nigeria.( Another geographical work was written by the same author titled ‘Rawdat al-afkar’ (The Sweet Meadows of Contemplation) written in 1824. Geographical writings were also produced in Ethiopia although none have been studied sofar( Secondary information from explorers also attests to a knowledge of geography and Mapmaking by Africans especially the maps that were drawn by west African scholars who had been visited by the explorers Heinrich Barth in Sokoto and Thomas Bowdich in Kumasi. **Conclusion** Africa has a rich history of science and technology which unfortunately, has been largely neglected by academia. Few of the hundreds of manuscripts of scientific nature from west and eastern Africa have been studied and there have hardly been any studies on African architecture and engineering on Africa’s ancient ruins beyond cursory observations and mentions by archeologists. Discourses on African technologies and sciences, for example in metallurgy, should move beyond debates on its genesis and instead explore the extent of the production and use of metals in past African societies and early industries, African medical manuscripts should also be studied to complement modern medical practices. Africa’s scientific and technological legacy offers us not just a peek into the African past but a foundation on which modern innovations and studies in STEM can be situated better within the African context. **A special thanks to the generous supporters of this blog on my Patreon and Paypal, i’m grateful for your contributions.** * * * _**Read more on African history and African astronomy and download books on African history on my Patreon account**_ ( ( Science and Technology in World History, Volume 1 by D. Deming, pg 7 ( A global perspective on the pyrotechnologies of Sub-Saharan Africa by D. Killick pg 79 ( Ancient African metallurgy by A. F. C. Holl et al. pg 12-16 ( D. Killick, pg 75 ( metals in past societies by S. Chirikure pg 65-67 ( D. Killick, pg 72 ( Aspects of African Archaeology, pg 197 ( Society, Culture, and Technology in Africa, Volume 11 by S. T. Childs, pg 64 ( Refining gold with glass by T. Rehren, S. Nixon ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by S. P Blier, pg 273 ( Chemical analysis of glass beads from Igbo Olokun, Ile-Ife (SW Nigeria) by A. B. Babalola ( 'Glass from the Meroitic Necropolis of Sedeinga. by J. Leclant, pgs 66-68. and; The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia By B. Williams, pg 528 ( Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson pg 162-165 ( The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by B. Williams pg 853 ( Essouk - Tadmekka by Breunig, Magnavita, Neumann, pg 158 ( Sudan Notes and Records, Volume 33, pg 259 ( Trade in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond by D. J. Mattingly et al, pg 110 ( The Emergence of Social and Political Complexity in the Shashi-Limpopo Valley of Southern Africa, by CM Kusimba pg 48 ( State formation and water resources management in the Horn of Africa by F Sulas pg 8 ( The Archaeology of Agricultural Intensification in Africa by Daryl Stump ( The Double Kingdom Under Taharqo by J.Pope pg 133 ( The Medieval Kingdoms of Nubia by D. A. Welsby, pg 171 ( Shanga by M.Horton pg 58 ( Recherches Archéologiques Sur la Capitale de L'empire de Ghana by Sophie Berthier ( Excavations at Jenne-Jeno, Hambarketolo, and Kaniana (Inland Niger Delta, Mali) by S. McIntosh pg 45, ( Discovery of the earliest royal palace in Gao … by S. Takezawa ( Mission from Cape Coast Castle to Ashantee by T. Bowdich, pg 306 ( economic history of ethiopia By R. Pankhurst pg 276-278 ( The Archaeology of Seafaring in Ancient South Asia By H. P. Ray, pg 59-62 ( D. W Phillipson, Pg 200, ( East africa and the dhow trade by E. gilbert ( D. W Phillipson, Pg 179-80, Aksum and Nubia by G. Hatke, pg 59-61 ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century by i. Wilks, pg 1-42 ( R. Pankhurst, pg 74-75 ( Mobility and archeology along the eastern arc of Niger by A. Haour ( The Royal Pyramids of Meroe by Friedrich W. Hinkel ( Africa counts by C. Zaslavsky pg 138-151 ( The Kingdom of Kush by L. Torok, pg 473 ( African cultural astronomy by J. Holbrook pg 179-187 ( African ecolongy by C. A. Spinage pg 1244-8) ( The history of islam in africa by N. Levtzion pg 480) ( The development of scientific medicine in the African kingdom of Bunyoro-Kitara by Davies J. ( Islam, Medicine, and Practitioners in Northern Nigeria by A. Ismail pg 98-114 ( An Introduction to the Medical History of Ethiopia Richard Pankhurst ( A Geography of Jihad. Jihadist Concepts of Space and Sokoto Warfare by Stephanie Zehnle pg 85-123 ( Catalogue of the Ethiopic Manuscript Imaging Project, by Melaku Terefe, pg xix.

# Science and Technology in African History: Astronomy, Mathematics, Medicine, and Metallurgy in Pre-Colonial Africa ## Introduction - The understanding of science and technology has evolved, particularly when analyzing different societies throughout history. - Science is defined as the acquisition and systemization of knowledge, while technology is the practical application of scientific knowledge. - Pre-colonial Africa saw the emergence of large, complex societies that required scientific knowledge and technological application for their sustenance. ## Gaps in Research - Most studies on African technology focus primarily on metallurgy, leaving other areas like architecture, agriculture, and medicine underexplored. - Understanding African inventions and innovations is crucial as these dynamics shaped societal growth and technological progress. ## African Metallurgy - Metallurgical practices began at different times across Africa due to its geographical diversity. - Key developments: - **Nubia**: Copper smelting started around 2200 BC, with iron smelting by 500 BC. - **West Africa**: Copper smelting was present around 2000 BC, and iron by 800 BC at Termit massif. - By the first millennium BC, ironworking was established in multiple regions, leading to an Iron Age across Africa. ### Invention vs. Innovation in Metallurgy - Invention in metallurgy involved the original processes of smelting various metals. - Innovation occurred through adaptation and improvement of these techniques over time. ### Utilization and Demand - Iron was primarily used for domestic tools and military purposes, while copper and gold were fashioned into jewelry. - Blacksmithing emerged as a common and socially privileged occupation. ## Glass Manufacture - Glass production in Africa included both independent invention and secondary manufacturing. - The city of **Ife** in Nigeria pioneered glassmaking around the 11th century, creating beads that circulated widely. ### Key Sites of Glass Industry - **Kush**: Evidence of glass production during the Meroitic era, with unique goblets found. - **Aksumite Ethiopia**: Presence of raw glass suggests a local glass industry. ## Textile Production - The cloth-making industry was diverse, utilizing various weaving techniques including the pit treadle loom and vertical loom. - Significant exports included large quantities of cloth from regions like Benin and Angola. ## Agricultural Techniques - Pre-colonial African societies adopted intensive agricultural methods, including: - **Irrigation**: Utilization of water-lifting devices such as the saqia wheel in Kush. - **Terracing**: Used for effective land cultivation in various regions. ### Agricultural Productivity - Systems such as Hafirs enabled extensive farming in arid regions, and the careful documentation of seasonal changes played a critical role in agricultural planning. ## Warfare Technology - Innovations in weaponry and defensive structures were significant: - Use of bows, crossbows, guns, and the development of fortifications. - Notable construction of walls and defensive systems in various African cities. ## Construction and Architecture - Architectural techniques varied widely, employing materials like mud-brick, stone, and coral. - Urban planning included multi-story buildings, residential space management, and sanitation systems. ### Key Architectural Features - Multi-story houses for efficient use of space, with elaborate cooling and sanitation solutions. ## Transportation Developments - Maritime transport predominated along the eastern African coast, facilitating trade. - Overland trade routes were constructed, notably by the Aksumites and Asante, enhancing trade and state control. ## Scientific Documentation - African societies engaged in scientific studies, including: - **Mathematics**: Recorded in manuscripts and utilized in architecture. - **Astronomy**: Observatories established in Sudan; calendars developed for agricultural and religious purposes. - **Medicine**: Knowledge documented through manuscripts detailing various treatments and surgical practices. ### Notable Achievements in Astronomy - The Meroitic observatory was identified as the oldest known astronomical facility, containing engravings of quadratic equations and tools for celestial observations. ## Conclusion - The historical contributions of African societies to science and technology are significant yet underrepresented in scholarly discourse. - Further research and analysis will reveal the depth of African innovations and their impact on modern practices, supporting the need for contextualizing STEM within Africa's rich scientific legacy.

Land and property in pre-colonial Africa: land ownership, land sales and the shortfalls of the "land abundant Africa" theories

A look at pre-colonial African land tenure systems from Senegal and Mali to Nigeria, Sudan and Ethiopia

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Land and property in pre-colonial Africa: land ownership, land sales and the shortfalls of the "land abundant Africa" theories ============================================================================================================================== ### A look at pre-colonial African land tenure systems from Senegal and Mali to Nigeria, Sudan and Ethiopia ( Nov 07, 2021 7 Mainstream theories about land tenure and property rights in pre-colonial Africa suffer from an over-reliance on a few concepts to explain historical phenomena across diverse range of African societies and periods. Many of these theories maintain that the very concept of land tenure was virtually non-existent in Africa and that, save for the exceptional case of Ethiopia, African states had little need for delineating land —and that it therefore featured little in African governance, social structure and commerce. Such theories are framed within the concepts of pre-colonial Africa as "land surplus" economy. This was first popularized by the economic historian Anthony G. Hopkins( who wrote that Africa’s high _“**land-labour ratio encouraged extensive cultivation and dispersed settlement, reinforced tendencies toward self-sufficiency, and hampered the growth of the market**; **capital accumulation took the form of investment in labor, most evidently in slaves, rather than in land**."_ It was later reiterated by John Thornton who, contrasting Africa with Europe, wrote that _**"people wishing to invest wealth in reproducing form could not buy land, for there was no landed property. hence, their only recourse was to purchase slaves, which as their personal property could be inherited and could generate wealth for them"**._( While both theories may be applicable for the specific place and time that they are concerned with, they are often inaccurately considered “universal” for the entirety of Africa. But the interpretation of such theories often involves a _**"misplaced application of otherwise-useful theoretical concepts to situations at a level to which they are ill-suited"**_( .In short, the theories of pre-colonial African land tenure should move from the (neo)liberal understanding of land where the monocausal interpretation of its use as a factor of production leads them to surmise that its purported abundance in Africa made it a free good and thus obviated the need for land tenure, private property or even a land market in Africa. It should be also be noted that the understanding of modern land tenure is more contested than it would initially appear to be and that property rights today are far more relational and less exclusive than they are commonly understood; as anthropologist Chris Hann writes: _**"In all societies, the property rights of individuals are subject to political as well as legal regulations, the preeminence of private property an of the (neo)liberal paradigm of which it forms a central element has never been as complete as its proponents and critics like to claim. To a large extent, it is a myth"**_.( Even the theories of labour scarcity in Africa (which are central to the High Land/Low Labour ratio discussed above) have since been challenged by economic historians including Gareth Austin and Katharine Frederick. Gareth points out that labor, which was branded as perpetually scarce in Africa, was actually abundant during the agricultural “slack” season, and Katharine covers this excellently in her study of the pre-colonial cotton industry in eastern Africa, particularly in Malawi's lower shire valley during the 19th century.( Leaving aside the exceptionalism paradigm wrongly ascribed to Ethiopia’s land tenure, lets look at land tenure systems across four African states; Makuria, Ethiopia, Darfur, Sokoto with some brief notes on land systems in the empires of Kanem-Bornu, Songhai and mentions on land systems in the states of Funj, Taqali, Asante, Futa Toro and Futa Jallon. * * * #### **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Land in the kingdom of Makuria (Dotawo)**: **11th-15th century AD** The medieval Nubian kingdom of Dotawo (which in the 10th century combined the three Nubian kingdoms of Noubadia, Makuria and Alodia) was a Nubian state in Sudan that existed from the 6th to the 15th century. While the origins of Dotawo’s land tenure system are obscure, the documentary evidence for the existence of a vibrant private land market in Dotawo is perhaps the most detailed in Africa during this period, Dotawo's land and private property was owned and sold by royals; by institutions (such as churches and monasteries); by the clergy; by state officers and private individuals. Historiography on Nubian land tenure has been muddied by the misplaced application of theories and concepts irrelevant to Nubia, the most popular one being Karl Polanyi’s concept of Dahomey's redistributive economy and the other coming from al-Mas’ūdī limited knowledge on Nubia's legal traditions. Both of these theories claim there was no private property or land tenure in Nubia because the king owned all land and that all subjects were therefore essentially serfs. However, both of these theories were rendered untenable by the wealth of Nubian documentary evidence especially from the city of Qsar Ibrim and surrounding regions. These documents included private land sales, decrees about royal estates, claims of ownership and endowment of churches, documents on church lands and evidence of estate management.( Land in Dotawo included; Crown land, Church land and Private/freehold land. Royal/King’s/Crown land was referred to as _ouroun parre_ and it constituted estates that were placed the under management of high ranking court officials.( Churches owned and purchased land that was placed under the care of the ecclesiastical authorities and was used to maintain the bishop and his church hierarchy, provide liturgical food and wine, etc. ( Lastly and most ubiquitously was private land which constitute the bulk of the Nubian land sale documents made between the 11th and 15th century. Private land sales often described transactions between two named persons, a list of present witnesses, a detailed description of plot sizes and location, and a sale price in gold or silver coins.( Nubian land tenure follows both Greco-Roman and Nubian land traditions, and the maintenance of this system also served other social-political purposes as nubiologist Giovanni Ruffini writes: _**"Land sales were not simply legal and economic transactions. The number and social status of the witnesses produced for a land sale served dual functions: they heightened the owner’s security in the validity of the sale, and they enhanced the social prestige of the seller."**_( Nubian land traditions continue to the present day among modern Nubians in Sudan, as Nubian scholar Ali Osman writes ; **"**_**In present day Nubia land possession is of the utmost importance, Ownership of a piece of land, however small and seemingly insignificant, is in essence proof of Nubian citizenship**_**"**( _leather scroll of an Old nubian land sale from Qsar Ibrim written in 1463AD, on the sale of Eismalê’s land to Eionngoka and Kasla for 129 gold pieces_ _The Nubian Cathedral of st. Mary at Qasr Ibrim, this church owned several of the lands around it and was involved in a number of land sales in Dotawo both as a seller and buyer of land._ * * * **Land and property in the Sokoto empire, with brief notes on land grants in Songhai, Bornu, Futa Toro and Futa Jallon** Sokoto was a large 19th century state covering much of northern Nigeria, northern Cameroon and southern Niger in the 19th century. In Sokoto, the government controlled land allocation, land tenure divided lands into state lands and private estates, the former were attached to or delineated by political officials such the sultan, the emirs and other titled persons while the latter was owned by wealthy aristocrats such as merchants who owned large private estates, these lands were often given as grants from the government and such privately owned land could be sold and leased but state/royal land and estates couldn't be sold. Although majority of land owners choose to retain and develop their own lands rather than sale them, there are several documented land sales and leases from Sokoto from the mid 19th century to the years before its fall in 1904.( The administration and structure of Sokoto’s land tenure systems was laid out in state laws such the treatise written by Abdullahi Fodio (d. 1828) (a governor of the western half of the Sokoto state) titled: _Ta’alim al-radi_ where he explains that the right to land could be individual, as in the case of farms that were allowed tax exemptions such as private estates (this land could be sold, leased and subdivided); or the land could consist of official farms attached to political office (but unlike private farms, they could not be alienated or sold); or the land could be communal, as with grazing lands, cemeteries, forest reserves for fuel, and other common lands. The first two forms were arranged under _hurumi_ or _caffa_ tenure systems, lands under the _hurumi_ system were tax exempt land grants, while for those under the _caffa_ system, wealthy commoners paid annual rent on land granted to them by government officials and/or wealthy aristocrats.( _copy of Abdullahi Fodio’s “Ta’alim al-radi” at the Kaduna national archives that explains the Sokoto government’s law on land tenure._ Among the privately owned land were the large tracts of land that were granted to merchants, craftsmen and wealthy immigrants who were then encouraged to settle in the cities such as Kano, Katsina, Zamfara and the capital; Sokoto. Besides this was the land owned by aristocratic families which had been granted to them during the formation of the Sokoto state. The majority of such estates owned by the aristocrats were located just outside the cities and were essentially plantations worked on by both free and servile labour producing crops intended primarily for sale in the local markets or in the textile industries in the city most notably; cotton, tobacco, indigo, millet and sorghum. Royals such as the emirs of Katsina and of Kano (which were provinces in the Sokoto empire) had substantial holdings, the emir of Kano for example had 1,053 acres of land in Gasgainu, 351 acres in Yokanna and 264 acres in Sawaina among other estates, wealthy merchants and aristocrats also owned large land holdings covering more than 100 acres, such that _**“one needed a horse to cover its length and breadth in a day”**_( these private lands could be bought and sold, subdivided, inherited, and rented. _the city of Kano in the 1930s, many of Sokoto’s wealthy landowners lived in this city and owned estates both within and just outside the city’s walls._ Records of land sales in Sokoto reveal a vibrant land market. For example, the private landholder Malam Musa bought the estate of a wealthy merchant named Kassara in the city of Wurno for a price of one million cowries in 1850 (about £100 then / £12,700 today) and managed the property himself while appointing an agent to run two other estates he owned at Kuseil and Kalambana. Malam Musa’s son named Habibi, later inherited the property and sold part of it, both of these sales were witnessed and registered by an alkali (judge) afterwhich they were granted a land title. Habibi would also lease part of his property for 20,000 cowries per year before 1901 (three years before the fall of Sokoto.)( **A brief overview on West African land tenure systems** Sokoto’s land tenure system was only the high point of an old land tenure tradition that was practiced across west Africa, similar systems existed in the empires of Songhai and Kanem Bornu and the states of Futa Toro and Futa jallon( These land tenure systems involved rulers granting a piece of land (and the rights attached to the land) to grant holders over the populations residing in the land (such as tribute and other forms of taxation or rent), such land grants also exempted the holders from taxation and military service. In Bornu, they were known as _mahram_ and were often given to scholars and holymen (and later included elite families and prominent merchants) while in Songhai they were known as _hurma._ The oldest of these grants can be traced back to the 11th century eg the land grants from the empire of Kanem Bornu; the first of such was made during the reign of Mai Hummay (r. 1085-1097AD) and two others were made in 1180AD and 1192AD, both of the latter were granted by Mai Abdallah Bikorom (r. 1176-1194AD)( , although the oldest extant manuscripts of Bornu grants/charters are from the 16th century. Other old west African land grants include a land grant made in 1507AD from the empire of Songhai that was made to the descendants of Mori Hawgawo by the emperor Askiya Mohammed (r. 1493-1528 AD) exempting the former’s property from taxes, and other obligations( , while in the 18th century, the states of Futa Jallon and Futa Toro, such grants proliferated during the reign of the Futa Toro ruler Abdul Kader (r. 1776-1806AD)( . Such land grants exempted soldiers, state officials, scholars, holymen and other notables from state obligations. Grant holders could retain some or all of the taxes and tribute on these lands and most of the lands could be held in perpetuity, grant holders also established large settlements that eventually grew into towns.( In Sudan’s 17th century kingdoms of Darfur and Funj these grants were called _hakura_ (the Songhai land grant bears the most resemblance with these Sudanic land grants). It was also in Sudan (Darfur and Funj) that these land grants developed into an elaborate system of private estates granted as _mulk_ (freehold property) as early as the 17th century and becoming the norm by 1800. _A charter of a mahram granted by Shehu Abd ar-Rahman (r.1853-1854) of the Kanem-Bornu empire to a scholar named Muhammad, written in 1854 in Bornu, Nigeria_( * * * **Land and property in the kingdom of Darfur from the 17th to the early 20th century.** The kingdoms of Darfur, Funj and Taqali were established in the 16th and 17th centuries by autochthonous groups in what is now the modern republic of Sudan. Land tenure systems in Darfur (and the kingdoms of Funj and Taqali) evolved from the land grants made in the 17th century, the earliest land grants were issued by the kings of Darfur Musa (r 1680-1700) Ahmad Bukr (r. 1700-20) and Muhammad Dawra (r.1720-30), and by the end of the 18th century, the establishment of a permanent capital at El-Fashir made the need to mobile resources to provide for the burgeoning elite population more acute. Darfur’s land tenure was primarily divided into two forms; state lands and freehold lands. The first of these lands belonged to the royals, district chiefs and other officials and were granted to them by the king, Royal land was that which belonged to the ruler for example, the entire districts of _jabal marra_ and _dar fingoro_ were royal domain and the estates in these districts were held by the ruler, with all revenues going to the sustain the capital and the large large household including the personal guard. Such lands were called _ro kuurirj_. The second of these state lands were administrative lands which were granted to titled officials or such persons elevated by the king and the holders were granted the right to collect and retain the customary taxes from the populations living on that land and were expected to maintain a number of soldiers with horses arms and armor which the king would use during war.( lastly, were the freehold land grants which constituted the bulk of the documented land tenure in Darfur. These were given to many people regardless of their status, they included merchants, scholars, holy men and other notables. Such lands could be subdivided, inherited, transferred from one owner to another and sold. The land was was held in perpetuity, with the holder granted full rights of possession, it was carefully delimited, the size and borders of these estates, the extent of the cultivable land they contained, the number of villages, their yield, etc. Boundaries were marked with drystone walls and with reference to local features such as rocky outcrops, hills and riverbeds( . Perhaps the best evidence for this coming from the land disputes presented in the kingdom's courts in the early 19th century. A list of a typical Darfurian grantees’ rights on his land were listed as such: _**“...as an allodial estate, with full rights of possession and his confirmed property... namely rights of cultivation, causing to be cultivated, sale, donation, purchase, demolition and clearance."**_ There's written evidence the sale of land took place in Darfur, by the 1840s. The right to buy and sell land was itself written in some of the land grants, with examples made by the jallaba family living in shoba who sold their land in the early 19th century( . The sale of land in Darfur can also be inferred from other actions where the sultan was only witnessing and recording the transfer of a deed of land but wasn’t granting the land himself. _land charter of Nur al-Din, a nobleman from the zaghawa group originally issued by Darfur king Abd al-Rahman in 1801AD and renewed in 1803AD._ _Court transcript of a land dispute in the Darfur kingdom written in 1805 AD, between Badawi and prince Aqrab over the latter trespassing on the former’s land, the judge ruled in favor of Badawi and ordered the prince off his land_ _The administrative building of king Ali Dinar of Darfur (R. 1898-1916 AD) in El-Fashir, Sudan which also served as the state chancery where land charters and similar official documents were written_ * * * **Land and property in Ethiopia from the 13th century to 1974** The medieval state of Ethiopia was established in 1270AD by a dynasty claiming Solomonic origins. Its monarchs initially had a mobile court with the royal camp moving through the various provinces but they later established a permanent capital at Gondar in the 17th century. Ethiopia's system of land tenure had its roots in the primarily agricultural character of its economy and its large social hierarchy that necessitated an extensive system of tribute, taxation and rent based on land. The Ethiopian emperor granted land in two ways; the first was by waiving his own rights of taxation in favor of local rulers, nobility, clergy, soldiers and other notables; and the second was by allocating the land itself rather than the taxes on it. The emperor also retained royal lands on which where large estates that were used to supply the court.( The two most common land grants were known as _rist/rest_ and _gult_. Historian Allan Hoben defines the _gult_ as “fief-holding rights” over land and _rist_ as “land-use rights”( . The former was given to churches, nobility, elites and merchants. while the latter was mostly held by peasant farmers. Based on documentary evidence, the more privileged of the Ethiopian lands were under the _gult_ grants, the prestige of the latter was derived from its importance in Ethiopian social-political structure, as historian Donald Crummey explains: “_gult was the device which bound together the king, noble, and priest in common relationship to the agricultural producer_"( , such grants were likely in place as early as the Aksumite era (1st-10th century) although evidence for the is much firmer during the Zagwe kingdom especially under Lalibela (r. 1181–1221 AD) and these grants proliferated with the establishment of the Solomonic empire in the 13th century, the _gult_ grants would be fully developed during the “Gondar-ine era” (from the 17th to the late 18th century) with the growth of a land market that continued well into the modern era until the fall of the old empire in 1974. The first of such _gult_ grants were those given to Ethiopian churches and monasteries, these were called _rim_/_samon_, the church held land in the same way as a secular landlord, and was not expected to cultivate it, but to distribute among the clergy and laypeople who served it and the latter would in turn pay taxes to the church. Early grants to the church served to bring the institution under the Ethiopian monarch's control. The second of such grants were the secular grants made to individuals, such as government officials, merchants, soldiers and other notables. The oldest evidence for such comes from the 14th century, but they became more common place during and after the gondarine era with wealthy aristocrats owning vast expanses of land near the capital.( In all both forms of _gult_ land tenure, the lands had clearly defined boundaries and sizes known as _gasha_( , the written documentation (ie: charters) of these grants constituted a title which could be inherited by both sons and daughters, the land could also be sold and held rented out. all these rights were included in the wording of the charters and in the Ethiopian Law (_Fetha Nagast_).( The enforcement of land rights could be seen in the land disputes that attimes arose between gult holders, sellers, inheritors and tenants.( Land sales became more common during the gondarine era especially during the “era of Empress Mentewab” (between 1730-1769) who was the defacto ruler of the empire through this period, and also from the reign of Takla Haymanot (r. 1769-79 AD) to Iyyasu III (R. 1784-1788 AD). The primary currency used in these land sales was gold dust, with some of the highest figures involving as much as 25 ounces of gold.( Land sales required a writing office which was attached to churches, its from the archives of these offices that documentation of such land sales was kept. The documents of sale also recorded the land's demarcation (which was done by erecting boundary markers), and witnesses to the sales, such as the officials of the church. _Land charter of Ashänkera granted by emperor Sarsa Dengel (r. 1563–1597) <from british library Or. 650 ff 16v>_ _Folio from the 18th century land register at the church of Qwesqwam founded by empress Mentewab_ _the ruins of Empress Mentewab’s Qwesqwam complex in Gondar, Ethiopia, where some of the gondarine land documents and registers were held in the 18th century_ * * * **Conclusion: The centrality of Land in Africa’s political and economic past** Its evident from the above examples of these pre-colonial African states that land was central to the administrative and social-economic fabric of African states. The importance of land in Africa is not only attested in Ethiopia, but across a wide geographical region of the continent from Senegal, through Mali, Nigeria, Sudan, and Eritrea. This diverse geographic region also happens to have the most written documentation in Africa thus indicating that our knowledge of African land tenure is only limited by the level of extant documentation and shouldn’t serve as evidence of the absence of Land tenure in African regions with less extant written accounts. For example, in the 18th century Asante empire (in modern Ghana), there was an extensive and vibrant market in tracts of land which were often under the ownership of a single, titled individual, and involved substantial amounts of money; with one sale involving as much as 225 ounces of gold ($4,500 then/ $157,000 today). The rights of these titled holders in Asante often resembled those of the freehold land owners in Darfur.( This should invite more scholars of African economic history to look into the land tenure systems of African states where written documents aren't as abundant. As argued by historians Jay Spaulding and Lidwien Kapteijns( , land tenure in Africa was also not exclusively urban, nor was it exclusively dominated by the institutions of serfdom or slavery. This diversity in Africa's land tenure systems also makes it futile to categorize the political and economic systems of African states as Feudal --a eurocentric term which is contested even by scholars of European history. This should also help scholars avoid espousing embarrassing theories eg Daron Acemoglu’s claim that Ethiopia’s “feudal” institution of _gult_ grants led to the decline of slavery, in contrast to the rest of Africa where such grants didn’t exist and slavery was pervasive( . Lastly, the lands and estates covered in the above regions were primarily property and not simply forms of administration, this property was owned by individuals (besides institutions) and was clearly demarcated, it was also inheritable, it was transferrable among individuals in the form of sales, it was rented/leased out, and its ownership was defended in the state courts, and owners of this property often held it in perpetuity. All of this was done in ways that are very familiar to modern property holders. African Land Tenure systems before colonialism defy the reductive theories that are often used in defining them, the rupture between the pre-colonial and the colonial administration of land has misled many into projecting backwards the colonial land tenures as being built upon pre-colonial land tenure systems. The popular understanding of communal land and crown land in Africa owes more to colonial administration and less to the pre-colonial administration from which the former claims its continuation( . Theories of African Land Tenure should look beyond this deliberate conflation created during the colonial era, in order to understand the position of Land in the African past. * * * _** to my Patreon**_ ( ( An Economic History of West Africa by A.G.Hopkins, pg 9-11 ( Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World by J.K.Thornton pg 87 ( Land tenure and the state in the pre-colonial Sudan by J. Spaulding pg 34 ( Property Relations by C.M.Hann pg 1-2) ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick, pg 17,57-59 ( Medieval Nubia by G.R.Ruffini pg 61-72 ( G.R.Ruffini pg 29, 205 ( G.R.Ruffini pg 186 ( G.R.Ruffini pg 22-32 ( G.R.Ruffini pg 21 ( G.R.Ruffini pg 74 ( Jihād in West Africa During the Age of Revolutions by P. Lovejoy, pg 123 ( P. Lovejoy pg 125 ( State and the Economy by Abdullahi Mahadi, pg 463. ( P. Lovejoy pg 124-126 ( Studies in West African Islamic History by J. R. Willis, pg 28 ( The Cloth of Many Colored Silks by J. Hunwick pg341 ( Studies in the Taʾrīkh al-fattāsh ii by j Hunwick ( The Islamic Revolution of Futa Toro by David Robinson, pg 199 ( African Urban Spaces in Historical Perspective by S. J. Salm, pg 246 ( The place of mahrams in the history of Kanem-Borno by Muhammadu Aminu ( Land in Dar Fur by R. S. O'Fahey, pg 14-18 ( R. S. O'Fahey, pg 18-19 ( Land documents in Dār Fūr sultanate (Sudan, 1785–1875) by G. M. La Rue ( State and land in Ethiopian history by R. Pankhurst, pg 29-30, 48 ( Land Rights and Expropriation in Ethiopia by D. W. Ambaye pg 39 ( Land and Society in the Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia by D. Crummey, pg 23 ( D. Crummey pg 151 ( land tenure and social accumulation of wealth by D Crummey pg 247 ( R. Pankhurst, pg 30 ( Land and Society in the Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia by D. Crummey pg 125 ( R. Pankhurst pg 55 ( Asante in the nineteenth century by by Ivor Wilks pg 106-109 ( Land Tenure and the State in the Precolonial Sudan by Jay Spaulding and Lidwien Kapteijns ( Why nations fail by Daron Acemoglu pg 178 ( see “Inventing Land Tenure”, in “Farmers and the state in colonial Kano” by Steven Pierce, pg 79-107.

## Land and Property in Pre-Colonial Africa: An Analysis of Land Tenure Systems ### Introduction The study of land tenure systems in pre-colonial Africa reveals that traditional assumptions about the absence of land ownership and markets are misleading. The notion that Africa was a "land abundant" continent with little need for defined property rights does not reflect the complex realities of its various societies. This analysis focuses on historical evidence from several regions, including Sudan, Mali, Nigeria, and Ethiopia, to illustrate the diversity and significance of land tenure systems. ### Key Theories on African Land Tenure 1. **Mainstream Assumptions**: Many scholars assert that pre-colonial Africa lacked formal land tenure systems, promoting the idea that land was treated as a communal resource rather than a commodity for trade. - **Anthony G. Hopkins**: Proposed that Africa's high land-labor ratio hindered market growth, as wealth was primarily invested in labor (e.g., slaves) rather than land. - **John Thornton**: Argued that investment in land was not possible due to an absence of private property and thus, wealth accumulation was predominantly through slavery. 2. **Critique of Universal Applicability**: The theories mentioned above often ignore the vast diversity across African societies and periods, leading to inaccurate and overly simplistic interpretations of land tenure. ### Case Studies of Land Tenure Systems #### 1. **Nubian Kingdom of Dotawo (6th - 15th Century)** - **Evidence of a Private Land Market**: Historical documents from Nubia (especially Qsar Ibrim) indicate a vibrant land market, contradicting claims of absent private property. - **Types of Land**: - **Crown Land**: Managed by high-ranking officials. - **Church Land**: Owned by ecclesiastical bodies for sustaining clergy. - **Private Land**: Constituting the majority of documented sales, characterized by detailed contracts and witness accounts. #### 2. **Sokoto Empire (19th Century)** - **Government Control of Land**: Land tenure divided into state lands (managed by officials) and private estates (owned by aristocrats). - **Land Grants**: Local officials could grant lands that were tax-exempt or could be leased or sold. Wealthy landowners engaged in documented transactions, indicating a functioning market. #### 3. **Land Systems in Songhai, Kanem-Bornu, Futa Toro, and Futa Jallon** - **Land Grants**: These involved rulers granting land with specific rights, often exempting holders from taxes and military obligations. Grants in Kanem-Bornu and Songhai were documented as early as the 11th century. #### 4. **Kingdom of Darfur (17th - early 20th Century)** - **Diverse Land Tenure**: Land classified into state and freehold lands, with the latter available to a broad range of individuals including merchants and scholars. - **Documentation of Transactions**: Evidence of land sales emerges by the 1840s, including formal acknowledgment and record-keeping by local authorities. #### 5. **Ethiopia (13th Century - 1974)** - **Dual System of Land Grants**: Land was allocated through _rist_ (land-use rights) primarily for peasants and _gult_ (fief-holding rights) for nobility and clergy. - **Market Development**: Land sales became more common during the Gondarine era, with structured legal frameworks and documented transactions. ### Conclusion: The Significance of Land in Pre-Colonial African Societies The analysis of various pre-colonial African land tenure systems demonstrates that land was integral to the political and economic fabric of societies across the continent. Written documentation in regions like Sudan, Nigeria, and Ethiopia reveals a sophisticated understanding of property rights, market transactions, and the social importance of land ownership. This complexity challenges the reductionist view of African land tenure as universally communal or non-existent. Understanding these systems invites a reevaluation of historical narratives surrounding Africa's economic history, emphasizing the need for further research in areas with limited documentation. In summary, land tenure in pre-colonial Africa was diverse, well-documented, and foundational to the operations of both governance and commerce, reflecting societal values and historical realities that merit recognition and study beyond colonial frameworks.

The history of the Hausa city-states (1100-1804 AD): Politics, Trade and Architecture of an African mercantile culture during west-Africa's age of empire.

an African urban civilization

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The history of the Hausa city-states (1100-1804 AD): Politics, Trade and Architecture of an African mercantile culture during west-Africa's age of empire. ========================================================================================================================================================== ### an African urban civilization ( Oct 31, 2021 7 Hausa language, civilization and culture are all intertwined in the term Hausa, first as a language of 40 million people in northern Nigeria and west Africa and thus one of the most spoken languages in Africa, second as a city-state civilization; one with a rich history extending back centuries and found within the dozens of city states in northern Nigeria (called the Hausalands) that flourished from the 12th to the 19th century characterized by extensive trade, a vibrant scholarly culture and a unique architectural tradition. Lastly as a culture of the Muslim and non-Muslim populations of northern Nigeria and surrounding regions, these populations included traders, scholars, religious students and the Hausa diaspora in north Africa, west Africa (from the upper Volta region of Ghana to Cameroon) and the Atlantic world. ( The formative period of state formation in the Hausalands begun in the 12th century with the appearance of the city walls of Kano and the 13th century burials at Durbi Takusheyi. The process of state building and political consolidation of various chiefdoms into large kingdoms in the Hausalands culminated with the emergence of seven “prominent” city states; Kano, Daura, Gobir, Zazzau, Katsina, Rano and Hadeija, along with the "lesser" states; Kebbi, Zamfara, Nupe, Gwari, Yauri, Yoruba (Oyo) the latter of which comprise both Hausa and non-Hausa populations. This process became enshrined in the Hausa origin myth; the so-called Bayajida legend which is a sort of Hausa foundation charter repeated in oral and written history that links the dynasties of the seven Hausa city-states. _Gold earrings, pendant, and ring from Durbi Takusheyi, Katsina State, Nigeria (photo from NCMM Nigeria)_ According to the Bayajida legend, a price from the east married a princess from Bornu and the queen of Daura both of whom gave birth to the seven rulers of the seven Hausa cities, he also had a concubine who gave birth to the rulers of the "lesser" states. Interpretation of this allegory is split with some historians seeing it as a reflection of the embryonic Hausa polities( while others consider the Bornu (empire) elements of the story as an indication of Bornuese influence on early Hausa state formation( or even outright concoction by Bornu by legitimizing the latter’s imperial claim over the Hausalands,( while the narrative of seven founding rulers has parallels in several African Muslim societies like the Swahili and Kanem. Owing to their position between the storied empires of the “western Sudan” and “central Sudan” ie: the Mali and Songhai empires to its west and Kanem-Bornu empire to the east, the Hausa developed into a pluralistic society, assimilating various non-Hausa speaking groups into the Hausa culture; these included the Kanuri/Kanembu from the 11th century (dominant speakers in the kanem-bornu empire), the Wangara in the 14th century (Soninke/Malinke speakers traders from the Mali empire), the Fulani in the 15th century, and later, the Tuaregs, Arabs, Yoruba and other populations( . It was within this cosmopolitan society of the Hausalands that the Hausa adopted, innovated and invented unique forms of social-political organization especially the _Birni_ -a fortified city which became the nucleus of the Hausa city-states.( _Birni Kano in the 1930s, Nigeria (photo by Walter Mittelholze**r)**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * By the mid-15th century the Hausa urban settlements had developed into large mercantile cities commanding lucrative positions along the regional and long distance trade routes within west Africa that extended out into NorthAfrica and the Mediterranean, transforming themselves into centers of substantial handicraft industries especially in the manufacture of dyed textiles and leatherworks, all of which were enabled by a productive agricultural hinterland that supported a fairly large urban population engaged in various specialist pursuits and other groups such as scholars, armies (that included thousands of heavy cavalry), large royal households in grand palatial residences and vibrant daily markets where all articles of trade were sold. **A Brief overview of Hausa political and military history** _maps of the hausalands and the surrounding states in the 16th-18th century_ _**Hausa Historiography**_ Most of Hausa history is documented in the various chronicles, king lists and oral traditions of the city-states that were written locally, most notably the Kano chronicle, the _Katsina chronicle_, the _song of Bagauda_, the _Wangara chronicle_, and the _Rawdat al-afkar_. Its from these that the early Hausa history has been reconstructed. Although much of the information contained in them relates to the three of the most prominent city-states of Kano, Katsina and Zaria, with only brief mentions of Gobir, Kebbi, Daura and other city-states. _Rawdat al-afkar_ _(The Sweet Meadows of Contemplation) written by Dan Tafa in Salame, Nigeria. 1824_ * * * _**Early Hausa (from the 10th to 13th century)**_ The establishment of early Hausa societies was characterized with expansion and consolidation, first with an expansion from their core area west of lake chad then followed by an expansion from the northwest to the south east region of central Nigeria( . This non-deliberate expansion involved both diplomacy and warfare. At this stage, the polities were small chiefdoms which would later be consolidated as kingdoms such as at _bugaji_ and _durbi_ in Katsina, at _dala_ in Kano and at _karigi_ and _gadas_ in Zaria. During this period, a common designation of Hausa was unknown and the people that came to refer to themselves as Hausa/Hausawa were only referring to themselves by the distinct states of which they belonged.( During this period, the embryonic Hausa polities were protected from the two west African powers of Mali and Kanem-Bornu that would feature prominently in the later centuries. It was also during this time that the Hausa first appear in external sources with the first mention of Kebbi by Arab historian Al-Idrisi (d. 1165AD) which he calls _Kugha_( _An old section of kano’s city wall_ * * * _**Middle period (from the 14th-mid 16th century**_ The formative period ended by the late 14th century by which time, the Hausa city-states had been firmly established, with their fortified capitals, royal dynasties and trade routes now in place. The borders of each city-state then begun to meet and with them, their armies which then set off a series of extensive military campaigns and aggressive expansion beyond their borders directed against other Hausa city-states and non-Hausa states alike. In Kano, this expansion begun with the reign of _Sarki_ (king) Yaji (r. 1349-1385AD) who attacked Rano in 1350 and clashed with the Jukun of Kwararafa (these later featured prominently among the non-Hausa foes). These campaigns were continued by Sarki Kananeji (r. 1390-1410AD) during whose reign the Wangara, who'd come from Mali under his predecessors' reign, now became prominent at Kananeji's court; introducing the mailcoat armour, iron helmets and quilted armor for cavalry (this unit of the army would became central to warfare in the Hausalands and apart of Hausa culture). Prosperity set in with the reign of Sarki Rumfa (r. 1463-1499AD) who is credited with several political and social innovations in Kano such as the Kano state council, the extension of the city walls and construction of the largest surviving west African palace, it was during this time that the scholar Al-Maghili (d. 1505AD) briefly resided in the city.( _Gidan Rumfa, the 15th century palace built by Sarki Rumfa in Kano, Nigeria_ In Zazzau (which often referred to by its capital: Zaria), this phase of expansion begun during the reign of Sarki Bakwa in the 15th century who consolidated his kingdom later than his peers and established his capital at Turunku, north of the city of Zaria, the latter city was built by his daughter named Zaria and later became the capital of the city-state. Bakwa’s more famous daughter, Amina, is noted for campaigning extensively to the south, warring against the Nupe and kwararafa and reportedly reaching as far as the Atlantic ocean. Her conquest of kwararafa cut off Kano's source of wealth albeit briefly( and she is purported to have subjected neighboring Hausa states to tribute and extended the city walls of Zaria and the walls other towns in the kingdom, of which she is personified. Writing in 1824, the historian Dan Tafa says this about her: "_the government of Zaria was the kingdom of Amina the daughter of the Amir of Zaria, who made military expeditions throughout the lands, Kano and Katsina were subject to her. She made military expeditions throughout the lower Sudan, until she reached the encompassing ocean to the south and west but she didn't conquer any part of the upper sudan_"( _A section of Zaria’s walls and one of its gates in the 1920s (photo from quai branly)_ In Katsina, this phase of expansion was initiated by Sarki Muhammad Korau (d. 1495AD) who extended the walled city, subjected neighboring chiefs to tribute and expanded his territory southwards campaigning against Kano and the Nupe. He is credited with the construction of the katsina palace, the Gobarau mosque and minaret and receiving various scholars from both west and north Africa including the abovementioned Al-Maghili( _A section of Katsina’s walls in the 1930s (photo from quai branly)_ * * * _**West-African empires in the Hausalands (1450 to 1550AD)**_ During the mid 15th century, west African imperial states were reorienting their political and trade centers which brought them closer to the Hausalands, this reorientation begun in the east of the Hausalands with the empire of Kanem-bornu that was shifting its capitals west of lake chad to the region known as Bornu, later establishing its capital at Ngazargamu in the 1480s, while to the west of the Hausalands, the songhai empire in the late 15th century which had its capital at Gao, was starting to campaign closer to the Hausalands. The most important political turning point was the flight of a deposed Mai (emperor) of Bornu named Othman Kalnama to Kano between 1425-1432AD, he brought with him clerics, who greatly augmented the nascent scholarly community in Kano, Othman was briefly left in charge of administering Kano by Sarki Dawuda (r. 1421-1438 AD) while the latter was out campaigning. This action attracted the attention of the Bornu emperors and beginning with Mai Ibn Matala (r. 1448-1450 AD) imposed an annual tribute on Kano, along with the city-states of Daura and Biram. _Section of the Old palace at Daura_ Between 1512-1513 AD, the Songhai emperor Askiya muhammad (r. 1493-1528 AD) launched a war east to the Hausalands, allying with Zaria and Katsina to attack Kano which he took, and later seized the former two as well. Songhai's domination of the three principal Hausa cities was short-lived lasting until around 1515AD around the time when the Askiya attacked the Tuareg capital of Agadez, among his generals in this battle was Kotal Kanta who was later disappointed with his treatment by the Askiya and revolted, defeating a Songhai army sent to crash his revolt in 1516AD, Kanta then set about establishing his own empire whose capital was at the city of Kebbi, he conquered the Hausa city-states previously taken by Songhai and briefly ruled the entire Hausalands (Kano, Gobir, Katsina, Daura, Zaria, etc) and built another walled capital at Surame. This state of affairs lasted until his death in 1550AD allowing two of the principal Hausa city-states of Kano and Zaria to re-assert their independence from all three imperial states (Bornu, Songhai and Kebbi), these two were later joined by Katsina and Gobir in 1700AD, this independence continued well into the 18th century.( _**Late period (from the mid 16th to late 18th century)**_ This was the golden age of the Hausa city-states, with increasing trade contacts particularly with the _Gonja_ region of northern Ghana for kola nuts, gold dust and the rapid expansion of the local textile industry with the signature indigo-dyed cloths of Kano now serving as currencies in much of the region. There are a number of notable political events during this time such as the wars between Katsina and Kano from the late 16th and early 17th century that intensified during this time as each sought to upend the other's prominence. These interstate wars never led to the definitive conquest of one city-state over another despite either states often sieging the city-walls of their foes( . The Hausa city-states also saw increasing attacks by the Jukun of Kwararafa which overturned their previously subordinate relationship with Kano, Zaria and Katsina and inflicted devastating defeats on all three and took plunder, although not reducing them to tributary status, these Jukun also attacked the Bornu empire but were defeated at their siege of Ngazargamu in 1680AD breaking their military power and ending their attacks against the Hausalands.( During this period, there was struggles for power between the Sarki and the electoral council that saw oscillating periods of increasing and decreasing centralization of political authority in Kano, while in Zaria, a protracted civil war had ended with a political settlement, this period was also marked with increasing cosmopolitanism and growth of the Hausa scholarly communities. Katsina finally upended Kano's trade prominence after the latter's economic downtown caused by an inflation in cowrie shell money and heavy taxation of traders and city-dwellers alike, the latter of which had been introduced by Sarki Sharefa (r. 1703-1731 AD) and forced many traders to flee from Kano to Katsina, swelling the latter's population. In the early 18th century, the rising power of Gobir brought it into contact with Kano, with the former increasingly attacking the latter but never defeating it, they later both came under Bornu’s suzerainty in the 1730s but the wars between the two continued well into the century.( In the 17th century, Kano and Zaria had a population of around 50,000 people, and later In the 18th century, Katsina attained a peak population of 100,000.( these two had became arguably the most important trading cities in west Africa following the decline of Timbuktu and Jenne and were now well known in external documentation as well, as noted by Italian geographer Lorenzo d'Anania (d. 1609AD) who described Kano, with its large stone walls, as one of the three cities of Africa (together with Fez and Cairo) where one could purchase any item.( _Kano’s dye pits in the 1930s (from quai branly)_ Throughout this period, the pluralist Hausa city states maintained an equilibrium between the largely muslim oriented urban population and the traditionalist rural hinterland within the capital's control, but the increasing power of the muslim scholarly community in the late 18th and early 19th century across westAfrica tipped the scales against the traditionalists whose authority declined along with the pluralist states that they influenced. This started in Futa Jallon in 1725 AD and continuing into the mid 19th century and resulted in a number of old west African states being toppled; in the Hausalands, this movement was led by Uthman dan Fodio between 1804-1810 AD, who subsumed the Hausa city-states under the Sokoto empire ending their centuries-long independence beginning with Kebbi in 1805AD. Many of the deposed Hausa sovereigns would go on to form independent city-states north and south of the Sokoto empire such as Maradi and Abuja, the latter of which is now the capital of Nigeria.( _the 19th century palace at Maradi_ * * * **Trade and economy in the Hausalands** The Hausa city-states had substantial economic resources and were at the center of strategic trade routes which, added to their competitive city-state culture enabled them to grow into the trading emporiums of west Africa from the mid 16th to the late 19th century. Central to this prosperity was the agricultural productivity of the cities’ hinterlands particularly Kano and Katsina, which controlled a bevy of smaller towns and villages within their respective states (such as Dutse and Rano in Kano city-state) that paid tribute in various forms and supplied the city's markets with agricultural produce, supporting their large urban populations and enabling the growth of several industries and specialist crafts the list of which includes dyed textiles, leatherworks, smithing, tanning, construction , copyists, and carpentry, among others.( Of the local manufactures, Hausa crafts-workers produced both for sale at the local market and for the royal court, the crafts industries particularly metal-works, leather-works and textile-works were regulated through appointed crafts heads. With metal-works, most of the smiths worked to supply the local market with the various articles of metal purchased for household use, among these the most famed were the _Takuba_ swords made by Hausa smiths and used across the central region of westAfrica, these smiths were exempted from taxes but instead being tasked with making the weapons and armor needed for warfare. The leatherworkers and tanners produced the shields and quilted armor for the royal court and also sold footwear, leatherbags, waterskins, book covers, saddles and other leather goods in the local markets. _Hausa leather shoes and sandals, inventoried 1899 at quaibranly_ Textile workers such as dyers and embroilers were the biggest industry among the Hausa cities, cotton was grown in surrounding towns and villages in the Hausalands and brought to the cities, where thousands of weavers worked with treadle looms to make cloths, dyers dipped these cloths in indigo pits and embroiderers added unique geometric patterns to each robe. Cotton was grown in the Hausalands as early as the 10th-13th century with textile production and dyeing following not long after, by the 15th century textile production and cotton growing had already come to be associated with the Hausa cities as noted by historian leo Africanus in 1526 AD who wrote about the abundance of cotton around Kano and Zamfara( . _embroidered Hausa cotton robes inventoried in 1886 at quaibranly_ The textile dominance of the Hausa was such that from the 18th century, most of the central and western Sudan (from Senegal through Mali, Niger and northern Nigeria) was clothed in trousers, robes and shirts made in the Hausa cities, as noted by the explorer F. K. Hornemann in the 1790s, every item of Tuareg attire was manufactured in the Hausa cities.( Initially, textile production and trade in the Hausalands was dominated by the Wangara and the Kanuri both for clothing and partially as currency but both were supplanted by the local Hausa producers in the 16th century and as currency by the 18th century. The signature indigo dyed cloths of the Hausa made in dye pits that dotted sections of the city were well established by the 16th century, and Hausaland exports begun reversing the flows of cloth trade such that Kano and Katsina begun exporting to Bornu, to the formerly wangara-dominated western Sudan, and to the Tuaregs.( _Hausa embroiderer, Northern Nigeria 1930s_ External (caravan) trade came through three main routes with one running north from/through Agadez, another running east from/to Ngazargamu, and one coming from the west to/from Gonja and the Asante (see map for these regions). This caravan trade was well regulated with an official responsible for their accommodation and supply who directed them to hostels and other lodging places where a host/broker would help them conduct their trade, change their currencies and provide credit among other things.( Hausaland imports included manufactures such as paper, luxury cloth, muskets, gunpowder, steel blades and cloth (which mostly came from north Africa and the Mediterranean), and commodities such as salt from the Saharan fringes (controlled by Bornu and the Tuaregs), kola nut and gold dust the upper-volta region (controlled by Dagbon and Gonja) and cowrie shells from the yorubalands (controlled by Oyo and Nupe), the most lucrative of these routes was the western trade with Gonja which brought in kola nut and gold dust, and where Hausa traders were active as early as the 15th century during Sarki Yakubu's reign (r. 1452-1463 AD).( _**Hausaland Currencies**_ The Hausa city-states used various forms of currencies, primarily; gold dust, cowrie, cloth strips and the thaler coins. Gold dust was used not long after the establishment of the trade route to Gonja in the 15th century , from where it was exported north and used also used as a medium of exchange.( Cowries arrived in the hausalands in the 16th century, initially from trans-saharan routes dominated by Songhai and Bornu, they were first introduced in Kano, and soon after in Katsina, Zamfara, Gobir and other Hausa cities as well. While the cowrie inflation that was associated with Sarki Sharef came from those cowries introduced via the southern (Atlantic) sources with more than 25 tonnes of cowries being brought into Gobir from the Nupe between 1780-1800 AD.( The use of cloth strips as currency proliferated during the 17th century across the “central sudan” region, they were made to be uniform in size, weave and dye and were primarily produced in Kano, Zaria and Rano which were best suited for cultivation of cotton and indigo, the price of the cloth currency varied seasonally and corresponded with its value as clothing.( **Hausa Architecture** Hausa architecture's design is uniquely local in origin but also incorporates construction methods found within the wider west-African “sudano-sahelian” architecture. The Hausalands contain some of the oldest architectural monuments in west Africa, including the oldest surviving west African palace; the _Gidan Rumfa_ and _Gidan Makama_ (both built in the 15th century by Sarki Rumfa of Kano), the oldest surviving city walls and gates; the walls and gates of Kano built between the 12th-15th century, and the unique innovation of constructing vaulted ceilings and domed roofs with mudbrick, a difficult feat only attested in few societies such as ancient Nubia and the Near-eastern civilizations. _gidan makama, the first palace of Sarki Rumfa_ built _in the 15th century_ _House facades in kano (photos from the mid 20th century)_ Primary materials for construction were sun-dried conical mudbricks called _tubali_, palmwoods such as _Hyphaene thebaica_ and _Borassus aethiopum_ called ginginya/garuba and a select type of swamp and earth clay that was used for mortaring and plastering called tabo, kasa. Most Hausa monuments such as the city walls, palaces and mosques were built by professional masons; architects/master-builders who belonged to crafts-guilds, technical expertise was acquired by students through an apprenticeship of at least ten years under a successful master where they were first taught the making of _tubali_ bricks, then taught plastering, exterior decoration and constructing walls, and lastly taught how to construct vaulted roofs and ceilings.( The explorer Hugh Clapperton met such a Hausa architect in 1824, most likely the famous Muhammadu Dugura, who built the domed Zaria mosque in the mid 19th century.( _interior and exterior of the mosque of Zaria built in 1832 in typical Hausa style_ _the 19th century palace at Dutse_ * * * **Conclusion: the Hausa as an African urban civilization** Hausa cities belonged to a type of state system that is often overlooked in discourses on African history in favour of large territorial empires. such African city-states include the Swahili, the Yoruba, the Banaadir and close to a dozen others that traded, warred and competed with each other to grow into what were arguably the most dynamic and cosmopolitan African urban settlements. Characterized by significant handicraft manufacturing bases, large markets and pluralist societies, and whose prosperity attracted traders, scholars and imperial powers alike. These cities provide us with an understanding of Africa’s economic history and their assimilationist cultures offer an alternative form of social organization which was uncommon in the pre-modern era. * * * _**for more on African history, Free book downloads and ancient African astronomy, subscribe to my Patreon account**_ ( * * * ( Being and Becoming Hausa by A. Haour, pgs 5-12 ( Towards a less orthodox history of Hausaland by J. Sutton, pg 195-199) ( Some considerations relating to the formation of states in Hausaland by A. Smith pg 336) ( The affairs of Daura by M.G Smith pg 56 ( UNESCO General History of Africa, Vol. IV by D. T. Niane pg 112 ( A. Smith pg 338-345) ( A. Haour pg 48 ( The Beginnings of Hausa Society by M.G.Smith, pg 342-345 ( A. Haour pg 9 ( Government in kano by M.G.Smith, pgs 116-121, 129-136 ( M.G.Smith pg 124) ( Translation of the Rawdat al-afkar by muhammad sheriff ( D.T.Niane, pg 108 ( M.G.Smith, pg 137-141 ( A Comparative Study of Thirty City-State Cultures by M. H. Hansen, pg 500-501 ( M.G.Smith, pg 162 ( M.G.Smith, pgs 168-172 ( 3000 Years of Urban Growth by T. Chandler, pg 47 ( A. Haour pg 10 ( Jihād in West Africa during the Age of Revolutions by P. E. Lovejoy ( D.T.Niane, pg 116 ( Cloth in west african history by C. E. Kriger, pg 78 ( The Desert-Side Economy of the Central Sudan by P.E.lovejoy, pg 555 ( A. Haour, pg 193-194 ( M.G.Smith, pg 41-42 ( M.G.Smith pg 128 ( Timbuktu and the Songhay empire, J.Hunwick, pg xxix ( The shell money of the slave trade by J. S. Hogendorn, pg 104-105) ( M.G.Smith pg 23 ( maximizing mud by by S.B. Aradeon, pg 206) ( Hausa Urban Art and Its Social Background by F. W. Schwerdtfeger pg 109.

### The History of the Hausa City-States (1100-1804 AD): A Step-by-Step Analysis #### 1. Overview of Hausa Civilization - **Language and Culture**: The Hausa language is spoken by around 40 million people and is one of the most prominent languages in Africa. The Hausa civilization comprises city-states in northern Nigeria (the Hausalands) that thrived from the 12th to the 19th century. This civilization is characterized by extensive trade, a vibrant scholarly culture, and unique architectural styles. - **Cultural Diversity**: The Hausa population includes both Muslim and non-Muslim groups, encompassing traders, scholars, and various communities across West Africa, North Africa, and the Atlantic world. #### 2. Formation of Hausa City-States - **State Formation**: The emergence of the Hausa city-states began in the 12th century, exemplified by the construction of city walls in Kano and significant burials in Durbi Takusheyi in the 13th century. - **Key City-States**: The formation of Hausa state structures culminated in the establishment of seven primary city-states: Kano, Daura, Gobir, Zazzau, Katsina, Rano, and Hadeija. Additionally, there were lesser states such as Kebbi and Zamfara. - **Bayajida Legend**: The origin myth known as the Bayajida legend ties the founding rulers of these city-states to a narrative involving a prince from Bornu and a princess from Daura, reflecting historical influences and claims of legitimacy. #### 3. Cultural Assimilation and Political Structure - **Cultural Exchanges**: The Hausa assimilated various groups, including the Kanuri, Wangara, Fulani, and Tuaregs, creating a pluralistic society rich in diverse cultural practices. - **Urban Organization**: The term _Birni_ refers to fortified cities which served as the centers of Hausa city-states, enabling political consolidation and trade. #### 4. Economic Development and Trade - **Mercantile Cities**: By the mid-15th century, Hausa cities became major centers along trade routes, leading to advancements in handicrafts, especially in dyed textiles and leatherworks, supported by agricultural productivity from surrounding regions. - **Scholarly Communities**: The cities attracted scholars and served as hubs for learning and political innovations, further enhancing their prestige and economic power. #### 5. Historical Documents and Sources - **Hausa Historiography**: History is primarily derived from local chronicles and oral traditions, including the Kano Chronicle and the Katsina Chronicle, which document the political and military history of the major city-states. #### 6. Political History - **Early Period (10th-13th Century)**: Early Hausa societies engaged in both diplomacy and warfare, gradually consolidating small chiefdoms into larger political entities. - **Middle Period (14th-16th Century)**: By the late 14th century, established city-states engaged in military campaigns against each other. Notable kings such as Yaji and Rumfa made significant political and infrastructural advancements, including expanding city walls and developing courts. #### 7. Interaction with Neighboring Empires - **West African Empires**: The Hausa city-states were influenced by larger empires, such as Kanem-Bornu and Songhai, which sought to impose tributes on Hausa territories. - **Military Conflicts**: In the early 16th century, the Songhai Empire temporarily conquered key Hausa cities like Kano and Katsina, but this rule was short-lived due to internal revolts. #### 8. Late Period (16th-18th Century) - **Golden Age**: This period saw increased trade with regions like Gonja, the rise of the textile industry, and the population growth of cities such as Kano and Katsina. - **Inter-State Rivalries**: The 17th century was marked by ongoing conflicts between Kano and Katsina, as well as external attacks from the Jukun of Kwararafa. #### 9. Cultural Achievements in Architecture - **Distinctive Architecture**: Hausa architecture showcases local designs and techniques, notable for the construction of mudbrick structures, including the oldest surviving West African palaces and city walls. - **Construction Techniques**: Skilled masons and architects, often organized in guilds, developed unique building styles featuring vaulted ceilings and domed roofs. #### 10. Conclusion: The Hausa as an Urban Civilization - **Significance**: The Hausa city-states exemplify a dynamic urban civilization that played a crucial role in African history, characterized by economic innovation, cultural pluralism, and complex political structures. - **Legacy**: Their extensive trade networks and rich cultural traditions contributed to significant developments in West Africa and provide a broader understanding of African urban life during the pre-colonial era. This structured approach emphasizes the key historical facts and events, presenting a clear and factual narrative of the Hausa city-states between 1100-1804 AD.

Africa's urban past and economy; currencies, population and early industry in pre-colonial African cities.

private land sales, manuscript copyists and textile sales figures.

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Africa's urban past and economy; currencies, population and early industry in pre-colonial African cities. ========================================================================================================== ### private land sales, manuscript copyists and textile sales figures. ( Oct 24, 2021 7 Africa was a land of cities and vibrant urban cultures, from the ancient cities of the Nubia and the horn of Africa, to the medieval cities along the east African coast, on the plateaus of south east Africa, in the grasslands of west-central Africa, in the forest region of west Africa and more famously; the storied cities of Sahelian west Africa( . Discourses on early African urbanism have now moved beyond the now discredited theories of Africa's lack of urbanism or its supposed introduction by foreigners, these new discourses seek to reconstruct the economies of early African urban settlements, early handicraft industries and Africa’s spatial and scared urban architecture. African urbanism both conforms to and diverges from the established definition of cities; some African cities were directly founded by royal decree or were associated with centralized authority from the onset; such as Kerma, Aksum, Mogadishu, Kilwa, Great Zimbabwe, Mbanza Kongo, Benin, Kumbi Saleh, Gao, Ngazargamu, Kano and el-Fashir. while other cities were mostly associated with trade, religious power or scholarship, such as Qasr Ibrim, Adulis, Zeila, Sofala, Naletale, Begho, Djenne, Walata and Timbuktu; both of these types of cities were often characterized with monumental architecture; such as such as the palaces, temples and religious buildings in the cities of, Jebel Barkal, Lalibela, Gondar, Pemba, Zanzibar, Danangombe, Loango, Kuba, Ife, Bobo Dioulasso, Chinguetti and Daura. and the city walls( of Faras, Harar, Shanga, Old Oyo, Segu, Hamdallaye and Zinder. Inside these African cities were large markets held daily in which transactions were carried out using various currencies most notably coinage that was locally struck in the cities of the kingdom of Aksum, the Swahli cities, Harar (Ethiopia), Nikki (Benin), and the cities of Omdurman and el-Fashir (in Sudan), there was also foreign coinage that was adopted in most of the “middle latitude” African states (all states between Senegal and Ethiopia) and lastly, the ubiquitous cowrie shell currency of the medieval world. African cities were home to several guilds of professional artisans and other types of wage laborers, the former included architects and master-builders, blacksmiths, carpenters, the latter included, dyers, weavers, leather workers, manuscript copyists and illustrators, painters and carvers, and dozens of other minor and trivial commercial activities such as astrologists, wrestlers and prostitutes. The majority of public buildings in African cities were religious buildings and their associated schools; such as temples, churches, mosques and monasteries and the Koranic schools of west Africa, Sudan the horn of Africa and the eastern coast; and the monastic schools of Ethiopia, other public buildings included the public squares of the Comorian cities( and a few Swahili cities. African cities recognized various forms of private property perhaps the most notable being the land charters and private estates in the cities of the states of Makuria, Ethiopia, Funj, Darfur and Sokoto among others. * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Defining African Cities** "_the city is a phenomenon which is notoriously difficult to define_"( There have been many attempts at a theatrical definition of what qualifies as a city, the classic definition, which has since been modified and/or contested was that proposed by Gordon childe in which he associates urbanism with centralized states and thus lists the features of a city as; having considerable size, high population density, production of agricultural surpluses, monumental architecture and craft specialization. He also lists others features including; writing systems, state officials, priests and long-distance trade( . Several of the above listed features have since been contested especially since its possible to have monumental architecture, writing systems and trade without association with centralized political power or lack some of the above yet still live in an urban settlement associated with centralized political authority. But since several of these features overlap frequently, new definitions of cities have only modified Childe's classical categorization rather than radically alter it, these overlapping features for most cities are; craft specialization, agricultural surplus, population density and long-distance trade. Following these overlapping definitions, discourses on African urbanism have forwarded definitions of African cities including those that fit Childe's classical definition and those that diverge from it. In the former; there are several African societies that existed as city-states; in which an independent state is centered on a city (rather than a state that contains a plurality of several cities) and in which a “city-state culture” thrives; characterized by people of similar language but living in fully autonomous states centered on cities which often compete and war with each other. In Africa, such city-states include the Yoruba city-states (southwestern Nigeria) , the Swahili city-states (Kenya and Tanzania coast), the Hausa city-states (northern Nigeria), the Kotoko city-states (southern chad), the Banaadir city-states (Somalia), the Fante city-states (southern Ghana), among others.( Added to these cities that fit the classical definition are the "primate cities", these are where the largest urban settlement in the state (kingdom/empire) is the capital city; for example the cities listed in the introduction of this article like Gondar and Benin, such cities formed the bulk of African urban settlements. lastly some African cities also diverged slightly from the classical definition but are situated firmly within the bounds of it, these cities are defined as "a large and heterogeneous unit of settlement that provides a variety of services and manufactures to a larger hinterland" and their features include specialized labor, high population density and long distance trade, among others. An example of such were the "cities without citadels" and the mobile capitals. Of the “cities without citadels” there are the classical cities of the inland Niger delta and the Senegal river valley, eg Jenne jano which covered over 7 hectares by 300BC growing to 33 ha in the mid 1st millennium, with a surrounding urban cluster of 170 ha and a city wall. Jenne-jeno also had settlement quarters for blacksmiths, potters, weavers, etc before much of the population moved to the better known city of Djenne( . Among the mobile capitals were the _katamas_ of medieval Ethiopia( and in the interior of East Africa such as the capitals of the Buganda Kingdom( and the Bunyoro kingdom. _monumental architecture of An african city; the 17th century castles of Gondar, photo from the early 20th century_ _public buildings of African cities; the bangwe (public square) of Moroni and Grande Comore_ * * * **Africa’s urban demographics** The cities of Africa varied in population depending on their primary functions; the city-states and primate cities had both permanent and floating populations. The permanent populations were comprised of residents who dwelt within the city for generations and consisted of the city’s oldest lineages, clans and families, while the city’s “floating populations” included traders and caravans, visitors, pilgrims, armies, and the like. As such, the estimated populations of African cities varied in size, the bulk of these estimates are given by archeologists, internal and external written documents, and explorers. While Africa had a relatively low population density in the past, the settled regions were fairly densely populated, with high population density clusters in the inland Niger delta (central Mali) northern and south-eastern Nigeria, the Ethiopian highlands, the east African coast (from Somalia to Tanzania) and other moderate population clusters in west central Africa (western and southern DRC, Northern Angola), the African great lakes region (central and western Uganda and Rwanda), and south-eastern Africa in Zimbabwe and eastern south Africa. which allowed for the development of cities. The rate of urbanization in medieval Africa was therefore quite significant, the Mali empire is reported to have had at least four hundred cities/towns (the chronicler used the Arabic word _mudun:_ plural for city) this urbanization compared favorably with contemporaneous kingdoms of the world, and Mansa Musa told al-Umari that he had personally conquered at least 24 of these cities; which at the time included the cities of Timbuktu and Walata( **Population estimates of African cities:** The population estimates for African cities can be grouped into two; the cities established before the 19th century (these estimates rely on both written accounts and archeological estimates); and the cities established during the 19th century (the populations of these can be extrapolated backwards and more reliable estimates from various sources exist) Of the pre-19th century cities (ie; from antiquity until 1800s); the most populous African cities were Gao and Timbuktu in the 16th century, and Gondar, Katsina, in the 18th century; these four are estimated to have attained a maximum population of 100,000 people during their heyday, with a low estimate of at least 70,000. These cities compare favorably to some of the most populous cities of late medieval Europe and north Africa both in size( and in population; especially during the 16th century, such as the cities of Florence, Lisbon and Prague (all of which had an estimated 70,000 people) and the city of London (with an estimated 50,000 people), while in north Africa, Tunis and Marakesh had between 50-75,000 people as well( . These comparisons don't take into account the significantly higher population densities in the latter regions which would point to a relatively higher rate of urbanization in Africa at the time, for example, west Africa in the 1700 had an estimated population of 50 million( which is just over twice France's 20 million people. **overview of the population estimates for the largest African cities before the 19th century** **Gao** was the capital of the Songhay empire, an unofficial census conducted in the 1580s gave a total of about 100,000 as written in the _Tarikh al-fattash_( , while the _Tarikh al-sudan_ states that Gao had about 7,626 houses not including the semi-permanent structures giving an estimate of 76,000 permanent residents( which combined with a floating population of caravan traders would have approached 100,000 people. **Timbuktu** was a major commercial and scholarly city in the Mali and Songhay empires, the _Tarikh al-fatash_ estimated it had 150 schools, each enrolling around 50 students, the student population was about 7,500 providing an estimated urban population of 75,000( not including the floating population of caravan traders which in the 19th century was reported as at times trebling the resident population although by then the city was much smaller( _timbuktu in 1906 seen from the sankore mosque (by edmond fortier)_ **Katsina** was the largest Hausa city in the 18th century prior to the ascendance of Kano, the explorer Heinrich Barth provides an estimate of a maximum of 100,000 inhabitants in the mid 18th century( **Gondar**, the capital of the Ethiopian empire during the _Gondarine era_ was estimated to have at least 65,000 inhabitants in the late 18th century when explorer James Bruce visited it, this figure is only for the families resident in the city proper, and doesn't include the armies of the king and the traders. Other estimates by later explorers such as Rosen and Mérab estimated the population to be at about 100,000( , which isn't implausible since population decline had already set in by the time of James Bruce's visit. Aside from these four largest cities, whose high populations lived in densely packed settlements such as storied buildings which can support a larger number of people in a smaller area, there were less densely packed urban settlements such as Ile-Ife, Benin and Old Oyo where houses were single-storey and compounds were fairly widely spaced, some of these cities extended over 50 sqkm and contained 19sqkm of built-up space, providing a population estimate of around 100,000 for all three at their height in the 14th, 16th and 18th centuries( The other cities from this period that were significant populous (between 50,000-100,000) include the Kanem capital of Ngazargamu that had around 60,000 to 70,000 people in the 16th century, and the cities of Zaria, Agadez, Djenne and Kano that had around 50,000 people in the 16th century ( _djenne in 1906 with ruins of the mosque at the center (by edmomd fortier)_ The next group are the moderately populated cities (between 30,000-50,000) such as the ancient cities of Meroe, Aksum and Old Dongola, the medieval cities of Mombasa, Kilwa, Mogadishu, Mbanza kongo, Loango, Mbanza Soyo, and later cities of Kumasi, Kong, Abomey, Zinder, Kukawa, and dozens of other cities (usually the capitals of kingdoms), estimates for the above populations come from various sources most notably R. Feltcher( , T. Chandler( and C. kusimba( . The rest of African cities include those with populations between 10,000-30,000; which were the vast majority from antiquity to the 19th century, including Jenne-jeno, Kumbi saleh, Adulis, Zeila, Begho, many of the Swahili cities (such as Pate and Siyu), the Benadir cities (such as Merca and Brava) Hausa cities (such as Gobir and Hadejja), the cities of the Zimbabwe plateau (such as Great Zimbabwe and Naletale), the inland Niger cities (such as Segu and Nioro), the central Sudanic cities (such as Logone-birni and Kousseri), the Ethiopian cities (such as Haarla and Ifat) and the capitals of west-central africa (such as Nsheng and Mwibele) _the city of Merca in the early 20th century_ _ruins of the 14th century city of Great zimbabwe_ **African Cities of the 19th century** African cities experienced a marked growth in the 19th century, most of the abovementioned cities of the pre-19th century doubled their populations by the middle of the century while other cities finally breached the 100,000 population limit, most notably, Sokoto which had 120,000 people in the early 19th century( , Omdurman which had 250,000 people in the late 19th century( and Ibadan which had over 100,000 people in the mid 19th century( , among others. _general view of Omdurman in the 1920s_ * * * **Sustaining African cities: extraction of agricultural surpluses from the hinterland and commercialization of agriculture and land.** The continued existence of cities requires substantial agricultural surplus from the city’s hinterlands for the city-dwellers that are engaged in specialist pursuits. The evidence for such surpluses is present in Africa, most notably were the royal and private estates such as in the Songhay empire which produced between 600-750 tonnes of rice a year that was meant for the consumption of the royal household and personal army all of whom numbered 5-7,000 people( , the royal and private farms around the city of Kano, Mbanza kongo and various swahili cities, such as the city of kilwa, whose poor soils, high population and textile production required intensive trade and interactions with the mainland( such interactions involved purchases of agricultural surpluses( While in the “middle latitude” states of Africa such as Ethiopia, Makuria, Sokoto and Darfur, the land grant/charter system allowed for rulers and elites in cities to supply both their extended households and the city’s markets with large agricultural surpluses to support the bulging populations, in Ethiopia this proliferated during the _gondarine era_ in the 18th century( and in Darfur during the 18th century( and in Sokoto during the 19th century( and in Makuria from the 11th to the 14th century( . The estates established by both elites and private entrepreneurs supplied agricultural produce to local markets and the existence of such commercialized agricultural production and land tenure systems led to the growth of a robust land market in the four African states mentioned above with the majority of private land sales confined to their cities. _land charter of Nur al-Din given to him by darfur king Muhammad al-Fadl in 1810AD (from R.S.O Fahey’s land in darfur)_ * * * **The Currencies of African cities; minting, adoption and exchange of various forms of currencies in African urban commerce** The complexity of African monetary transactions and economies is often underappreciated, African cities were major centers of commerce in both the regional and global contexts this cosmopolitanism required them to utilize a standardized medium of exchange in the form of currencies; as such African cities made use of multiple and complementary coinage and commodity currencies, most notably; the gold, copper and silver coinage in the cities of the kingdom of Aksum( (such as at Aksum and Adulis), the kingdom of Makuria( (especially in the cities of Qasr Ibrim and Old Dongola), the Swahili city-states of Kilwa, Shanga, Pemba, Songo mnrara, Tongoni and Zanzibar( , the city-states of Harar and Mogadishu cities in the horn of Africa( , and the kingdom of Nikki( (in modern benin), and the silver issue of the kingdom of Kanem Bornu in the city of Ngazargamu( the other form of coinage was the imported Maria Theresa silver coin used across the Sahel and the horn of Africa in the late 18th to early 19th century, but mostly common in the Ethiopian empire.( _Kilwa silver and copper coins of Ali ibn al-Hasan from tanzania dated 10th-11th century (Perkins John, 2015)_ _silver coins from the mahdiyya and darfur kingdoms in the 19th century sudan (british museum)_ The second form of currency was the gold dust and gold bars, common in the empires of the Sahel (Ghana, Mali, Songhai, Massina, Air, Kanem-bornu) and the Asante kingdom, and used in various west African trade networks most notably by the Wangara across various west African cities. it was measured using standardized gold weights; these weights were most present in the upper volta region (in the Asante, Dagomba cities)( , the inland Niger delta (Segu to Jenne) and the Senegambia cities. The third and perhaps the most ubiquitous currency across africa was the cowrie shell, some were acquired locally especially the _nzimbu shells_ of the west central African kingdoms of Kongo and Loango( but the majority were imported and were used in virtually all west African, eastern African and some southern African kingdoms from the late first millennium to turn of the 20th century. lastly were the commodity currencies; primarily cloth and iron. The former became a lucrative trade for the kingdoms of Benin, Kongo and Kuba whose high quality and standardized textiles were in high demand in the surrounding regions, Benin cloth (_aso-Ado_) was bought and re-exported during the early decades of atlantic commerce to the Akan states in the gold coast( while Kongo's cloth (_libongo_) was rexported during the early stages of the atlantic commerce to many of the states of west-central Africa( ; and metal currencies included manila, copper ignots, and the later standardized iron bars were used in parts of west Africa. Many African cities used several currencies concurrently and it was therefor necessary to establish currency exchanges that were fixed depending on the demand and supply of each currency; one such exchange rate was for 40 pices of silver for one pice of gold in the kingdom of makuria especially the city of qasr ibrim( , in mali during the 14th century, one gold coin was exchanged for 1150 cowries in the city of gao ( and several other exchanges such as coin to cowrie, cloth to cowrie, gold dust to cowrie. _12th century painting from Old Dongola showing financial transaction; depicting a man holding a purse giving another man a handful of gold coins (from the Kom H monastery)_ The currencies above were primarily used in urban commerce both for internal trade in local markets and for long distance trade; an example of the use of gold dust and gold bars as currency is from an account of a wangara trader named al-Hajji al-Wagari from Timbuktu that sent 2000 ounces in gold bars and 2000 ounces of gold dust in exchange for a large consignment of cloth to be bought in the Moroccan city of Akka in 1790( African currencies international value isn't to be underestimated, as Aksumite coins were found as far as India( and Kilwa coins were found as far as northern Australia( and southern Arabia attesting to both the cosmopolitanism of these cities and the value of their currencies, they also travelled significant distances in the African interior; a Kilwa coin was found far inland at great Zimbabwe, it can thus be concluded that African economic transactions especially in African cities were often fully monetized contrary to the misconception that the most common system of exchange was batter. * * * **Handicraft industries in African cities.** Arguably the most common industry in precolonial Africa was textile production. textile production in Africa is first attested in the khartoum neolithic where some spindle whorls were found likely for making wool cloths in the 6th millennium BC( . Cotton cloth was well established in Nubia during the 1st millennium BC, and then in west Africa, the horn of Africa and east Africa by the 1st millennium AD while cloth production was developed independently in west central Africa in the early second millennium AD. In all these African regions, major centers of production and use of cloth were typically the urban settlements. Alot has been written about African cloth production, cloth trade, and the various processes of spinning, weaving, dyeing, embroidering African cloth, but less has been written about the methods of production, the quantities of cloth traded and produced especially in relation to African cities; and the reason for the de-industrialization of Africa's textile manufacturing. Various African textile producing centers used different looms, whose development and utilization dependently largely on the antiquity of cloth production in a given region. _Varieties of looms in Africa (map from K. Frederick’s Twilight of an industry)_ In the horn of Africa, the weavers used treadle looms positioned over pits, along with spinning wheels to speed up the production of yarn (especially in the cities of Mogadishu and Harar). _Cotton spinning somalia 19th century_ In west Africa, narrow-band treadle Looms were used, these also had foot pedals that manipulate warp threads and were used alongside the more common vertical looms to produce larger cloths (such as in the cities of Kano, Zaria, Benin) the vertical loom was also used in parts of west central Africa. In eastern Africa, the majority of looms were fixed-heddle ground loom( _Hausa woman weaving on vertical loom_ The work of cotton cultivation, spinning, cloth weaving, dyeing and embroidering were done by both women and men in various stages and attimes involved organized textile guilds and private estates for large production, but also involved small-scale domestic production for small quantities. The majority of these processes were confined to cities rather than the countryside as was noted in Benin, Kano, Mogadishu, Zanzibar and Mbanza kongo. * * * **African textile trade; the figures** In terms of quantity, the most significant cloth producers whose figures can be retrieved were the regions of south-western Nigeria, west-central Africa and the Sahelian west africa, such figures include; In Benin city, at the height of the textile trade in the 17th century, the Dutch purchased 12,641 pieces 1633–34 in another 16,000 pieces of Benin-cloth in 1644–46, and the English bought about 4,000 pieces of Benin-Cloth in the same years, (a standard piece of Benin cloth was about 2 meters by 3 meters) both of these were resold to the gold-coast region (modern Ghana) who then sold them further inland( this outbound trend from Benin was only a fraction of the internal trade especially between Benin and the Yorubalands and the Hausalands giving us a picture of just how extensive Benin’s textile production was. Cloth production in west central Africa, while less urban than in west Africa, was nevertheless significant, in 1611, upto 100,000 meters of _libongo_ cloths were exported from Kongo’s eastern provinces into the Portuguese coastal colony of Angola annually and 80,000 meters of Loango's cloth were also exported to the colony of Angola annually as well( . This cloth was evenly split into use both for clothing and as currency and while some of it was purchased by kongo and loango from further inland, most of it was refashioned and standardized in Kongo and Loango itself to maintain its currency value and authenticity using unique geometric patterns _libongo cloth from the kongo kingdom, inventoried in 1659 (Ulmer Museum)_ Cloth production in the sahelian belt was also significant, in the 19th century, explorer Heinrich Barth estimated that the city of Kano alone exported over £40,000 worth of cloth annually ($7,000,00 today) which is a significant amount given a population of under 70,000, describing the city's textile industry as thus: "_there is really something grand in this kind of industry, which spreads as far as murzuk, ghat and even tripoli; to the west not only to timbuctu, but in some degree even as far as the shores of the atlantic, to the east all over bornu, and to the south and south east_"( the textile market in the Hausa cities was sophisticated enough to allow for product returns, this was observed by the explorer Hugh clapperton who visited Kano decades before Barth, he described it as thus : _"if a tobe (gown) or turkadee (woman's cloth), purchased here is carried to bornu or any other distant place, without being opened, and is there discovered to be of inferior quality, it is immediately sent back as a matter of course -the name of the dylala, or broker, being written inside every parcel in this case the dylala must find out the seller, who, by the laws of kano, is forthwith obliged to refund the purchase money"_ ( _Riga and Boubou robes from the hausa cities of northern Nigeria in the 19th century, (from; liverpool and quai branly museum),_ _photo of a fokwe chief wearing a riga_ (_University of Southern California.)_ _kano in the 1930s (walter mittelholzer)_ These processes of cloth production in African cities used both free labor (subsistence and wage) and servile labor. The labor demands of such industries were very large and its no surprise that these aforementioned states banned the exportation of slave labour into the atlantic (Benin in the 16th-17th century, Kongo in the 17th century and Sokoto in the 19th century, among others). Significant cloth production was also noted in the swahili cities of Pate, Kilwa and Sofala and the somali city of Mogadishu where as early as the 14th century, its _maqadishu_ cloth was exported as far as Egypt * * * **Other major African handicraft industries included**; _**iron production**_, which was sufficiently developed in the cities of the east African coast as noted by historian C. Kusimba: "_Swahili ironworkers were capable of producing high-carbon steel and even cast iron in their bloomeries with over 2.5 percent carbon_" these cities also exported iron to the Indian ocean cities in southern Arabia and Southern Asia( , the other notable African urban iron production center was the in the ancient city of Meroe where about 20 tonnes of metal were produced annually in the late 1st millennium BC, which for a population of about 30,000 was very significant; Meroe was therefore a site of a substantial iron industry( _**Leatherworks**_ such as sandals, shoes, bags, boots, etc were made locally in significant volumes, most notably in Kano where an estimated 10 million pairs of sandals, leather straps and bags were exported all across west Africa and north Africa especially to morocco where Kano's leather was then re-exported to Europe as "Moroccan leather" which was used in book bindings( and other major leatherworking cities such as the cities of Zinder and Ngazargamu, the Swahili city of Siyu and Zanzibar, the upper volta cities of of Salaga and Bondouku the western sudan cities of Segu, Timbuktu and several others. _leather boots, shoes and sandals from the Hausa cities of northern Nigeria, inventoried in the mid 19th century (Museum of Applied Arts&Sciences, Australia)_ _**Manuscript copying, book binding and manuscript illumination**_ was perhaps the only African industry exclusively confined to cities, manuscript copying was fairly widespread across much of Africa's “middle latitudes”, along the east african coast and the west central African cities in kongo. African manuscript illumination is attested as early as the 5th century AD at Aksum and later in the mid-second millennium AD at several other cities such as Timbuktu, Jenne, Kano, Ngazargamu, and book binding was present at the cities of Gondar, Mogadishu, Harar, Lamu, Siyu among others. The best documented manuscript copying industry was in Ngazargamu, the capital of Kanem-bornu which was a major center for specialists such as calligraphers and copyists whose beautifully written and illustrated Qur'ans were sold throughout north Africa in the 18th and 19th century at a price of fifty thalers( and the city of Siyu whose position as a major scholarly center In east Africa rivaling Zanzibar was such that books written and illuminated by Siyu's scholars were sold all across the coast( , one of such books copied was a Quran written by a copyist named Ali al-Siyawi (his nisba meaning he is from siyu) _Quran from the early 19th century, siyu (Fowler Museum)_ _**construction**_ ; which involved architects, master-builders and masons guilds such as the Hausa architect Muhammadu Mukhaila Dugura who constructed the Zaria Friday mosque( and the Djenne mason guilds known for erecting a number of large mansions in the late 19th and early 20th century such as the Bandiagara palace of Aguibu tall, Gbon Coulibaly's house in korhogo and the reconstruction of the 13th century mosque of Djenne, these master builders and architects were likely present since the early first millennium but their activities proliferated during the 19th century especially in the Sokoto empire where urban planning was state policy( _Aguibou tall's house in badiagra buiilt in the 19th century_ (edmond fortier) * * * **Conclusion** The vibrancy and cosmopolitanism of Africa’s urban past, and the dynamism of pre-colonial African cities are a window into Africa’s economic and social history, African urbanism was central to African state-building, art and architecture, the legacy of which continued well into the colonial and post-independence era, some of Africa’s old cities maintain their prominence into the present day, state capitals such as Mogadishu, Accra and Abuja, commercial emporiums such as Lagos, Mombasa and Kano, religious and pilgrim cities such as Lalibela, Timbuktu and Harar are among dozens of cities whose sacredness and importance continues to attract thousands of visitors. African cities are a salient piece of African history. **A special thanks to all the generous contributors on my patreon and via paypal that keep this blog up, i’m grateful for your generosity.** * * * _**for more on African history, Free book downloads and ancient African astronomy, subscribe to my Patreon account**_ ( ( The Archaeology of Africa by Bassey Andah et al, pg 21-31 ( Africa's urban past by D. M. Anderson, pg 36-49 ( Becoming the Other, Being Oneself by ian walker, pg 97-99 ( the urban revolution by G. childe, pg2 ( The Fabric of Cities by Natalie Naomi May, pg 5 ( A comparative study of thirty city state cultures by Mogens Herman Hansen, pgs 445-533 ( Sahel by Alisa LaGamma, pg 62 ( Diversity and dispersal in African urbanism by R. Fletcher, pg8 ( D. M. Anderson pg 98-106 ( african dominion by M.A. Gomez pg 127 ( R. Feltcher, pg 7 ( 3000 Years of Urban Growth by T. Chandler, pg 15, 46 ( African Population, 1650–2000 by P. Manning ( West African Journal of Archaeology - Volumes 5-6 , Page 81 ( Timbuktu and songhay by J. Hunwick, pg xlix ( Social history of Timbuktu by N. Saad, pg 90 ( Sahara by M. de Villiers, Pg 213 ( Travels and Discoveries in North and Central Africa vol2 by H Barth, , pg 78,526-7 ( An Introduction to the History of the Ethiopian Army by R. Pnkhurst, pg 171 ( Precolonial African cities size and density by C. kusimba, pg 154-157 ( T. Chandler, pg 47 ( Settlement area and communication in African towns and cities by R. Fletcher ( 3000 Years of Urban Growth by T. Chandler ( Precolonial African cities size and density by C. kusimba ( C. Kusimba, pg 153 ( Sudanesische Marginalien by F. Kramer, pg 90-101 ( the city of ibadan by P. C. Lloyd pg 15 ( J. Hunwick, pg 159 ( African historical archaeologies by A. M. Reid, pg 110 ( African civilizations by G. Connah, pg 257 ( Land and Society in the Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia by Donald Crummey, pg 166, 109 ( Land in Dar Fur by R. S. O'Fahey, pg 14 ( State and Economy in the Sokoto Caliphate by K. S. Chafe pg 80, 87 ( Medieval Nubia by G. R. Ruffini pgs 42, 202-226 ( Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson, pg 181-193 ( G. R. Ruffini pg 259, 175-205 ( currencies of the swahili world by K. Pallaver ( The Coinage of Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Italian Somalia by D. Gill, pgs 27-29, 87-88 ( The Nineteenth-Century Gold 'Mithqal' in West and North Africa by M. Johnson pg 522-553 ( The Cowrie Currencies of West Africa. Part I by M. Johnson, pg 42 ( D. Gill, pg 17-19 ( A New Look at the Akan Gold Weights of West Africa by Hartmut Mollat ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 By J. K. Thornton pg 34 ( Trade and Politics on the Gold Coast, 1600-1720 by K. Y. Daaku , pg 24 ( J.K.Thornton pg 14 ( G. R. Ruffini pg 178-180 ( Metals and Monies in an Emerging Global Economy by D. O. Flynn, pg 226-228 ( history of Islam in africa by N. Levtzion pg 103 ( D. W Phillipson, pg 192) ( The Swahili Coast, 2nd to 19th Centuries by G. Freeman, pg 2 ( Early Khartoum by A. J. Arkell ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Frederick, Katharine, pg 210-213), ( Benin and the Europeans by A. F. C. Ryder, pg 93 ( J.K.Thornton pg 13 ( An economic history of west africa by A. G. Hopkins, pg 49 ( Narrative of travels and discoveries… vol2 by H. clapperton , pg 287 ( Metals and metal-working along the Swahili coast by Bertram B. B. Mapunda ( The nubian past by D. Edwards pg 173 ( Economic History of West Africa by G. O. Ogunremi, Pg 27 ( narrative of travels and discoveries … vol2 by H. clapperton, pg 161-162 ( Siyu in the 18th and 19th centuries by J. de V. Allen, pg 18-24 ( Hausa Urban Art and Its Social Background by F W. Schwerdtfeger, pg 110-113 ( A geography of jihad by S. Zehnle, pg 131.

### Title: Africa's Urban Past and Economy: Currencies, Population, and Early Industry in Pre-Colonial African Cities ### Step-by-Step Breakdown 1. **Introduction to African Urbanism** - Africa historically had vibrant urban cultures and cities, including ancient centers in Nubia, the medieval east African coast, and notable Sahelian cities. - Current discourses challenge the outdated notion that Africa lacked urbanism or that urban development was solely introduced by foreigners. - Scholars aim to reconstruct the economies, handicraft industries, and urban architecture of early African cities. 2. **Types of Cities** - Some cities, such as Kerma and Aksum, were founded by royal decree and linked to centralized authority. - Others, like Timbuktu and Djenne, were primarily associated with trade, religion, and scholarship. - Both types exhibited monumental architecture, including palaces and temples. 3. **Market and Currency Systems** - African cities hosted large daily markets where various currencies were used. - Currencies included locally minted coins from Aksum and foreign coinage widely adopted across Africa. - The cowrie shell served as a prevalent medium of exchange throughout medieval Africa. 4. **Occupations and Guilds** - Cities supported numerous professional guilds, including architects, blacksmiths, dyers, weavers, and manuscript copyists. - The majority of public buildings were religious, including temples and mosques, along with educational institutions. 5. **Private Land Ownership** - Various forms of private property were recognized, notably land charters in cities of Makuria, Ethiopia, Funj, Darfur, and Sokoto. - These land charters allowed for the establishment of private estates, contributing to urban economies. 6. **Defining African Cities** - Definitions of cities have evolved, often incorporating features of size, population density, agricultural surplus, and trade. - Some African societies formed city-states and had cultures centered on urban competition and conflict. 7. **Urban Demographics** - African cities had diverse populations, consisting of permanent residents and transient visitors such as traders and pilgrims. - Estimates of city populations vary widely but indicate significant urbanization, with notable centers like Gao and Timbuktu reaching populations around 100,000. 8. **Comparative Population Estimates** - Gao and Timbuktu were among the most populous cities in the 16th century. - Available estimates show early African cities had populations comparable to contemporary European cities of the time, indicating high urbanization rates. 9. **Agricultural Support for Urban Living** - Substantial agricultural surpluses from surrounding hinterlands were essential for sustaining urban populations. - Estates and land tenure systems in various kingdoms facilitated the growth of a robust land market. 10. **Currency and Economy** - African cities utilized multiple currencies, including gold, silver, and cowrie shells, facilitating complex trade networks. - Historical records demonstrate the high value and widespread circulation of African currencies in regional and global trade contexts. 11. **Textile Production as a Dominant Industry** - Textile production started in the Khartoum Neolithic and expanded throughout Africa by the first millennium AD. - Urban centers became key locations for spinning, weaving, and dyeing cloth, with significant contributions from both men and women. 12. **Economic Data on Textile Trade** - Documented figures show extensive textile production and trade in regions like Benin and Kongo, highlighting the scale and economic importance of this industry. 13. **Other Handicraft Industries** - Key industries in pre-colonial African cities included iron production and leatherworking, with notable outputs in several regions. - The manuscript copying industry thrived in urban centers, producing illuminated texts primarily for trade and scholarship. 14. **Conclusion** - The vibrancy and economic dynamism of pre-colonial African cities reveal a complex history of urban development. - Many historical cities maintain their prominence today, reflecting a continued legacy of African urbanism and culture. 15. **Acknowledgments** - Appreciation is extended to contributors that support ongoing research and dissemination of African history. This structured outline conveys the significance and implications of Africa's urban past, focusing on factual accuracy throughout the historical narrative.

War and peace in ancient and medieval Africa: The Arms, Amour and Fortifications of African armies and military systems from antiquity until the 19th century.

Its nearly impossible to discuss African military systems and warfare without first dispelling the misconceptions about African military inferiority which is often inferred from the seemingly fast rate at which the continent was colonized by a handful of European countries in the late 19th century.

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers War and peace in ancient and medieval Africa: The Arms, Amour and Fortifications of African armies and military systems from antiquity until the 19th century. ============================================================================================================================================================== ( Oct 17, 2021 14 Its nearly impossible to discuss African military systems and warfare without first dispelling the misconceptions about African military inferiority which is often inferred from the seemingly fast rate at which the continent was colonized by a handful of European countries in the late 19th century. In truth, colonization itself had for the preceding four centuries been kept at bay after a series of crushing military defeats that African armies had inflicted on early European incursions; most notably along in west-central Africa at the _battle of Kitombo_ in1670. Even going back to the to the medieval era, African states such as Makuria and Aksum had not only kept their independence in the face of formidable Eurasian powers (eg the battles of Dongola in 642/652 when the Nubians defeated the Rashidun caliphate twice) and also managed, in the case of Aksum, to project their power onto another continent establishing colonies in Yemen in the 3rd and 6th centuries. Going even further back, the stereotype of a weak kingdom of Kush is easily dispelled not only by Kerma's military subjugation of 17th dynasty Egypt, but also Kush's extension of its power over both Egypt and parts of Palestine; ruling as the 25th dynasty, including assisting the kingdom of Judah against Assyria, an action which earned Kush praise in the bible; all this rich African military history is conveniently erased with reductive explainers such as the supposed disinterest that foreigners had for Africa which again is easily contested by the expenditure Portugal invested in sending hundreds of its soldiers to their graves on African battlefields like at the _battle of_ _Mbanda Kasi_ in 1623 that reversed portugal’s initial success of conquering Kongo, or the decisive _battle of kitombo_ where Portuguese soldiers were slaughtered by the army of the Kongo province of Soyo and were expelled from the interior of west-central Africa for two centuries, or when Portugal faced off with Rozvi king Changamire at the _battle of Mahungwe_ in 1684 that saw them expelled from the south-east African interior for a century and a half. Not forgetting to mention Africa’s non-European foes such as the Ottoman-Funj wars and the Ottoman-Ethiopian wars, etc that ended in African victory and continued African independence at a time when much of the Americas and parts of southeast Asia where under the heel of European colonialism. It was also not disease that kept invaders out but defeat; its for this reason that Europeans were relegated to coastal forts for which they paid rent to adjacent African states and were often vulnerable to attacks from the interior something that Dahomey’s and Asante’s armies occasionally did to coastal forts. * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * The most damage these misconceptions create is overlooking a very complex history of internal African warfare that is often dismissed as “tribal clashes” despite involving large states with millions of citizens, and armies of tens of thousands of well-trained, well-armed, soldiers that fought; like all states do, for control and defense. Not forgetting the sophisticated battle plans, individual combat abilities, excellent swordsmanship and horsemanship skills; of which they were regularly trained in mock battles, developing unique martial art traditions that impressed and intimidated observers. Another misconception is that of a "Merrie Africa” whose societies were largely egalitarian and peaceful and whose encounter with violence was only foreign, this seemingly well-intentioned misconception has no merit however; African states, like states everywhere, flourished through a complex mix of diplomacy and warfare, primarily to protect their citizens, secure trade routes and for expansion. warfare was almost exclusively a state monopoly, as historian John Thornton writes: "war was overwhelmingly the business of state and Africa was a land of states, if we use the term state to mean a permanent institution that claims jurisdiction over people and sovereignty over defined areas of land, creates and enforces laws, mediates and if necessary settles disputes and collects revenue. Declaring war, calling up armies, and maintaining or controlling the forces so deployed were the business of state, and made war in Africa quite unlike the spontaneous and short-lived affairs often associated in anthropological literature, or Hollywood depictions, with primitive wars.( Setting aside these reductive theories about Africa’s military past, lets look at the history of warfare in Africa beginning with some select depictions of African warfare by African artists, which will then inform our understanding on the African armies, weaponry, armour and fortifications. * * * **Depictions of African warfare by African artists** While depictions of warfare in African art weren't a very common theme, there are nevertheless a recurring feature in African paintings, engravings, sculpture and illustrations. Some of the most elaborate depictions of war scenes are included among the art catalogues of the of the bronze plaques of Benin, the paintings and miniature illustrations of Ethiopia, the paintings and engravings of Kush, as well as sculptures from the kingdoms of Ife, Asante, Kuba, Loango, and many other African states, plus the "djenne terracottas" of the medieval empires of west Africa. In these artworks, African artists represented various battle scenes often emphasizing the following; individual participants such as kings, military commanders and other high-ranking officials; the different types of military units/divisions such as cavalry, infantry; the different weapons used in combat; the various types of armor such as helmets, shields, cloth armor and chainmail; the logistics and modes of transportation such as horses and donkeys; other miscellaneous items of war such as drums and trumpets; plus attimes the topography of the battle scene. _**Benin war plaques**_ _16th century Benin plaque depicting a war scene (boston museum: L-G 7.35.2012)_ _16th century Benin plaque depicting a war scene (british museum:_ Af1898,0115.48 _)_ _**description of the first plaque**_; "A Benin war chief pulls an enemy from his horse and prepares to behead him. The enemy, identified by the scarifications on his cheek, has already been pierced by a lance. The war chief and the enemy, the focus of the scene, are depicted in profile, while other figures appear frontally: two smaller enemies (one hovers above the action, the other holds the horse) and three Benin warriors—one with a shield and spear, one junior soldier playing a flute, and one playing a side-blown ivory trumpet." _**description of the second plaque**_; "Depicts battle scene with three Edo warriors accompanied by a hornblower and emada figure, both at smaller scale. Mounted foreign captive with second captive kneeling above. Central high-ranking warrior, second warrior behind, and hornblower wear helmets of crocodile hide, leopard's tooth necklaces, quadrangular bells, leopard's face body armour, bracelets, and wrap-around skirts. Central warrior carried umozo sword in right hand and holds captive with left. the second warrior carries shield in left hand and short spear in right. Third warrior is similarly dressed but with tall helmet decorated with cowrie shells. Emada figure has shaved head with plaits at either side, naked except for baldric attached to sword and girdle. Holds ekpokin box in both hands. Captive on horseback in profile, with facial scarification, wears domed helmet and leopard skin body armour. Spear through back and separate spear at side. Second small scale foreign captive above, kneeling and in partial profile. Facial scarification, wears peaked helmet, and carries sword on left hip. Hands bound with separate bundle of arrows in front" _**Ethiopian war paintings and illustrations**_ _Miniature illustration of a contemporary battle scene in the manuscript titled "revelation of st john" (or 533, British library)_ _Ethiopian Painting on cotton depicting the Battle of Sagale, (British museum: Af2003,19.2,)_ In the illustration, the miniature depicts a battle scene drawn in the gondarine style; in the upper half of the illustration, two men armed with the typical Ethiopian spear and shield are shown felling a rifleman; while the bottom half of the illustration depicts two men on horseback carrying spears advancing towards a figure standing in a field of dead bodies carrying a shield and holding a spear( The painting depicts the succession battle between the supporters of Empress Zewditu, led by Habte-Giyorgis and Ras Tafari, against the supporters of the uncrowned emperor Lij Iyasu, led by Negus Mikael, depicted are the victors; the empress and the Ras Haile Selassie' forces on the left side and the Negus Mikael forces on the right side plus St. George and the Abuna (patriarch), weapons shown include the machine gun, several cannons, swords and the nobility on horses * * * **African armies and warfare** _map of African states in from the medieval era to the late 19th century (with the 20°N, 10°N, and 30°S latitudes sketched over)_ African weaponry and armies were dictated by; their environment; the resources which individual states could muster (in-terms of demographics, ability to manufacture and repair weapons, the logistical capacities, etc), and lastly, the regional threats (within Africa) and external threats such as the north African, Arabian and European incursions. In the Sahel and savannah regions between latitudes 10º and 20º north of the equator (which i will be referring to as the middle latitudes since “Sudanic” and “Sahelian” can be quite confusing), the tsetse free environment, relatively flat terrain and sparse vegetation supported horse rearing which greatly improved the mobility of the army, it is thus unsurprising that this was where the majority of Africa's large empires were found since the improved logistics allowed such states to control vast territories; only one of the about twenty pre-colonial African states that exceeded 300,000 sqkm was located outside these longitudes. Horses were present in this region by the late 2nd millennium in Nubia, and around the end of the first millennium in both west Africa( and the horn of Africa. Armies often had three divisions with the cavalry as the most prestigious division , serving as the main striking force which varied in size from between 20-50% of the armies of Mali, Songhai( and Ethiopian empires( to close to 90% of the army in the Kanem empire. The cavalry was at times augmented by "camel corps" that had a much further reach than horses enabling Songhai troops to strike a far north as Morocco( and Kanem troops to strike into the Fezzan in southern Libya( . _bornu horsemen in the early 20th century_ The next army division was the infantry which often formed the bulk of the army and its use and effectiveness was defined by the weapons they used, personal skills in combat and the state’s demographics; with the Songhai and Ethiopian armies mustering as many as 100,000 soldiers as by the 16th century. In antiquity the infantry were primarily archers such as the famous archers of the kingdoms of Kerma and Kush, plus the "pupil smitters” of the kingdom of Makuria. Later, these infantry were primarily swordsmen and spearmen (or at times pikemen) such as in the armies of Amda Seyon in medieval Ethiopia( and the Sokoto armies( , these later incorporated units of musketeers the earliest of which were used in the 16th century notably in Mai Idris' Kanem empire( , and in Sarsa Dengel’s Ethiopian empire and Sarki Kumbari armies of Kano in the 18th century( The third army-division was the navy, while the middle latitude wasn't well watered, it was nevertheless dominated by the mostly navigable Senegal and Niger river systems in west Africa, the Nile river in Sudan, plus the red sea and the indian ocean, and thus necessitated the need for navies. In antiquity, such navies consisted of a vast fleet of ships such Akum's 100-ship fleet that carried close to 100,000 soldiers in its invasion of Yemen( as well as the Ajuran fleet (in the Ottoman-Ajuran alliance) that battled with the Portuguese in the eastern half of the Indian ocean. But since most of the African states were land based, their navies were of river fleets in very large canoes that were originally paddled or oared and at times included those powered by two sails eg in the senegambia( , west African navies in particular were quite formidable, successfully defeating several European incursions from the mid 15th to mid 17th century( . In the lower latitudes between 10º north and 30º south of the equator, most of the environment is tropical characterized by dense forest or forested savannah, while this region wasn’t suitable for horse rearing because of the tsetse fly, it was fairly densely populated and well-watered with several river systems in the regions of west Africa, west central Africa and the "African great lakes region", added to this were navigable coastal waterways which enabled the growth in maritime cultures of the east African coastal civilizations such as the Swahili, Comorians and Malagasy allowed for the development of a fairly advanced navies, while the open grasslands of central Africa allowed for the formation of vast states such as the Lunda empire. Armies in these latitudes were mostly divided into infantries and navies, because of the primacy of infantry warfare in these regions, the military systems were often fairly bureaucratic such as in Benin, Kongo, Dahomey and Asante armies who maintained a complex mix of conscript and professional soldiers, and the dense population enabled medium sized states to maintain large armies numbering as many as 100,000 for Asante in the mid-19th century, the navies were fairly sophisticated as well especially in eastern Africa, the need to safeguard extensive maritime trade routes necessitated the deployment of armies on sea, with early wars such as when Kilwa seized Sofala from Mogadishu in the 13th century, and the Comoros-Sakalava wars which involved thousands of soldiers fighting at sea and transported to land attimes using the Swahili ships. _a non-combat mtepe ship_ The main units of infantry initially consisted of archers, later including spearmen and swordsmen especially in the armies of the Zulu, Kongo, and the Swahili, these were soon augmented by musketeer units as early as the 16th century notably in Kongo, and Wyddah but by the 17th century, soldiers armed with guns constituted the bulk of the army such as the Asante, Dahomey and Kongo's armies and by the 18th century, virtually all African armies of the Atlantic side were completely armed with guns( For marine warfare, the navies in west and west-central Africa used medium sized watercraft that could carry upto 100 people, while these were primary used as troop carriers, battles at sea, on lakes and near the coast weren't infrequent, in some cases including mounted artillery on the watercrafts of Warri, Allada and Bonny( , in eastern Africa, the navies were also used as troop carries and for coastal defense, the latter was especially necessary for the Comorians to repel notorious Sakalava incursions and the Sakalava had large armies of upto 30,000 men that were carried on large canoes( , they engaged in fierce naval battles including one where they were defeated by combined Swahili-Omani fleet in 1817 that was fought at sea using the typical square-sail powered ships of the Swahili( In the 18th century, the army of Pate mounted cannons on Swahili ships to attack the Amu on the Kenyan coast. * * * **African arms, training and manufacture** African arms from antiquity to the early modern era included a variety of missile weapons and combat weapons, the most common missile weapons being arrows, javelins, lances, and guns while the most common combat weapons were daggers and axes, swords. Training in the use of such weapons was undertaken regularly especially for professional units such as the the mounted soldiers of the hausa (and other central sudanic armies of the Kanem and Bagirmi) whose durbar festivals involve mock battles and showcases of horsemanship( The swordsmen were trained as well such as in the Ndongo armies who were often practiced mock combat warfare( and similar training in Asante swordsmanship developed into a unique form martial arts called akrafena and in south eastern Africa, the war dances of the Zulu involved mock battles as well( , later on by the 18th century, armies such as the Alladah, conducted parades and drills with muskets.( _Durbar festival in northern Nigeria_ _**Descriptions of African weapons**_ _**Missile weapons.**_ Arrows, javelins and lances were for most of antiquity and the early medieval era the primary missile weapon; the legendary archers of Kush were renown since old kingdom Egypt and the depictions of the Kerma army in the 16th century BC included several carrying bows, this prominence of archers continues through successive kingdoms of ancient and medieval Nubia especially Makuria In the 7th century whose archers' accuracy in their defeats of Arab invasions earned them the nickname 'the pupil smitters'. In most of west Africa and west-central Africa, battles begun with archers showering down arrows down onto enemy targets eg; Songhay's conquest of Djenne in 1480 begun with such and the Portuguese invasion in senegambia was defeated with these same arrows whose poisoned tips only needed to hit any part of the body and ultimately assured the death of an enemy foe better than musket fire. This was then followed by cavalry charges but oftentimes by an assault from the infantry both of whom wielded javelins and lances the former of which they threw within the course of the battle. While most armies near the Atlantic had adopted guns by the 18th century, the restriction of gun sales to the interior meant most sahelian armies in west Africa used lances and arrows even in the 18th century but their effectiveness wasn't undermined by this absence of guns; Segu armies and Tuareg armies who were primarily armed with such successfully defeated the Arma musketeers several times in the 18th century. In the horn of Africa, arrows were less common, so javelins and lances were the main missile weapon in Ethiopian and surrounding armies, while in south east Africa, Rozvi and Mutapa armies were renown for their archery _**Swords**_ These was the primary weapon of close combat across virtually all African armies; in west-Africa, west-central Africa, eastern Africa and the horn, the swords of various African armies include the _ida_ sword of Benin, the _akrafena_ sword of the Asante, the _takuba_ sword of the sahelian groups (Tuareg, Hausa, Fulani, etc), the _kaskara_ sword of Sudan, the _shotel_ sword of the Ethiopians, the _upanga_ sword of the Swahili, and the various swords of west central africa like the kongolese and loango swords. _16th-19th century sword from the kingdom of kongo (brooklyn museum)_ _**Guns**_ The majority of guns in west Africa and west-central Africa from the 15th century were muskets (smooth-bore muzzle loaders) until the introduction of breech-loading rifles in the late 19th century, the former were initially matchlocks, followed by wheel-locks then flintlocks. Muskets and cannons were first used in Kongo, Benin, Ethiopia, and Kanem in the the early 16th century( , soon after becoming the primary weapon Atlantic west Africa, but restricted supply across in the interior meant that guns appeared infrequently. In the horn, guns were likely first used in 1527-1540 during the Abyssinia-Adal wars in which the Adal armies armed with several cannons and Turkish muskets, briefly conquered much of the empire( from then, Ethiopia became a big importer of arms and so did several states in the horn eventually developing the ability to manufacture some arms by the mid 19th century, while in eastern and southern Africa, guns were first used in the 16th century by the Swahili soon after the Portuguese sack of Kilwa and Mombasa although most cities armies were primarily armed with swords, guns would later reach the interior in suffice numbers in the early 19th century where the Nyamwezi king had around 20,000 in his arsenal( **Weapons Manufacture** the manufacture of these weapons involved considerable resources especially iron; eg; a horseman in the senegambia region required a sword, a broad-bladed spear, and seven or eight smaller throwing spears, not including the horses' bits, which in all weighed about 2kg, with an estimated 15,000 of such horsemen for the region needing at least 30 tonnes of iron annually, not including the much larger infantries that doubled this figure( to produce such weapons required alot of well organized and skilled labor especially blacksmiths; in west Africa, the blacksmiths were numerous and worked in closely organized guilds, forging the hundreds of thousands of lances, swords and arrowheads which were then stored in royal armories,( in southern Africa during Zulu king Cetshwayo’s reign "zulu blacksmiths would be as busy as any European munitions factory in the time of war, forging assegais by the thousand"( , Across various African states, arrowheads, helmets, cloth, lances, javelines, axes and other weapons were locally manufactured so too were swords although high ranking soldiers used foreign made swords, at times inscribed with the names of their wielders eg the _kaskara_ swords of the Darfurian and Mahdist armies. When majority of African armies on the Atlantic-side and in the horn were armed with guns, the biggest requirement was the need for their repair and attimes their manufacture, eg in Zinder in 1850s, where; gunpowder, muskets, cannon mounted on carriages, and projectiles were manufactured locally, equipping its army with 6,000 muskets and 40 cannon( , In Asante, guns were repaired and brass blunderbusses were manufactured( , in eastern Africa, in the mid 19th century, the Ethiopian emperor Tewodros used foreign missionaries to build him a large cannon called _sebastopol_ and several other smaller cannons and guns( _Tewodros’ sebastopol_ **Transport and Logistics of African armies** As African armies were often fairly large numbering 15,000-100,000, and fought at considerable distance from the place of recruitment in a region that was sparsely inhabited, the logistical and provision challenges they were faced with were significant requiring them to devise several ways to solve this; The armies in the middle latitude made extensive use of draught animals such as mules, donkeys, camels, oxen and camels, in medieval Ethiopia, soldiers were obligated to bring a donkey with them, they also took with them servants or family members who carried their provisions for the duration of war( , in the lower latitudes where such animals were less common, porterage was used instead; in Dahomey as many as 10,000 people carried the provisions and baggage of an army about a third smaller, while in Kongo, conscripts and soldier's wives carried the army provisions forming a baggage train stretching for considerable distance at the back of the army, in eastern and southern Africa, the Zulu armies had their provisions carried named _izindibi_. **Types of African Armour** The cavalry armies of the armies in the middle latitudes were often fitted with quilted cotton arrow-proof armor and chainmail, and the warhorses were attimes outfitted with breastplates, the most notable use of such armor was used in the Hausa armies( and the Ethiopian armies( such armor was introduced to the the hausa in the 15th century from the Mali empire and was also adopted by the Sokoto armies in the 19th century, other armies with similar armor included the Songhay, Kanem, Wadai, Darfur and Mahdist armies, other armor included iron helmets, shields, saddles, and horse trappings, the armies of Benin and ife wore leather and arrow-proof cloth armor, carried heavy shields and wore helmets, as shown by the 14th century archer from jebba, large shields were also used in west-central Africa and south eastern Africa in the armies of Kongo, Mutapa and the Zulu. _Quilted armour of the Mahdiya from the 19th century, sudan_ * * * **African Fortifications** Extensive use of fortifications was a feature of static African warfare in all regions; the construction of which varied according to a given society's architectural traditions and frequency of warfare. These included high enclosure walls some reaching upto 30ft, the ditch and rampart system which was often had enclosure walls at its crest; fortresses for garrisoning soldiers, castle-houses, stockades and palisades, etc. Both permanent fortifications such as walled cities and temporary field fortifications such as fortified war camps existed across Africa especially in the middle latitude regions; present as early as the kingdom of Kerma where one of the earliest buildings in the capital city of Kerma was a square fortress 80x80m built in 2500BC, the entire city of Kerma was also surrounded by an elaborate system of defensive enclosure walls with projecting bastions, and very thick walls, the inside of the city itself contained several forts which served as military barracks( . this fortification tradition was developed intensely in the kingdom of Kush and later in the kingdoms of Christian Nubia where the nearly impregnable fortress of Old Dongola forced the Arab invaders to retreat in 652, and the Nubian castle-houses of the late medieval and early modern era served to protect small settlements in the middle Nile region. _late medieval fortress at el-khandaq in sudan_ In the horn of Africa, fortress consisted of both the permanent and semi permanent types, of the former, there are the walled cities of medieval Somalia such as Mogadishu and the the interior cities of Nora and Harar; these city walls were built between the 12th and 16th centuries using granite, sandstone or coral-stone( , these enclosure walls were typically over 15ft high, with several gates and watchtowers that made such cities resemble a large fort, while in medieval Ethiopia the earliest fortifications were the mobile royal camps (_katama_) that were usually semi-permanent (used for a few decades) and constructed with palisades, the fortification systems became more elaborate in the 16th century with the construction of the fortified palace of Guzara by emperor Sarsa Dengel in the 1570s( although although its unclear whether this castle, or the more famous Gondar castles it inspired, ever served a military function despite their military inspired architecture. Other ethiopian fortresses such as emperor Tewodros' magdala fort were largely built in the medieval style with palisades, taking advantage of the natural geographical features, in the Somali region, fortress building became more extensive in the late 19th and early 20th century most notably the large fort complex at Taleh built by Somali dervish leader Mohammed Abdullah Hassan in the first decades of the 20th century. _the silsilat fort complex at taleh in somaliland_ Sahelian westAfrica contained perhaps had the most numerous of the African fortifications, the earliest were the ditch and rampart system of Zilum in the late 1st millennium BC and the enclosure wall of jenne-jeno in the late 1st millennium AD, but it was during the preceding centuries that fortifications became ubiquitous, the formidable mudbrick walls of the Hausa city-states were in place by the 12th century, the fortified cities along the routes of Kanem empire such as Djado, Djaba were in place by the 13th century, while the enclosure walls of Djenne famously defied both Mali and early Songhay assaults until it fell to the later in the 15th century reportedly after a 7 year-long siege. The 17th-19th century was the period of intensive fortress building, the enclosure walls of west-African cities now consisted of both inner and outer walls and enclosed several square miles of residential and agricultural land protecting cities with populations as high as 100,000 in Katsina and Kano, and over 20,000 for dozens of others, even smaller cities and "hamlets" had massive walls with rounded bastions and platforms for archers and gunners. From the senegambia to the southern chad, both internal accounts and explorer accounts described the typical west African city as strongly fortified, surrounded by a high wall with a several bastions and large gates that were well guarded and occasionally shut. _the fortified oasis towns of the kanem empire_; _djado, djaba, dabassa, seggedim in Niger_ _the city walls of zinder in Niger_ In the Atlantic west Africa and west central Africa, the most most elaborate fortification systems were built in south-eastern Nigeria most notably the rampart and moat system of the city of Benin built between the 13th and 15th century, described as the most extensive man-made earthwork in the world, at the crest of these moats was a high wall made of palisades filled with earth which served as the city wall with several high watchtowers adjacent to the city gates that were guarded with archers and gunners( this system of digging deep moats and raising earthen walls of palisades at their crests was common in many of the forest region in cities such as Ijebu and Ife, and in the kingdom of Dahomey and Oyo( and in west-central Africa, the city of Mbanza Kongo was surrounded by a high city wall; 20ft high and 3ft thick, built in stone around 1529( but the most common fortification in this region were the palisades walls such as in the kingdoms of loango and Ndongo. _sungbo’s eredo moats of Ijebu_ In eastern and southern Africa, the Swahili, Comorian and northern Madagascar cities were fortified as early as the late first millennium at Qanbalu in Tanzania with high coral-stone walls and several towers at its corners, it was "surrounded by a city wall which gave it the appearance of a castle"( construction of fortifications increased during the classic Swahili phase (1000-1500AD) the typical Swahili city such as Shanga, Kilwa, Gedi, were surrounded by fairly high city walls built with coral-stone. Field fortresses were rare but were also built eg at Kilwa, the Husuni Ndogo fort measuring 100m by 340m was constructed in the 14th century, such fortresses building became more extensive from the 16th to the 19th century especially during the rise of Oman's imperial power along the east African coast, these Omanis and their Portuguese predecessors had built a number of fortresses to secure their possessions, prompting cities such as Mutsamudu in comoros, and Siyu in kenya to construct their own fortresses.( _Fortress of mutsamudu in comoros_ In south eastern Africa, the hundreds of Great-Zimbabwe type walled cities have since been interpreted as ostentatious symbols of power rather than defensive fortifications. Despite this interpretation, some of the walled settlements from the Mutapa kingdom eg the hill-forts of Nyangwe and Chawomera, and some of the stone-walled Tswana cities likely served as defensive walls or fortresses. **Fortress defense: Peace in the pre-colonial African warscape.** African armies devised many ways of besieging and taking walled cities and fortresses, including mounting musketeers on high platforms, tunneling under the walls, scaling the walls using ladders, shooting incendiary arrows to raze the interior, drawing out the defenders for pitched battles through various means or settling in for long sieges( . But in general, the defenders had the advantage over their attackers primarily because the walled cities were often self-sufficient in provisions with enough agricultural land and water; for example in Kano, only about a third of the enclosed territory was built up, the rest being cultivated farmland, and , save for the infrequent use of cannons along the east African coast and in west Africa, the late entry and infrequent use of such artillery in assaulting walled cities meant that the construction of such fortifications became the norm across the various African regions, the fortifications themselves serving as a deterrent from attack. _rampart and ditch of the kano walls_ **Conclusion** Pre-colonial African military systems defy the simplistic interpretations in which they are often framed, and while their relative military strength is difficult to gauge save for the few that are familiar with African military history, it's quite easy to observe that African military strength compared favorably with the European colonial armies especially during the first (failed) phase of colonization in the 17th century; as Historians Richard Gray( and John Thornton( have observed, European colonial armies had no decisive advantage over African armies, neither guns nor naval power nor strategy gave them battle superiority; they were flushed out of the interior and relegated to small coastal enclaves. The second phase of colonization was initially not any more successful for European armies than the first had been, as military historian Robert Edgerton observed; British and Asante forces were initially equally matched in the early 19th century( , it was therefore unsurprising that Asante won the first major battles in its nearly-100 year long wars with the British, but by the close of the century, African armies couldn't match the longer range, rapid fire modern artillery of the Europeans; this wasn’t because Africans had chosen not to acquire them, but they were essentially embargoed from purchasing them especially after the Berlin conference. While firearms didn't offer a significant advantage in the preceding centuries, these modern rifles did, but few African armies were able to acquire them in significant quantities; the most notable exceptions being Menelik's Ethiopian army that had 100,000 modern rifles by the time it defeated the Italians at Adwa (the same rifles he had ironically bought from them a few years earlier), this arsenal had been rapidly built up after Tewodros' disastrous defeat by the British in 1868. African armies strength must also be weighed against the less-than-favorable demographics of the late 19th century when the entire continent had about as many people as western Europe, yet despite this Africans didn't simply sign off their land for trinkets is commonly averred, rather, they rallied their troops time and again in fierce battles to defend their home; the list of colonial wars is endless (besides the better known ones i mentioned that were fought by large states) and this "martial spirit" of Africans continued well into the colonial era and saw at least five African countries fighting their colonial powers in protracted wars, ultimately winning their independence (these include; guinea Bissau, Angola, Namibia, Zimbabwe and Mozambique). African military history should therefore not be understated in understanding both African history and modern African politics. * * * _**for more on African history, please subscribe to my Patreon account**_ ( * * * ( Warfare in Atlantic Africa, by J. Thornton, pg 15 ( secular themes in ethiopian ecclesiastical manuscripts by Pankhurst, pg 47) ( The Archaeology of Africa by Bassey Andah, pg 92 ( J. Thornton, pg 27 ( church and state by T. Tamrat, pg 93 ( Timbuktu and the songhay by J. Hunwick, pg 242) ( Warfare & Diplomacy in Pre-colonial West Africa by R. Smith, pg 91 ( T. Tamrat. pg 94 ( warfare in the sokoto caliphate by M. Smith, pg 10 ( R. Smith, pg 82 ( M. Smith, pg 15 ( The throne of adulis by Glen Bowersock ,Pg 78, ( J. Thornton, pg 29) ( Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World by John Thornton, pg 37-38 ( warfare in atlantic africa by J. Thornton, pgs 45,63 109 ( J. Thornton, pg 83-84 ( Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea by I. Walker, pg 77-79 ( Ivory and Slaves in East. Central Africa by E. Alpers, pgs235 ( The History and Performance of Durbar in Northern Nigeria by Abdullahi Rafi Augi ( J. Thornton pg 105 ( The Annals of Natal: 1495 to 1845, Volume 1, pg 334 ( J. Thornton, pg. 80 ( R. Smith pg 82) ( Ethiopia's access to the sea, by F. Dombrowski, pg 18-19 ( Arming the Periphery by E. Chew pg 143) ( Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World, by J. Thornton, pg 48) ( R. Smith pg 65 ( Zulu victory by R. Lock ( M. Smith pg 99 ( The fall of the Asante pg 67 ( guns in ethiopia by R. Pankhurst pg 28-29 ( an introduction to the history of the Ethiopian army by R. Pankhurst. pg 7,167 ( M. Smith, pg 46 ( R. Pankhurst, pg 5 ( black kingdom of the nile by C. bonnet pg 11-21, 32-34) ( The Archaeology of Islam in Sub-Saharan Africa by T. Insoll, pg 78 ( Three Urban Precursors of Gondar by R. Pankhurst ( The military system of Benin Kingdom by B. Osadolor, pg 119-123 ( J. Thornton, pg 84-88 ( Africa’s urban past by R. Rathbone pg 68 ( Swahili pre-modern warfare and violence in the Indian Ocean by S. Pradines ( Siyu in the 18th and 19th centuries by V. Allen ( M. Smith pg 111 ( Portuguese Musketeers on the Zambezi by R. Gray ( Early Kongo-Portuguese Relations by J. Thornton ( “Britain and Asante: The Balance of Forces” in The Fall of the Asante Empire by R. Edgerton.

# War and Peace in Ancient and Medieval Africa: Military Systems and Fortifications ## Introduction - African military history has been often misunderstood, as misconceptions about African military inferiority stem from the continent's rapid colonization by European powers in the late 19th century. - Key historical facts demonstrate that African armies successfully resisted early European incursions for centuries. ## Historical Context of African Military Systems 1. **Early Resistance to European Incursions** - African armies inflicted significant defeats on European powers, including: - **Battle of Kitombo (1670)**: A critical defeat for the Portuguese by the Kongo province. - **Battle of Mbanda Kasi (1623)**: Portuguese forces faced a loss that reversed their earlier conquests in Kongo. - **Battle of Mahungwe (1684)**: The Rozvi king Changamire expelled Portuguese forces from southeastern Africa. 2. **Medieval African States** - States like Makuria and Aksum maintained independence against formidable Eurasian powers: - **Battle of Dongola (642/652)**: Nubians defeated the Rashidun caliphate twice. - Aksum established colonies in Yemen, projecting power beyond Africa. 3. **Ancient Powers** - The Kingdom of Kush demonstrated military prowess by: - Subjugating 17th Dynasty Egypt. - Ruling as the 25th Dynasty in Egypt and aiding Judah against Assyria. ## Misconceptions Challenged - The portrayal of African states as weak or uninterested in warfare ignores a complex history of state-driven military systems. - Internal conflicts are often dismissed as “tribal clashes,” yet they involved sophisticated armies and large populations. ## Warfare as a State Monopoly - Warfare was organized and state-controlled, unlike spontaneous events often depicted in anthropological literature. - Historian John Thornton emphasized that African states exercised sovereignty, maintained armies, and conducted wars systematically. ## Depictions of African Warfare 1. **Artistic Representations** - African art often depicted military themes through detailed carvings, paintings, and sculptures found in: - Benin bronze plaques illustrating war chiefs and battles. - Ethiopian manuscripts portraying significant battles such as the Battle of Sagale. ## Structure of African Armies 1. **Composition and Organization** - African armies typically divided into three main components: - **Cavalry**: Featured prominently in regions like the Sahel and savannah due to horse rearing capabilities. - **Infantry**: Comprising archers, swordsmen, and musketeers, forming the bulk of armies such as those of the Songhai and Ethiopia. - **Naval Forces**: Utilized on navigable rivers and coasts, with some states like Aksum and Ajuran developing formidable fleets. 2. **Military Strategies and Skills** - Armies engaged in extensive training to hone combat skills, swordsmanship, and horsemanship, leading to the development of unique martial traditions. ## African Arms and Manufacturing 1. **Types of Weapons** - **Missile Weapons**: Included arrows, javelins, lances, and later, guns. - **Close Combat Weapons**: Featured swords like the ida, akrafena, and kaskara. 2. **Manufacturing and Logistics** - African blacksmiths played a crucial role in weapon manufacturing, with organized guilds producing a wide variety of necessary arms for armies. ## Armored Units and Fortifications 1. **Types of Armor** - Armor varied by region, including quilted cotton, chainmail, and leather, with units often equipped with heavy shields and helmets. 2. **Fortifications** - High enclosure walls, ditch and ramparts, fortified cities, and temporary field fortifications became common, particularly in the Sahel and West Africa. - Notable fortifications include the city walls of Benin and the medieval fortresses in Ethiopia and Sudan. ## Logistics of African Armies - Armies faced significant logistical challenges due to size and distance. - Draught animals and porters were essential for transporting provisions, particularly in regions where horses were less common. ## Conclusion - Pre-colonial African military systems were complex and sophisticated, countering myths of inferiority. - Despite eventual challenges with modern European artillery in the late 19th century, African armies demonstrated resilience and a strong martial spirit, continuing to resist colonial powers through protracted conflicts. - Understanding this military history is crucial for grasping both Africa's past and its modern political landscape.

A 19th century African philosopher: the biography and philosophical writings of Abd Al-Qadir Ibn Al-Mustafa (Dan Tafa)

including the three philosophical works attributed to him

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers A 19th century African philosopher: the biography and philosophical writings of Abd Al-Qadir Ibn Al-Mustafa (Dan Tafa) ====================================================================================================================== ### including the three philosophical works attributed to him ( Oct 10, 2021 4 **On Philosophy in Africa** Philosophy is simply defined as "the love of wisdom" and like all regions, Africa has been (and still is) home to various intellectual traditions and discourses of philosophy. Following Africa's “triple heritage”; some of these philosophical traditions were autochthonous, others were a hybrid of Islamic/Christian and African philosophies and the rest are Europhone philosophies( While the majority of African philosophical traditions from the first category (such as Ifa) were not transcribed into writing before the modern era, the second category of African philosophical traditions (such as Ethiopian philosophy and Sokoto philosophy) were preserved in both written and oral form, and among the written African Philosophies, the most notable works are of the 17th century Ethiopian philosopher Zera Yacob, eg the '_Hatata_'( and the works of Sokoto philosopher Abd Al-Qādir Ibn Al-Mustafa (Dan Tafa) the latter of whom is the subject of this article * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Biography of Dan Tafa: west Africa during the Age of revolution** West Africa at the time of Dan Tafa birth was in the midst of a political revolution led by highly learned groups of scholars that overthrew the older established military and religious elites, leading to the foundation of the empires of Sokoto in 1806 led by Uthman dan Fodio and the empire of Hamdallayi in 1818 led by Amhad Lobbo, among other similar states. _**Birth and Education**_ Dan Tafa was born in 1804, during the migration of Uthman Dan Fodio's followers which preceded the establishment of the Sokoto empire, he was born to Mallam Tafa and Khadija, both of whom were scholars in their own right. Mallam Tafa was the advisor, librarian and the 'leader of the scribes' (_kuutab_) in Uthman's _Fodiyawa_ clan (an extended family of scholars that was central in the formation of the Sokoto empire) and he later became the secretary (_kaatib_) of the Sokoto empire after having achieved high education in Islamic sciences, he also established a school in Salame ( a town north of Sokoto; the eponymously named capital city of the empire, which is now in northern Nigeria) where he settled, the school was later run by his son Dan Tafa.( Khadija was also a highly educated scholar, she wrote more than six works( in her Fulfulde language on a wide of subjects including eschatology and was the chief teacher of women in the _Fodiyawa_ her most notable student being Nana Asmau; the celebrated 19th century poetess and historian( **Dan Tafa’s Studies** Dan Tafa studied and wrote about a wide range of disciplines as he wrote in his _‘Shukr al-Wahib fi-ma Khassana min al-'ulum’_ (Showing Gratitude to the Benefactor for the Divine Overflowing Given to Those He Favors) in which he divides his studies into 6 sections, listing the sciences which he mastered such as the natural sciences that included; medicine (_tibb_), physiognomy (_hai'at_), arithmetic (_hisaab_), and astronomy (_hikmat 'l-nujuum_), the sciences of linguistics (_lughat_), verbal conjugation (_tasrif_), grammar (_nahwa_), rhetoric (_bayaan_), and various esoteric and gnostic sciences the list of which continues,( plus the science of Sufism (_tasawwuf_). It was in the latter discipline that he was introduced to Falsafa (philosophy) under his main tutor Muhammad Sanbu (his maternal uncle), about who he writes: _**"As for Shaykh Muḥammad Sanbu, I took from him the path of Taṣawwuf, and transmitted from him some of the books of the Folk (the Sufis) as well as their wisdom, after he had taken this from his father, Shaykh ‘Uthmān; like the Ḥikam (of Ibn ‘Aṭā’ Allāh al-Iskandarī), and the Insān al-Kāmil (of ‘Abd al-Karīm al-Jīlī), and others as well as the states of the spiritual path."**_( In summary, "Dan Tafa was raised in the extraordinary milieu of the founding and early years of the Sokoto Caliphate exposed to virtually all of the Islamic sciences transmitted in West Africa at the time, from medicine, mathematics, astronomy, geography, and history, jurisprudence, to logic, philosophy, Sufism". _Folio from the ‘Shukr al-Wahib fi-ma Khassana min al-'ulum’ from a private collection in Maiurno, Sudan_ * * * ( * * * **Dan Tafa’s writings** Dan Tafa wrote on a wide range of subjects and at least 72 of his works are listed in John Hunwick's “_Arabic Literature of Africa vol.2_” catalogue (from pgs 222-230) .His most notable works are on history, for which he is best remembered, especially the ‘_Rawdat al-afkar_’ (The Sweet Meadows of Contemplation) written in 1824 and the ‘_Mawsufat al-sudan_’ (Description of the black lands) written in 1864; both of which include a fairly detailed account on the history of west Africa, he also wrote works on geography such as the ‘_Qataif al-jinan’_ (The Fruits of the Heart in Reflection about the Sudanese Earth (world)"( which included a very detailed account of the topography, states, history and culture of west Africa and the Maghreb, and even more notably, he wrote _‘Jawāb min 'Abd al-Qādir al-Turudi ilā Nūh b. al-Tâhir’_ (Abd al-Qādir al-Turūdī's response to Nüh b. alTāhir); a meticulous refutation of the _Risāla_ of Nuh Al-Tahir, in which the latter, who is described as "the doppelgänger of Dan Tafa in the Ḥamdallāhi empire", was trying to legitimize the status of Ḥamdallāhi’s ruler Ahmad Lobbo, as the prophesied "12th caliph" by heavily altering the _Tārīkh al-fattāsh_; a famous 17th century Timbuktu chronicle on west African history( . Dan Tafa had thus established himself as the most prominent and prolific writer and thinker of Sokoto such that by the time of German explorer Heinrich Barth's visit to Sokoto in 1853, Dan Tafa was considered by his peers and Barth as: "the most learned of the present generations of the inhabitants of Sokoto… The man was Abde Kader dan Tafa …on whose stores of knowledge I drew eagerly"( _Folio in the ‘Rawdat al-afkar’, from a private collection in Maiurno, Sudan_ _Folio in the ‘Mawsufat al-sudan’, from a private collection in Maiurno, Sudan_ * * * ( * * * **The Philosophical writings of Dan Tafa** Above all else, it was his writings on philosophy that set him apart from the rest of his peers; in 1828 he wrote first philosophical work titled '_Al-Futuhat al-rabbaniyya_' (The divine Unveilings) described by historian Muhammad Kani as: "a critical evaluation of the materialists, naturalists and physicists' perception of life … matters relating to the transient nature of the world, existence or non-existence of the spirit, and the nature of celestial spheres, are critically examined in the work"( He followed this up with another philosophical work titled '_Kulliyāt al-‘ālam al-sitta_' ('The Sixth World Faculty) that is described by professor Oludamini as: "a brief but dense philosophical poem about the origins, development, resurrection, and end of the body, soul, and spirit, as well as a discussion of _hyle_ (prime matter)"( and later in his life, he wrote the '_Uhud wa-mawāthiq_ (Covenants and Treaties) in 1855. which is a short treatise written in a series of 17 oaths taken by the author, its described by Muhammad Kani as: "an apologia to his critics among the orthodox scholars who viewed philosophy with skepticism"( . According to Muhammad Kani and John Hunwick, these three works fit squarely within the genre called Falsafa ie; Islamic philosophy. Falsafa isn't to be understood as a philosophy directly coming out of Islam but rather one that was built upon centuries of various philosophical traditions including Greek, Roman, Persian philosophy( and Quranic traditions. Practitioners of Falsafa include the famed Islamic golden age philosophers such as Ibn sina (d. 1037AD), Ibn Arabi (d. 1240AD) and Athīr al-dīn Abharī(d. 1265AD) ; especially the latter two, whose work is echoed in Dan Tafa's "sixth world faculty". Dan Tafa's general philosophy can be read mostly from his two of his works ie; his last work; "covenants and treaties" which was written both in defense of philosophy and religion but also outlines his personal philosophies and ethics. and his second work; “On the sixth world faculty”. _folio from ‘Uhud wa-mawāthiq’ (covenants and treaties) from a private collection in Maiurno, Sudan_ **1: On "covenants and treaties” : philosophy's place in the wider Muslim world and Sokoto in particular** In the few centuries after establishing the "house of wisdom" in which Arabic translations of classical philosophical texts were stored, read and interpreted, Muslim political and religious authorities were faced with a dilemma of how to welcome the 'pagan' intellectual traditions of these texts into the ‘_ulum uid-dın’_ ( ‘‘sciences of the religion’’) where Islamic wisdom was meant to be sought and realized( , a dilemma they seem to have resolved by the 12th century when Falsafa was integrated with the disciplines of theology (_Kalam)_ and Sufism (_Tasawwuf_) but the disputes and tension regarding the permissiveness of a number of 'sciences' meant that philosophy wasn't always part of the curriculum of schools both in the Islamic heartlands and in west Africa; which made the method of learning it almost as exclusive as that of the "esoteric" sciences that Dan Tafa asserted that he learned, this "exclusive" method of tutoring philosophy students was apparently the standard method of learning the discipline in Sokoto and it was likely how his uncle Muḥammad Sanbu taught it to him, even though Dan Tafa implied In his oaths that he had been teaching it to his students at his school in Salame. The integration of philosophy and theology in Islam however, was in contrast to western Europe where philosophy and theology drifted apart during the same period( although there were exceptions to this rule, as even the enlightenment-era philosophers included "defenders of Christianity/religion" such as German philosopher Friedrich Hegel; a contemporary of Dan Tafa. It is within this context of the tension surrounding the permissiveness of philosophy that Dan Tafa wrote his apologia. In it, he unequivocally states his adherence to his faith while also lauding the necessity of reason; for example in his **1st oath**, seemingly in direct response to his critics who likely charged him with choosing rational proofs as his new doctrine, he explains that: _**"The evidences of reason are limited to establishing the existence of an incomprehensible deity and that Its attributes are such and such. But the evidences of reason cannot fathom in any way Its essential reality"**_ therefore he says: _**"I have taken an oath of covenant to construct my doctrine of belief upon the verses of the Qur’an and not upon evidences of reason or the theories of scholastic theology"**_( He then “moderates” the above oath, writing in the **2nd oath** that: _**"I have taken an oath and covenant to closely reflect upon the established precepts and researched theories regarding the majority of existing things and upon what emerges from the influences which some parts of existence have upon others. I have not disregarded the benefits and blessings which are in these precepts. Further, I have refrained from being like the mentally shallow who say that created existence has no effective influence, whatsoever. In holding this position, I remain completely acquainted with the fundamental Divine realities from which all things have emerged."**_( The **1st oath** was likely influenced by Uthman Fodio defense of _taqlīd_, while his argument that rational proofs alone can't reveal the existence of God was similar to the one stated by Ibn Arabi (d. 1240) in which the latter writes "If we had remained with our rational proofs – which, in the opinion of the rational thinkers, establish knowledge of God’s essence, showing that “He is not like this” and “not like that” – no created thing would ever have loved God. But the tongues of the religions gave a divine report saying that “He is like this” and “He is like that”, mentioning affairs which outwardly contradict rational proofs". And the **2nd oath**, while not contradicting the first, leaves plenty of room for Dan Tafa to consider "researched theories" on the things in nature without disregarding the befits in their principles He continues with this moderation in the **3rd oath** by implying that there is no contradiction between the proofs of reason and the authority of the Qu'ran, writing that: _**"I have taken an oath and covenant to weigh and measure all that I possess of comprehension with the verses of the Qur’an and the traditions of the Prophet …Whoever doubts this, then let him try me"**_ in this oath, Dan Tafa defends his knowledge and use of philosophy stating that he weighs it with his faith and is steadfast in both, so much that he invites anyone among his peers to an intellectual debate if they wish to challenge him on both. This oath is also related to the **9th oath** in which he writes: _**"I have taken an oath and covenant to closely consider the established principles which underline worldly customs. For, these principles are an impregnable mainstay in knowing the descent of worldly affairs, because these affairs descend in accordance with these principles"**_ the worldly customs here being a reference to practices that are outside the Islamic law which aren't concerned with worship eg the study of philosophy and esoteric sciences which are the subject of this work. Dan Tafa also takes care not to offer the above intellectual debate (of the **3rd oath**) on account of his own pride (…"let him try me") but rather in good faith, as he also writes in his **4th oath:** _**"I have taken an oath and covenant that I will not face off or contend with anyone in a way in which that person may dislike; even when the bad character of the individual requires me to. For, contending with others in ways that are reprehensible is too repugnant and harmful to enumerate. This oath is extremely difficult to uphold, so may Allah assist us to fulfill it by means of His benevolence and kindness."**_ In this apologia, Dan Tafa however seemingly yields to his critics by promising to end his teaching of philosophy, leaving no doubt he was tutoring some of his students in Salame the discipline of Falsafa, as he writes in his **10th oath:** _**"I have taken and oath and covenant not to invite anyone from the people to what I have learned from the philosophical (**falsafa**) and elemental sciences; even though I took these sciences in a sound manner, rejecting from that what is in these sciences of errors. Along with that, I will not teach these sciences to anyone in order that they may not be led astray; and errors will thus revert back to me"**_ this was the first explicit mention of _falsafa_ in these oaths but it was certainly the main subject of this apologia. In this oath, he promises to refrain from teaching philosophy to his students to prevent them from being led into error that would revert back to him, he nevertheless continues defending his education in philosophy writing that he took it "in a sound manner". In his oaths he also includes ethical concerns that were guided by his personal philosophy for example in his **7th oath** he writes that": _**"I have taken an oath and covenant to not compete with anyone in a right which that person has a greater right over than me. Rather, I will stop with the fundamental right which is mine until it is they who compete with me in my right. Then at that point, I will contend with them with the truth for the truth regardless if that right of mine is of a religious or worldly nature. Realize that the prerequisites for reclaiming and demanding one’s rights is well known with the masters of the art of disposal"**_ The above oath could be seen in practice when a promise made to Dan Tafa's by the Sokoto ruler Ali Ibn Bello (r. 1842 to 1859) to make Dan Tafa the _Wazir_, was instead passed on to another, but Dan Tafa continued advising Ali Ibn Bello despite the latter breaking his promise to give him the _Wazir_ office which he, more than anyone else, was fully qualified for, and all this happened in 1859, after he had written this work( And in his **8th oath** he writes: _**"I have taken an oath and covenant not to take two distinct causative factors or more in seeking after my worldly affairs. Rather, I will stop with a single cause and will not add any additional causative factors until the one I relied upon fails. Then I will change to another causative factor for earning wealth. This is mainly in order not to make things constricted for other Muslims in their causative factors"**_ This could also be seen in practice at the educational institution that Dan Tafa operated which continued to be his primary source of income, and from where he continued writing books, advising _Amirs_ and teaching his students. He also devised an exam to test the leaning standards of the Sokoto scholars that consisted of cunning historical and legal questions, many of his works contain critiques and recommendations on how various disciplines should be studied and taught( * * * **2: “On the sixth world faculty”: the development of intellect and prime matter** "oaths an covenants" is in part, a summary of his earlier philosophical works especially the one titled "on the sixth world faculty" in which he writes on the development of intellect: _**"On the Development of the Intellect:**_ _**The development of intellects is by firm patience Its striving in actions …**_ _**It brings news of all matters, And seeks to clarify what is required and what is supererogatory for them**_ _**And it holds your soul back from its lusts, And eliminates aggression to prevent injuries"**_ He continues … _**"On prime matter:**_ _**The \ matter is the fixed entities Before their attributes are qualified by existence**_ _**And the continuous rain (dīma) is like the soul, from it arises Warmth with coolness, and they spread**_ _**And so follows wetness and dryness And the rest of four basic elements Then appear the spheres and the planets Orbiting them, and likewise the fixed stars**_ _**The motions perpetually traverse the spheres Running with darkness and illuminating the kingdom (al-mulk)**_ _**Then from them appear the engendered beings \ Which are multiple and composite Like the mineral, plant, and animal \**_ _**They differ in their governing principle From**_ _**which they become hot and dry \, cold and wet \ And the inverse of these concomitants occurs \ In accordance with natural transformation At the places of land and sea**_ _**As for animals, their nature is different …**_ (continued)"( The above excerpt is from the "sixth world faculty" as translated by Oludamini, who describes the who work as "characterized by a density and concision that seems to necessitate an oral commentary". Dan Tafa's philosophy on prime matter can also be analyzed through the Avicenna and Aristotelian philosophies of prime matter (Hylomorphism) **Dan Tafa’s writings of Philosophical Sufism** also included among his writings are those termed "Sufi philosophies", and they include works such as '_Nasab al-mawjūdāt_' (Origin of Existents) which describes the origin of each existent thing in terms of its essence, its attributes, its governing principle (_nāmūs_), and its nature. And another work titled '_Muqaddima fī’l-‘ilm al-marā‘ī wa ta‘bīr_' which is an introduction to the science of dreams and their interpretation from the perspective of both natural philosophy and philosophical Sufism, and other works like the '_Muqaddima fī’l-‘ilm al-marā‘ī wa ta‘bīr_', '_Naẓm al-qawānīn al-wujūd_', etc. * * * ( * * * **The rest of Dan Tafa’s works** Unfortunately, in 1898, during France’s African colonial wars, the Voulet–Chanoine military expedition (which was a very notorious and scandalous campaign even for the time), the French soldiers, who were passing through northern Sokoto, “burning and sacking as they went”, also invaded and burned Salame to the ground( , "and took away with them valuable books"( what survived of Dan Tafa’s large library and school were these 72 works, 44 of which are in the private collection of his son; Shakyh Bello ibn Abd’r-Raazqid, which is currently in Maiurno, Sudan( _Folio from ‘Nasab al-mawjūdāt’, from a private collection in Maiurno, Sudan_ **Conclusion** As the works of Dan Tafa demonstrate, Sokoto was home to a robust system of education during west Africa's intellectual zenith that included a vibrant tradition of Falsafa (philosophy) and various sciences, this tradition was similar to that in contemporaneous centers of learning in the Muslim world. While it's unclear to whom these philosophical works were addressed, the nature of his writing suggests they were addressed to his peers rather than his students although the need for oral commentary leaves open the possibility that he taught these works in his school. Dan Tafa's apparent exceptionalism among the surviving west African philosophical writings is mostly a result of the neglect of west African literary traditions rather than an evidence of absence; for example, Dan Tafa was taught everything he knew while in Sokoto which was unlike many of his west African peers who travelled widely while studying and teaching and some went even further, eg Salih Abdallah al-Fullani from guinea whose work is known as far as Syria and India( added to this, Dan Tafa's works were only known in his region (northern Nigeria) unlike peers such as Nuh Al Tahir whose works were known in nigeria, Mali, Mauritania and the Senegambia. Yet despite this, the wealth and depth of Dan Tafa's philosophical writings attest to the existence of a vigorous tradition of philosophy studies and discourses in west Africa including those that were transcribed into writing. * * * **for more on African history, please subscribe to my Patreon account** ( * * * ( Deep knowledge: Ways of Knowing in Sufism and Ifa, Two West African Intellectual Traditions, by Oludamini Ogunnaike, pgs 10-18 ( Ethiopian philosophy vol3, by claude sumner ( The Life of Shaykh Dan Tafa by Muhammad Shareef, pg 28 ( Arabic Literature of Africa: The writings of central Sudanic Africa Vol.2, by John Hunwick, pg 161 ( John Hunwick, pg 162 ( Muhammad Shareef pg 31 ( Philosophical Sufism in the Sokoto Caliphate: The Case of Shaykh Dan Tafa by Oludamini Ogunnaike, pg 141, in ‘Islamic Scholarship in Africa: New Directions and Global Contexts’ ( A Geography of Jihad. Jihadist Concepts of Space and Sokoto Warfare by Stephanie Zehnle pg 85-101 ( the Tārīkh al-fattāsh at work; A Sokoto Answer to Ḥamdallāhi's Claims, pg 218-222 in Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith ( Henrich Barth, travels vol iv, pg 101 ( John Hunwick, pg 222 ( Philosophical Sufism by Oludamini Ogunnaike pg 152 ( John Hunwick pg 230. ( Precolonial African Philosophy in Arabic by Souleymane Diagne, pg 67 of “A Companion to African Philosophy” ( Souleymane Diagne, pg 68 ( Deep knowledge by Oludamini Ogunnaike, pg 6 ( Philosophical Sufism by Oludamini Ogunnaike pg 150 ( muhammad shareef's translation ( The Life of Shaykh Dan Tafa by Muhammad Shareef pg 46 ( Muhammad Shareef pg 46 ( philsophical sufism by Oludamini Ogunnaike pg 168) ( The sokoto caliphate by murray last pg 140) ( Literature, History and Identity in Northern Nigeria by Tsiga, et al. pg 26 ( The Life of Shaykh Dan Tafa by Muhammad Shareef pg 50 ( Arabic Literature of Africa: Writings of Western Sudanic Africa vol4 by John Hunwick pg 504-5.

### Title: A 19th Century African Philosopher: The Biography and Philosophical Writings of Abd Al-Qadir Ibn Al-Mustafa (Dan Tafa) #### Overview - This article explores the life and works of Abd Al-Qadir Ibn Al-Mustafa, also known as Dan Tafa, a prominent 19th-century philosopher from West Africa. - It includes details about his biography, the historical context of his time, and a discussion of his philosophical writings, of which three significant works are highlighted. ### 1. Contextual Background - **Philosophy in Africa**: Philosophy is defined as "the love of wisdom," and Africa hosts a variety of overlooked philosophical traditions, which can be classified into three categories: - Autochthonous traditions (e.g., Ifa) - Hybrid traditions (e.g., Ethiopian philosophy, Sokoto philosophy) - Europhone philosophies - **Notable Influence**: Among the notable philosophers in Africa, Zera Yacob and Abd Al-Qadir Ibn Al-Mustafa (Dan Tafa) stand out, especially in the context of Sokoto's intellectual landscape during the 19th century. ### 2. Biography of Dan Tafa - **Birth and Education**: - Dan Tafa was born in 1804 in a politically transformative West Africa, during the rise of the Sokoto Caliphate established by Uthman Dan Fodio. - He was the son of Mallam Tafa and Khadija, both educated scholars. His father was pivotal in the Sokoto empire, serving as an advisor and librarian, and established a school in Salame. - **Milieu of Learning**: - Dan Tafa was immersed in an intellectual environment rich in Islamic sciences, including medicine, astronomy, linguistics, and Sufism. - His education included studying under Muhammad Sanbu, where he was introduced to Falsafa (Islamic philosophy) and Sufi traditions. ### 3. Dan Tafa’s Scholarly Contributions - **Writings and Works**: - Dan Tafa authored at least 72 works, with a notable focus on history, including: - _Rawdat al-afkar_ (The Sweet Meadows of Contemplation) - 1824 - _Mawsufat al-sudan_ (Description of the Black Lands) - 1864 - His writings cover diverse subjects, including geography and philosophy. ### 4. Philosophical Writings - **Key Philosophical Works**: - **_Al-Futuhat al-rabbaniyya_ (The Divine Unveilings)** (1828): A critique of materialist perspectives on life. - **_Kulliyāt al-‘ālam al-sitta_ (The Sixth World Faculty)**: A poem discussing the body, soul, and the concept of _hyle_ (prime matter). - **_Uhud wa-mawāthiq_ (Covenants and Treaties)** (1855): An apologia defending philosophy against criticism from orthodox scholars. - **Integration of Philosophy and Faith**: Dan Tafa grappled with the tension between reason and faith, ultimately defending his philosophical pursuits while affirming his commitment to Islamic doctrine. ### 5. Thematic Exploration of Philosophical Works - **Covenants and Treaties**: - Dan Tafa articulates his philosophy, emphasizing the limits of reason in understanding divine attributes and advocating for a synthesis of philosophical and religious thought. - He outlines oaths reflecting his commitment to a balanced integration of rational inquiry and faith. - **On the Sixth World Faculty**: - This work discusses the development of intellect and the role of prime matter, linking his ideas to broader philosophical traditions such as those of Avicenna and Aristotle. - **Sufi Influences**: - His writings also encompass Sufi philosophies, exemplified in works like _Nasab al-mawjūdāt_ (Origin of Existents) and _Muqaddima fī’l-‘ilm al-marā‘ī wa ta‘bīr_ (Introduction to the Science of Dreams), showcasing a blend of natural philosophy and Sufism. ### 6. Legacy and Impact - **Preservation and Destruction**: - In 1898, French colonial forces destroyed much of Dan Tafa's library during their military campaigns, impacting the preservation of his works. - Despite this, 72 known works have survived, reflecting the rich intellectual tradition in Sokoto. - **Intellectual Climate**: - Dan Tafa's contributions underline a significant tradition of philosophical inquiry in West Africa, resembling contemporaneous intellectual movements in the broader Islamic world. ### Conclusion Dan Tafa's philosophical writings and educational influence illustrate a vibrant tradition of philosophy within Sokoto during the 19th century. His works provide insight into the philosophical landscape of West Africa, revealing the complexities and depth of African intellectual traditions that merit further exploration and recognition.

African paintings, Manuscript illuminations and miniatures; a visual legacy of African history on canvas, paper and walls

a look at African aesthetics through history

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers African paintings, Manuscript illuminations and miniatures; a visual legacy of African history on canvas, paper and walls ========================================================================================================================= ### a look at African aesthetics through history ( Oct 03, 2021 3 Africa is home to some of the world’s oldest and most diverse artistic traditions, from the distinctive textile patterns across virtually every African society to its unique sculptures and engravings But while many of these are well known symbols of African culture worldwide, little is known about Africa's vibrant painting and manuscript illustration tradition, this is mostly because of painting's association with "High Culture" (High Art) from which African painting is often excluded In this article, I'll look at the history of African painting and manuscript illustrations that were rendered on three surfaces; Walls, Paper (or parchment) and Canvas (or cloth) * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more on African history and keep this blog free for all:** ( * * * ### Wall paintings; murals and frescos **Painting in ancient and medieval Nubia** _**Kerman wall painting (2500BC-1550BC)**_ The kingdoms of the middle Nile region have some of the most robust painting traditions in the world. Wall painting in this region begun in the kingdom of Kerma during early 2nd millennium BC whose antecedents are to be traced back to the cave paintings A-group chiefdom of the forth millennium( The most elaborate paintings are dated to the classic Kerma period between 1650 and 1550BC that include the polychrome scenes in the mortuary shrines of the Kerma kings and on the walls of the _Defuffa_ temples depicting stars, deities, fishing scenes, hunting scenes, Nilotic fauna (including giraffes) and large lions in a way that art historian Robert Bianchi writes "The depictions invite comparison with the earliest depictions of animals in Nubia, particularly on rock art" While few photos of the Kerma paintings are accessible, there's one depicting cattle and giraffes from mortuary temple K XI( and a low relief figure of a large lion made using faience tiles and set in the eastern _deffufa_ temple of Kerma during the classic Kerma era, giving us a look at the painting traditions of Kerma _paintings of giraffes and cattle from the KXI mortuary temple, 18th century BC (at kerma, sudan)_ _lion inlay from the eastern deffufa temple, 1700BC, (at the boston museum)_ _**Napatan wall painting (8th-4th century BC)**_ The wall painting traditions of Kush continued into its resurgence as a powerful state during the “Naptan Era” in the 8th century BC when its capital was at Napata and its rulers were buried in the royal cemetery of _el-kurru_, While many of the Napatan-era temples, monuments, statues, palaces and houses were often richly decorated with painted scenes, the only paintings that survive were those in the burial chambers and vestibules of the royal tombs esp. the two tombs of queen _Qalhata_( and king _Tanwetamani_( both built by the latter who also commissioned the paintings The former tomb was the best preserved and seemingly most lavishly painted featuring scenes describing the queen's path to the afterlife, the ceiling is painted with a delicate star field (first two photos below) , Tanwetamani's tomb is also richly painted depicting him with the typical kushite cap crown (last photo). _queen_ _Qalhata’s tomb paintings, 7th century BC, (at el-kurru in sudan)_ _queen_ _Qalhata’s tomb paintings, 7th century BC, (at el-kurru in sudan)_ _Tanwetamani's tomb paintings, 7th century BC, (at el-kurru sudan)_ _**Christian Nubian paintings (6th to 14th century AD)**_ The period between the 6th and 14th century witnessed the emergence of a distinctive art culture in the christian nubian kingdom of Makura, with its capital at Old Dongola, this art adorned the walls of cathedrals, monasteries, palaces and other buildings in the kingdom, most famous of these collections were the hundreds of paintings recovered from the cathedral of Faras( , the Kom H monastery at Old Dongola( , and the church of Banganarti( The artistic center of Makuria was at Old Dongola, its capital, from which the kingdom’s iconographic models and stylistic trends were exported across other regional cities such as Faras Nubian art is described by art historian "resolutely local style" characterized by rounded figures. an elongation of the silhouettes and the specific design of the eyes and nose, paintings are often multicolored and have a rich chromatic range( , its is however to be located just as much within the larger Eastern Christian art with its byzantine themes The original themes in Nubian and Ethiopian art are described by Martens-Czarnecka who in her comparisons of both writes that; "the Nubian and Ethiopian painters endeavor to depict "the objective reality of the subject, in accordance with their knowledge or their belief, rather than the 'visual impression that emerges from it"( The technique used for executing the majority of the Nubian murals was tempera, pigments were sourced locally, the primary colors were yellow, red, black, white and gray. A composition was sketched first in yellow ochre with a thin brush, then the contours of the figures, vertical lines of the robes, etc. ( _nativity mural from faras cathedral, 10th century, sudan national museum_ _Wall painting of a dance scene from kom h with old nubian inscriptions, 10th-13th century,_ * * * **Ethiopian wall paintings** _**From Aksumite paintings through the Zagwe and early Solomonic paintings**_ Aksum was a powerful state controlling much of the northern horn of Africa and parts of the southern coasts of the red sea between the 3rd and 10th century AD afterwhich the region was controlled by the Zagwe kingdom from the 11th century which later fell to the "Solomonic" empire in the 13th century till the mid 20th century. The northern horn region , like Nubia, had a much older rock art tradition that continued well into Aksum's pre-christian era and it was this art tradition that was then transferred to other mediums such as building walls, canvas, cloth and paper although the distinctive art style that came to be known as Ethiopian art was largely developed in the mid 1st millennium after Aksum's official conversion to Christianity While few datable Aksumite paintings survive, there are a number of churches and monasteries from the late Aksumite era that probably preserve original Aksumite paintings eg the paintings on the ceiling of _Abune Yemata Guh_, the church of _Abraha-wa-Atsbaha_ and _Mika’el Debra Selam_( . In general, Ethiopian wall paintings were often made by trained painters, likely using old pattern books to prepare their utensils: brush, paints and dyes. Painters use locally produced pigments, primarily the colors yellow, red, black and white( Some of the painters from this period are known by name notably Fre seyon the primary painter of the workshop of a circle of painters employed by emperor Zara Yaeqob's court in the 15th century( and others such as Abuna Mabaa Seyon, however, most Ethiopian painters remained anonymous, a number of wall paintings include names of people who commissioned the paintings or people who are represented in the painted scenes( . _Abreha wa astbaha painting, undated_ _Abune yemata guh painting, undated_ _painting of the archangel Michael, from the 13th century, at the waschka mikael church_ _painting of two angels, likely from the 13th century, at the Genata Maryam Medhane Alem Church_ **Gondarine painting (17th to late 18th century)** Between the mid16th and late 18th century. The increasing cosmopolitanism of the Ethiopian court with its imperial capital at Gondar led to the inclusion of a number of foreign painting styles into Ethiopia's artistic tradition For the Gondarine emperors, patronage of the arts was a means of displaying imperial status as the; Starting with the 17th century, the city of Gondar dominated for centuries the art of Ethiopia. The saying "who wishes to paint goes to Gondar"( well illustrates this preponderance This artistic epoch is divided into two periods, the _**first gondarine**_ style beginning around 1655 and flourishing under emperor Yohannes I (r. 1667-8 2) with painters trained at workshops associated with churches and monasteries near the capital who later influenced the art of regional centers such as at the lake Tana monasteries. The _**second gondarine**_ style, is associated with the patronage of the regent empress Mentewwab and her son the emperor Iyyasu II (r. 1730- 55) "this florid style is distinguished by its heavy modeling of flesh, carefully rendered patterns of imported fabrics, and shaded backgrounds changing from yellow to red or green." this style also later spread to a number of churches in the Tigray region as well( Gondarine style murals generally depict expanded narrative cycles including realistic details of clothing, furniture, hair styles, and even genre scenes but while realistic details of costumes and accessories are emphasized, Ethiopian painters continued the tradition of older art styles without an indication of lightsource or a shadow indicating continuity with the early solomonic, zagwe, and Aksumite art styles( _Narga Selassie monastery wall paintings in the second gondarine style , an 18th century painting of mary and child with empress mentewab (at the bottom)_ _painting of the Archangel michael angel leading the faithfuls, 18th century (found at the abovementioned monastery)_ * * * ### **African Paintings on other surfaces**; _**The painted Pottery and stone slabs from the meroitic art of the kingdom of Kush**_ Meroitic pottery (from the Meroitic period when the capital of Kush was at Meroe between the 4th century BC and the 4th century AD) is described as the "the finest achievement of Meroitic art" Kush's older decorative pottery styles which date back to the aforementioned Kerma kingdom were revived in polychrome pottery painting in the 5th century BC using geometrical, guilloche, and floral motifs, added to this were the new Ptolemaic styles adopted by Kush’s artists in the 3rd century BC; to produce a distinctive painting style employing geometric and floral friezes with a characteristic frieze motif composed of a snake and stars, Nubian fauna, flora and other Kushite themes eg one about ‘the hare, two guinea fowls, and a hyena’ that is derived from an ancient animal fable in Kush from the 4th century BC( Meroitic pottery's "line drawing style" is described by nubiologist Laszlo Torok; "its decoration structure, iconographical repertory and subsidiary patterns are characterized by a geometrical clarity of the design structure, a striving for sharp definition, and a conspicuous precision of the execution"( The Meroitic painted Stela are often funerary/mortuary Stelae representing the deceased, they were placed on tombstones or inside their graves, they often depict one or two figures standing beneath a winged sun disk. While the tradition of painting on stone slabs/ stela was revived in the late Meroitic era it had been a feature of Nile valley artistic traditions since the 3rd millennium BC( _Meroitic Painted pottery of giraffe and palm tree, 1st century AD (at the penn museum)_ _painted pottery depicting a hyena, guinea fowl and a hare; all three are from an ancient nubian folk tale, 1st cent BC-1st century AD (at the oriental institute Chicago)_ _Stela showing a nubian couple; Meteye (white skirt with a swastika) and Abakharta, 1st cent BC-1st century AD (cairo museum)_ _funerary stela of a nubian girl found at karanog, 2nd century AD, (penn museum)_ * * * _**Ethiopian paintings on cloth, Canvas and wood**_ From the Aksumite to the early Solomonic era, the bulk of Ethiopian paintings that survive were rendered on paper/parchment, cloth and on walls, followed in the 15th century by paintings on wood panels known as icons in the form of diptychs, triptychs and polyptychs and by the 16th century, paintings on canvas( The styles and themes on both of these icons and canvas painting surfaces follow the abovementioned artistic styles; _**early solomonic**_, _**first**_ _**gondarine**_ and _**second gondarine,**_ Most icon painters remain anonymous but some notable icon painters from this time include the aforementioned painter Fre Seyon( _Ethiopian painting of "The Last Supper", tempera on linen, 18th century (at the Virginia museum of fine arts)_ _Elephant hunting, inventoried 1930 (at quai branly museum)_ _Diptych painting of Mary and the son with various apostles and angels. By fre seyon, late 15th century (at the walter's art museum)_ _painting on double triptych of the virgin mary and child, 19th cent. (at the brooklyn museum)_ * * * ### **African Manuscript illustrations; on miniatures and other decorations in African manuscripts** _**Nubian manuscript illumination**_ Nubian illuminations have received limited scholarly attention, but the recent studies of a few fragmentary manuscripts from the cities of Serra east and Qsar ibrm allow for a reconstruction of Nubian illumination, the similarities between the Serra and Qsar Ibrim illumination attest to the presence of a local manuscript production center in Nubia( The miniature illustrations of bishops, priests and angels on these manuscripts also follow the wider Nubian art styles depicted on wall murals _manuscript with seated bishop giving a sermon from qsar ibrim, 10th-12th century AD (at the british museum)_ _Illustrated manuscript page from serra east of man sitting cross legged and wearing blue stripped pants, 10th-14th century AD (sudan national museum)_ _**Ethiopian manuscript illumination and miniatures**_ Ethiopia's manuscript illustration tradition is one of the oldest in the world dating back to the Aksumite kingdom in the mid 1st millennium AD, the Aba Garima gospels, which are two ancient ethiopic gospel books, were dated to between the 4th and 6th centuries AD, making them the oldest illuminated gospels in the world( Ethiopian manuscripts were illuminated and illustrated following the same styles as their paintings, but also include ornamental interlace, stylized floral, foliate and geometric patterns( , the miniatures depict various figures including apostles and other Christian figures, rulers and patrons, saints and people, flora and fauna, mythical creatures and landscapes, architectural features and buildings, and general representations of contemporary Ethiopian life( Ethiopian illuminators often worked in monasteries where the skills was passed on from a tutor to their student, by the 15th century two monastic houses had developed their own distinctive styles of illumination; _the ewostatewos style_ and the _estifanos style_ (known as the _gunda gunde style_, increasingly, emperors such as Dawit and Zera Yacob patronized the arts and establishing scriptoriums While most illustrators remained anonymous, a few signed their works eg the scribe Baselyos (also known as the Ground Hornbill Master) active in the 17th century( _miniature from the Garima gospels, a portrait of an apostle, 4th-6th century AD (at abba garima monastery, ethiopia)_ _miniature of Virgin and Child flanked by the Archangels Michael and Gabriel in the Gunda gunde style, 16th century (at the walters art museum)_ _illustrations depicting saint walata petros performing various miracles, 1673 from the Gädlä Wälättä hagiography_ _**West African illuminated manuscripts**_ Much of west Africa's art tradition is primarily rendered on textiles (which will be the subject for a future article) that display a wide range of geometric and floral patterns, its from this artistic tradition that west African manuscript illumination ultimately derives, as art historian Sheila Blair writes on west African illumination "such patterns of diagonals, zigazags and strapwork arranged in rectangular panels are standard on _bogolanfini_, the "mud-dyed cloths made in mali, traditionally by sewing together narrow strips"( West African illuminated manuscripts also featured abstract miniature illustrations of the prophet's compound and household (attimes including his wives' houses, sandals, horses, swords), his pulpit and the graves of the prophets and the first two caliphs( The images are often rendered in highly geometric form with houses indicated as rectangles or circles, walls as colored line bundles and the sandals in abstract form( Unlike Nubian and Ethiopia illustrations however, the avoidance of depicting sentient beings In west African manuscript miniatures is doubtlessly because of Aniconism in islam _abstract miniatures in a copy of the popular prayerbook 'Dalāʾil al-Khayrāt' written by a scribe in northern ghana, 19th century, (british library)_ _**East African illuminated manuscripts**_ Eastern africa is home to a wide range of artistic styles and just like west Africa, the majority of its paintings and illustrations were rendered on textiles using a rich array of colors, patterns and designs and while regionally diverse, the illuminations in eastern Africa's manuscript centers were cosmopolitan and adapted as much as they influenced other manuscript centers The recently published study of an illuminated Harar Qur'an from the 18th century is evidence of this cosmopolitanism, with two way influences between Harar (in Ethiopia), ottoman Egypt, Islamic India and Zanzibar on the Swahili coast( In east Africa, some of the most notable illuminated manuscripts besides Harar have come from the cities of Mogadishu (Somalia) and Siyu (Kenya) Siyu in particular flourished in the late 18th and early 19th century as a prominent center of learning, housing several prominent scholars and producing thousands of works that were sold and circulated around the region. Siyu's scribes used locally produced ink( to render the texts and ornamentation in the classic triad of black, red, and yellow, outlining blank pages in black ink to create a dynamic play of positive and negative space Siyu's illumination designs derive largely from its local Swahili art, eg the geometric knot motifs on Swahili tombstones, the floral and foliate motifs on Swahili doors and the “Solomon’s knot” that’s common across subsaharan africa( . Siyu's manuscript cultures were partially influenced by similar themes in the mainland cities of Lamu (Kenya) and Mogadishu _Illuminated Qur’an made in the city of Siyu, Kenya by Swahili scribes, 18th-19th century (Lamu Fort Museum)_ _illuminated Copy of the "Dala'il al-khayrat" (waymarks of benefits) written by a somali scribe, 1899, (at the constant hames collection)_ **Conclusion** African painters and illustrators were part of the wider African art tradition, African art cultures were thoroughly cosmopolitan incorporating and adopting various art styles, themes and motifs from across different world regions into their own styles but African painters still retained their unique African aesthetics, at times archaizing by bringing back older styles inorder to emphasize the distinctive look that sets them apart from other artistic traditions. African painting is thus an integral part of African history. * * * **I wrote an article on my Patreon about an ancient African Astronomical Observatory discovered in the ruins of Meroe in Sudan, including the illustrations and mathematical equations engraved on its walls** ( sneak peek * * * ( Daily life of the nubians by Robert Steven Bianchi, pg 81 ( Pastoral states: toward a comparative archaeology of early Kush, page 11, ( Royal Cemeteries of Kush, vol. 1: El Kurru by Dows. Dunham, plate 9 ( Dows. Dunham, plate 18 ( Pachoras Faras by Stefan Jakobielski ( The Wall Paintings from the Monastery on Kom H in Dongola by Malgorzata Martens-Czarnecka ( Banganarti 2003 : The Wall Paintings by Magdalena Łaptaś ( La peinture murale copte by du Bourguet ( Studies of Sudanese Medieval Wall Paintings from 1963 to the Present - Historiographic Essay by Magdalena M. Wozniak ( The wall paintings from the Monastery on Kom H in Dongola by Malgorzata Martens-Czarnecka, pg 92,-93 ( Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson pg 222 ( The Story of Däräsge Maryam By Dorothea McEwan pg 97 ( African zion by Munro-Hay et al, pg 142 ( The Story of Däräsge Maryam By Dorothea McEwan pg 97, 98 ( Major themes in ethiopian painting by Stanislaw Chojnacki, pg 35 ( African zion by Munro-Hay et al, pg 195 ( Stanislaw Chojnacki, pg 19 ( Hellenizing Art in Ancient Nubia by László Török pg 275 ( László Török, pg 263 ( Between Two Worlds by László Török, pg 474 ( Stanislaw Chojnacki, pg 319 ( The Marian Icons of the Painter Frē Ṣeyon by Marilyn Heldman pg 114 ( The Oriental Institute 2015–2016 Annual Report. by Gil J. Stein, pgs 140–41 ( The Garima Gospels by Judith McKenzie, Francis Watson ( african zion, pg 63 ( Secular Themes in Ethiopian Ecclesiastical Manuscripts by Richard Pankhurst ( Marilyn Heldman pg 101 ( Stanislaw Chojnacki, pg 492 ( The meanings of Timbuktu by Shamil Jeppie et al. pg 69-70) ( A Fragment of Paradise by R. Bravmann ( The trans saharan book trade by Graziano Krätli et al, pg 236-239 ( The visual resonances of a Harari Qur’ān by Sana Mirza ( Siyu in the 18th and 19th centuries. by J de V Allen ( The Siyu Qur’ans by Zulfikar Hirji.

# African Paintings, Manuscript Illuminations, and Miniatures: A Visual Legacy of African History ## Overview of African Aesthetics 1. **Significance of African Art**: - Africa has a rich history of diverse artistic traditions, including textiles, sculptures, and engravings. - Despite the global recognition of some artistic forms, African painting and manuscript illustration remain underrepresented. 2. **Historical Context**: - African painting and manuscript traditions developed on three surfaces: walls, paper (or parchment), and canvas (or cloth). ## Wall Paintings: Murals and Frescoes ### Ancient and Medieval Nubia 1. **Kerma Wall Painting (2500 BC - 1550 BC)**: - Originated in the Kingdom of Kerma, reflecting a lineage from earlier cave paintings. - Elaborate polychrome scenes were found in mortuary shrines and temples, depicting stars, deities, and fauna. - Notable examples include cattle and giraffes from the K XI mortuary temple and a lion inlay from the eastern deffufa temple. 2. **Napatan Wall Painting (8th - 4th century BC)**: - Flourished during the Napatan Era, with significant paintings found in royal tombs. - Queen Qalhata's tomb featured lavishly painted scenes of her afterlife journey, while King Tanwetamani's tomb depicted him with a crown. 3. **Christian Nubian Paintings (6th to 14th century AD)**: - Developed in the Kingdom of Makuria, featuring murals in cathedrals and monasteries. - Art was characterized by rounded figures, vibrant colors, and influences from Byzantine art. ### Ethiopian Wall Paintings 1. **Aksumite to Zagwe Period (3rd - 10th century AD)**: - Early paintings from Aksum focused on religious themes and transferred traditional rock art styles to wall paintings. - Notable surviving paintings are found in churches like Abune Yemata Guh. 2. **Gondarine Painting (17th to late 18th century)**: - The Gondar period marked a blend of local and foreign styles, emphasizing realistic details and narrative cycles. - Murals depicted everyday life and significant figures, retaining connections to earlier artistic traditions. ## African Paintings on Other Surfaces 1. **Meroitic Art of the Kingdom of Kush**: - Meroitic pottery (4th century BC - 4th century AD) featured geometric and floral motifs, reviving older decorative styles. - Painted stelae represented the deceased, often depicting figures beneath a winged sun disk. 2. **Ethiopian Paintings on Cloth and Canvas**: - Ethiopian art transitioned from wall murals to paintings on cloth and wood panels from the 15th century. - Iconic works remained consistent with established artistic styles, often executed by anonymous painters but included notable figures like Fre Seyon. ## Manuscript Illustrations ### Nubian Manuscript Illumination 1. **Limited Scholarly Attention**: - Recent studies of manuscripts from Serra East and Qsar Ibrim shed light on Nubian illumination, characterized by local artistic styles. ### Ethiopian Manuscript Illumination 1. **Aksumite Kingdom to Early Solomonic Era**: - Ethiopia's manuscript tradition is among the oldest, with the Aba Garima gospels being the oldest illuminated gospels globally. - Manuscripts featured elaborate miniatures and ornamental designs, often executed by monks in monasteries. ### West African Illuminated Manuscripts 1. **Influence of Textile Patterns**: - Illuminations were derived from textile art, with abstracts representing Islamic cultural themes without depicting sentient beings. ### East African Illuminated Manuscripts 1. **Cosmopolitan Influences**: - Manuscripts from regions like Harar, Mogadishu, and Siyu displayed a blend of local and external artistic traditions, characterized by geometric and floral designs. ## Conclusion - African painting and illustration are integral components of the continent's historical narrative, reflecting a cosmopolitan blend of styles while retaining distinct African aesthetics. - The artistic traditions showcase Africa's rich cultural heritage and historical depth, deserving recognition and study within global art history.

Eurocentrism, Afrocentrism and the need to decolonize African history.

Moving beyond racist theories and fictitious pasts

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Eurocentrism, Afrocentrism and the need to decolonize African history. ====================================================================== ### Moving beyond racist theories and fictitious pasts ( Sep 26, 2021 16 **The foundation of Eurocentrism and the Hamitic race theory** Western historiography of Africa is considered to have begun -in large part- after Napoleon's "discovery" of ancient Egypt in 1798. Prior to that, European scholars had little knowledge of ancient civilizations on the African continent as a whole; both north and sub-Saharan Africa (except for some flirtations with it in the writings of early explorers and Arab writers), and, having to acknowledge the impressive historical achievement of Egypt, Europeans were forced to reconcile this new discovery with their presumption of their own racial superiority by reclassifying the ancient Egyptians, whom they had previously been regarded as "black", as racially white.( It was then that European scholars came up with several theories on how to bring African history into their racial-geographic understanding of world history which was at the time heavily influenced by scientific racism notably by the Gottingen school of History that subdivided the world into three major races; the Caucasoids in Europe, the Mongoloid in Asia and the Negroid in Africa. These classifications had no real basis scientifically but they were nevertheless relevant to rationalizing European expansionism, slavery, and the racial caste system in the Americas and seemed to complement the prevailing interpretations of the "curse of Ham" in Abrahamic religions (which initially associated Ham-ites with barbarism and slavery rather than civilization) These categories not only entered mainstream discourse in various academic disciplines, they also became the very foundations of such; particularly anthropology and history, and were popularized in the philosophies of Friedrich Hegel and the writings of Francis Galton. It was within this context that the Hamitic hypothesis arose. This elaborate racialist anthropological theory was refined in the early 20th century by British ethnologist Charles Seligman; it posits that "Hamites were European (ie; racially white) pastoralists, who were able to conquer indigenous agriculturalists because they were not only better armed (with iron weapons, which they are suggested to have introduced into sub-Saharan Africa), but also supposedly "quicker witted". The Hamitic theory reversed the earlier view about ‘Ham’ (the son of Noah) and his progeny, from the archetypical barbarian to the harbinger of civilization in Africa, it incorporated the idea of white racial superiority and completely erased and denied the existence of "black African" states, inventions and cultural achievements instead attributing them to the influence of outsiders . This was the foundation of the Eurocentric interpretation of African history where African cultural accomplishments were ultimately tied with or derived from Western civilization —a vague categorization that includes all Mediterranean civilizations that Europeans appropriated as their own such as the ancient Sumerians, Phoenicians, and Egyptians. * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more on African history and keep this blog free for all:** ( * * * The foundations of Eurocentrism were laid by, among others, Georg Hegel from whom the modern arbitrary divisions of north and sub-Saharan Africa are attributed Hegel claimed "Africa consists of three continents which are entirely separate from one another, and between which there is no contact whatsoever" he classifies Africa into "European Africa" which is northern Africa (from the Atlantic coast including Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia) he claims this region has always been subject to foreign influences, that "this is a country which merely shares the fortunes of great events enacted elsewhere, but which has no determinate character of its own", next in his classification is Egypt which he gives a triple classification as in Asia, Europe and its on its own. He writes that Egypt became the "center of a great and independent culture" and lastly “Africa proper” identified as sub-Saharan Africa which he claims "has no historical interest of its own and remains cut off from the rest of the world"( . It was on this foundation of deliberate erasure and dismissal that the themes in the modern of African history were constructed; scientific racism and social Darwinism. Eurocentrism was thus not just a perverse underbelly in the interpretation and understanding of African history; it was the very basis of its creation; European anthropologists, philosophers, historians, and explorers formed these pre-conceived theories about what Africa was, how it came to be and who its people were even before stepping foot on the continent itself but were nevertheless regarded as authoritative figures from whom the authoritative and accurate interpretation of African history was to be sourced. * * * **An outline of Eurocentrist founders of the modern studies of African history** It was within this racialist context that the so-called "founders" of the different branches of African historiography established their respective fields of study often based on blatantly racist ideologies that were at times criticized even by their contemporaries. In the late 19th century in southern Nigeria, Leo Frobenius one of the earliest and influential historians of Yoruba society, claimed to have found evidence of the mythical city of Atlantis in Ile-ife, the cultural birthplace of the Yoruba claiming that that the Yoruba preserved the last remnants of a sea-faring Etruscan civilization, that one of the Yoruba deities - Olokun was the Greek god Poseidon, and that "the gloom of negrodom had overshadowed him" hence the Yoruba’s decent from glory to their then primitive state( Frobenius would influence later Yoruba historians such as Saburi Biobaku( _the 13th century head depicting a royal from ife, it was seized by Frobenius from ile-ife_ In the 1920s in Nubia, George Reisner -considered the father of Nubiology, wrote about Kerma (the first Nubian kingdom) that "the social mingling of the three races, the Egyptian, the Nubian and the Negro resulted in the production of offspring of mixed blood who don't inherit the mental qualities of the highest race, in this case the Egyptian"( and "that a proportion of the offspring will perpetuate the qualities of the male parent and thus the highest race will not necessarily disappear"( and when he encountered what was "unambiguously” Nubian material from the 25th dynasty, he still dismissed it and intentionally misattributed the artifacts and the entire dynasty's origin to the light-skinned Libyans beginning a “debate” on the origins of the Napatan Kingdom (which eventually conquered Egypt) solely based on a premise that the black Nubians couldn't have possibly established the dynasty themselves.( , Reisner inturn influenced later historians such as Anthony John Arkell's history of the sudan( In the 1900s, in southern Africa at the ruins of Great Zimbabwe; archeologists Theodore Bent and Richard Hall —who are the pioneers in the studies of zimbabwe culture, believed that Africans could not have possibly built or even founded the city of Great Zimbabwe, Richard Hall, went on to destroy much of surface materials in the ruins claiming that the materials were recent bantu corruptions of the original white/Semitic builders, some of what was destroyed unfortunately included several constructions, materials and graves of royals and other notables that contained invaluable artifacts which later historians were deprived of in reconstructing the Zimbabwean past.( _the great enclosure at great zimbabwe_ In Ethiopia, historian Conti Rossini claimed that the civilized elements of Ethiopia such as food production and state form of political organization were introduced by south Arabian groups who colonized the north horn of Africa region from the red sea.( This speculative account of Ethiopian history remained unchallenged well into the 1950s On the east African coast in the 1920s the British colonial administrators seeking to suppress Swahili identity and their cultural history concocted the fictional Persian colonial state called the “Zinj empire” centered at the city of Kilwa which they claimed was in control of the entire coast in the medieval era. These ideas were given academic merit by British historians Reginald Coupland and James Kirkman who were the first professional modern historians of the Swahili. Reginald claimed that the entire coast was ruled by immigrant colonists who engaged in grand slave trading that affected the kingdoms of the interior and relegated the Swahili to slaves or wives of these Arab/Persian immigrants. Kirkman claimed that the Swahili ruins "belonged not to Africans but Arabs and Persians with some African blood" claiming Africans were incapable of such achievements.( _the ruined mosque of kilwa kisiwani in the 1910s before the bushes were cleared_ Similar ideologies were present In the “western Sudan” where the (light-skinned) Berbers were assumed to have introduced state building, metallurgy, and domesticated crops to their (dark-skinned) southern neighbors such as the Mandinka. And in the great lakes region of eastern central Africa, where these so-called Hamitic groups (claimed to be the Tutsi or Hima) are said to have immigrated to, invaded, displaced, and conquered autochthonous groups, and supposedly introduced civilization, metallurgy, and statecraft to “negroid” groups who apparently had no knowledge of such. These wildly inaccurate theories were given credibility by professional historians, archeologists, linguists, and anthropologists working in concert with the colonial governments to deny, erase, and deliberately misattribute African civilizations to the “white-adjacent” and fictitious Hamitic groups. While critiques of Euro-centrist themes have been offered multiple times, especially by historians and archaeologists of Africa often taking up much of the introductions to their books, these critiques fall short of identifying the root of the problem with Eurocentrism which is that the premise of these Hamitic theories and Diffusionism theories was the underlying prejudice against non-western people rather than a genuine attempt at scientific inquiry in non-western history. The “debate" on who built great Zimbabwe wasn't premised on a scientific comparison with the Middle Eastern cities (of its supposed builders), but on a racist conception that the Shona people (and other Bantu-speaking groups) couldn't build such structures. The misattribution of Swahili ruins to Arabs wasn't built on rigorous research between Arab and Swahili construction materials and styles, nor was it based on extensive studies of the Swahili language and its history, but instead on the prejudiced thinking that the Swahili couldn't have been the originators of their civilization and couldn’t be the builders of the ruins found along the east African coast. The same bad faith is behind the theories of West African metallurgy being introduced from Carthage, claims of African cereals being solely introduced from the middle east, and African cities existing only as foreign outposts. * * * **The rise of Afrocentrism** As these historians dressed colonial racist interpretations of African history under the cloak of academic credibility, a counter-movement was growing among scholars of African descent In the Americas and the diaspora, one that in many ways mirrored the race-centered ideologies of colonial scholars but inversed their hypothetical center of world civilizations from “Western civilization” to Africa, specifically: Ancient Egypt, in large part drawn from the writings of 19th century Egyptologists. This movement later came to be known as Afrocentrism the foundations of which were laid in the racially-segregated US where history and race were politicized and considered central to people's identity and government policy. While the US produced professional archaeologists like James Henry Breasted —who studied ancient Egypt and created the "great white race" hypothesis in which ancient Egyptians were supposedly the origins of the white race and all civilizations— there was also a growing crop of amateur scholars studying ancient Egypt that belonged to fraternal orders in the American white and black middle class. This resulted in the proliferation of masonic, theosophical, spiritualist, and esoteric writers in ancient Egypt which influenced the black-American middle class. The most notable of these lodges was the Prince Hall Grand Lodge in Boston which had major figures like William Monroe Trotter and Booker T. Washington. The most influential of the masonic writers to early Afrocentrist scholars were the writings of Albert Churchward, an amateur English Egyptologist and adherent of freemasonry who claimed the secrets of freemasonry descended directly, unaltered from ancient Egyptian wisdom and customs. He advanced a very hyper-diffusionist Egypto-centric worldview with Egypt as the origin of all civilization, religion, laws of nature, code of laws and everything else; claiming that no other nation had improved upon them since. He claimed that Egyptians sent out colonies all over the world and that all other religions were mere imitations of Egyptian wisdom and that the belief systems of the Greeks, Romans, Jews only practiced pervasions of ancient Egyptian beliefs( Despite Churchward’s racist beliefs about Africans (outside of Egypt), Afrocentrists nevertheless held onto his writings in search for historical sources of pride to counter the Eurocentrist’s prejudices because Egypt was the only African civilization that Europeans held in high regard. Having adopted Churchward’s theories, Afrocentrists then needed only to prove that all ancient Egyptians (or at least the majority) were racially Black. Among those who adhered to Churchwards's hyperdiffusionist theories of ancient Egypt was the writer Molefi Asante; a black American who grew up In segregated Georgia. The central theme of Asante's works involves ascribing the origin of all civilizations to Africa -specifically Egypt. He writes that Egypt formed the basis of African cultures and its technologies and philosophies spread to the ancient Greeks and other civilizations, that Europeans then conspired to brainwash Africans of this past knowledge, and that Africans both home and in the diaspora should reclaim their glorious past( . Asante also cites two older influential Afrocentrist scholars like chancellor Williams and Cheick Diop Cheick Diop is credited with the popularization of ancient Egypt as a genuine black African civilization; he claims that the emergence of all civilization and the biological origin of all humanity took place in Africa, that Egypt was a black civilization and that ancient Greece and the Europeans took everything of value from the Egyptian culture.( Diop emphasized that Africans should draw their intellectual, political and social inspiration from ancient Egypt, just as the Europeans did from Greco-Latin civilization, that African humanities should draw from pharaonic culture, ancient Egyptian and Meroitic writing should replace Latin and Greek and that Egyptian law should replace roman law. Diop also espoused race realism, claiming that Africa was culturally distinct from Eurasia. Much of Diop's work overwhelmingly quotes the writings of 19th century historians like Charles Seligman and Leo Frobenius( Few Afrocentrists covered regions outside Egypt, one region of much attention was Meso-America and the supposed pre-Colombian landings of Africans in America based on a selective list of alleged similarities between Mesoamerican and Egyptian cosmologies, architecture and the Native American’s artistic sculptural self-depictions. From the Mayan pyramids to the presence of dark-skinned Native American groups, to the Olmec heads’ peculiar phenotype (which Europeans had, in their arbitrary constructions of race, reserved for “Black Africans”). A few books have been published by Afrocentrists like Ivan Sertima and Barry Fell, both of whom derived most of their theories from the writings of Leo Weiner's attempts at documenting Africans in pre-Columbian America( A general critique of Afrocentrism is offered by Stephen Howe who observes that Afrocentrism is premised on three fallacies; _**unanimanism**_ : belief that Africa was culturally homogenous, _**diffusionism**_ : the belief that human phenomena have one common origin and _**primordialism**_ : that present customs and identities are derived from an ancient past in unbroken continuity( . Perhaps the most potent critique of Afrocentrism comes from the African historian and archeologist Augustin Holl to Cheick Diop; he says of Diop that “he behaved as If nothing new had occurred in African archeology”. This was indeed a valid critique because when Diop first published his "Nations nègres et culture" in 1954, the overtly racist interpretation of African history was mainstream as i have outlined, but Diop continued writing his theories as late the as 1974 in "The African Origin of Civilization: Myth or Reality" when most of these racist themes had been replaced by more professional and much more academic interpretation of African history( * * * **Between Eurocentrism and Afrocentrism: the rise of “"moderate” scholarship** Contemporaneous with the rise of Afrocentrism was the shift to a “moderate” reading of African history between the 60s and late 80s which coincided with the independence wave in Africa and the civil rights movements in the US that witnessed a rejection of the overtly racist Eurocentric themes of African history While the overtly racial elements of eurocentric theories were being abandoned in the formative years of the post-colonial academic historiography of Africa which began in the 1950s and 60s , the diffusionist and Hamitic models continued to influence early historians, especially when it came to African metallurgy, complex state formation and growth, plant and animal domestication, the rise and fall of states, writing, adoption, use and innovation of new technologies, etc. This moderate model of diffusionist and Hamitic theories, without the racial elements, can be observed in the theories of various historians like John Fage's work on ancient Ghana and west African empires in which he overstated the Berber influence on its rise, wealth and fall and the other early states of west africa( , Lanfranco Ricci's work on the formation of early Ethiopian states where he exaggerated the Sabean influence in pre-Aksumite era of the northern horn of africa( , James Kirkman who misinterpreted Swahili oral history and origin myths as a factual events( , Neville Chittick on the Swahili coast who saw the Swahili as an African civilization with heavily Arabic and Persian influences in its foundation in his interpretation of the Shirazi myth( , in Nubia was William Y. Adams who characterizes the Nubian 25th dynasty as a classic example of a former barbarian people turning the tables on their former oppressors( and many other historians focusing on west Africa and southern Africa * * * **The relative influences of Eurocentrism and Afrocentrism on Africans and on the study of African history.** In terms of reviews, citations and circulation of their publications, Afrocentrist scholars are dwarfed by their Eurocentric and moderate peers, and they are often relegated to a footnote. In contrast, Eurocentrism wasn't (and isn't) just a minor perversion of an otherwise unbiased inquiry in the field of African historiography: it’s the very foundation of the field, and its adherents were the pioneers of African history and the self-appointed "founders" of their respective fields. Eurocentric theories formed the core of the way African history is discussed and its eurocentric scholars that set the themes and topics of African history, from the fundamental eg determining if Ethiopian and Nubian historiography should be categorized as middle eastern, to the trivial, eg the tour guidebooks and museum guidebooks of African ruins and relics that were written during the colonial era and are still used today despite containing discredited theories on African history. Worse still was Eurocentrism’s effects on the social institutions and psyche of African groups. History is political and has always been politicized whether as a source of cultural pride or as a way of “othering” groups of people to legitimize authority or justify atrocities. For example in Rwanda, the Tutsi and Hutu were until colonization; a simple caste system in a complex relationship between the elites of several kingdoms vis-à-vis their subjects. This caste system was far from unique to Rwanda but was present in much of the eastern half of central Africa eg in the kingdoms of Nkore (in Uganda) and Karagwe (in Tanzania) and various groups in eastern Congo. During the precolonial period, some of these kingdoms were ruled by Tutsi elites and others by Hutu elites but this relationship was greatly transformed by colonial authorities into a racial designation by promoting and enforcing the Hamitic race myth, stating that “a Tutsi was a European under black skin”( , forcefully annexing independent Hutu-led kingdoms under the larger Tutsi-led Nyiginya kingdom, segregating schools by educating sons of Tutsi chiefs and leaders and feeding them on a steady diet of their supposed racial superiority over the Hutu, appointing them in colonial administration and physically creating the racial category by measuring the lengths of noses, the shape of skulls with calipers, separating relatives and siblings using arbitrary phenotypical differences and issuing “race” cards to maintain this segregation( (a very divisive policy that was maintained well into the 1990s). This process fueled animosity between these two groups sparking a series of mass murders primarily against the Tutsi first in 1959 and later –more infamously- in 1994 where 800,000 Tutsi and moderate Hutus were killed in less than three months in one of the world’s worst genocides based solely on the Hamitic theory as was best demonstrated in the dumping of bodies in the Kagera river that ultimately pours its waters into the Nile which the Interahamwe extremists claimed, was the fastest way to send the Hamites (meaning Tutsis) back to their homeland (Ethiopia and Egypt). The effects of this war spilled over into the D.R.C which sparked the first and second Congo war – one that involved over 7 African countries, claimed over 5 million lives in the most disastrous war since world war 2, and retarded the growth of the country for close to a decade. The above example is just one of many conflicts created by the deliberate politicization of Eurocentrism in Africa, not including justifying the brutal apartheid system of white minority rule in South Africa based on the myth of empty land( , legitimizing the plunder and colonization of Zimbabwe and the later establishment of the segregated state of Rhodesia on false claims of a lost white builders of great Zimbabwe( , the effects of both still plague southern Africa today. * * * **The case for Decolonisation of African history** Eurocentrism continues to plague mainstream discourses of African history attimes drowning African historians in vapid meta-commentary of discrediting the racist misconceptions about African history that they don't find the time to engage in the more rigorous work needed to highlight African history itself The latter would require them to unearth new African archeological discoveries, translate and interpret old African documents, carefully examine the themes of African art, architectural styles, and social dynamics As Toni Morison stated: _**"the very serious function of racism is distraction. It keeps you from doing your work. It keeps you explaining, over and over again, your reason for being. Somebody says you have no language and you spend twenty years proving that you do… somebody says you have no art, so you dredge that up. Somebody says you have no kingdoms, so you dredge that up"**_ Decolonisation requires nothing less than re-centering African history with the African societies that made it instead of bringing up African history only as meta-analytical critiques of Eurocentrism (the latter at times counter-intuitively legitimizes Eurocentrism as a valid theory of the African past) Rather than dredging up art in response to Eurocentrists who claimed it didn't exist, the task for African historians is to dredge up African art to better understand the society that made it, rather than "digging up African kingdoms to idealize them so as to ridicule the cartoonish racist theories of eurocentrism that deny their existence, African kingdoms should be studied as a way of correcting colonial and post-colonial institutional deficiencies, instead of treating African achievements as trophies in the mundane tug of war against dismissive eurocentrist ideologues, African accomplishments should be seen as the stepping stone which African societies use to chart a clearer path for their progress by taking lessons from the past. History is best useful when it helps those engaging it to grasp the present * * * **Conclusion** Fortunately, many African historians are aware of the need to decolonize African history and some have taken on this task more assertively than others even without having to mention explicitly that they are ridding the field of Eurocentrism. Most notably in the study of Swahili history where historians such as John Sutton write that "the ruins at Kiowa, Songo Mnara and elsewhere on the coast and islands of Tanzania and Kenya, are therefore the relics of earlier Swahili settlements, not those of foreign immigrants or invaders ('arabs', 'shirazi' or whatever) as is commonly averred, although the mosques and tombs are by definition Islamic, they are not simple transplants from Arabian or the Persian gulf. their architectural style is one which developed locally, being distinctive in both its forms and its coral masonry techniques of the swahili coast".( Other attempts at decolonizing history can also be seen in the study of West African history where historians such as Augustin Holl and Roderick Macintosh have re-oriented the origin and growth of the classic West African empires through their discoveries of the Tichitt neolithic's primacy on West African domestication, state building and architecture, and the unearthing of the city of Djenno Djenno which radically altered the understanding of pre-islamic trade and urbanism in west africa. Another region that's seen significant effort in decolonization is in the study of Zimbabwe cultural sites where archeologists like Shedrack Chirikure and Thomas Huffman have shifted the interpretations of the hundreds of Zimbabwe ruins away from mythical foreign builders to instead investigate their rightful origins among the shona groups. Unfortunately, these attempts at decolonizing African history remain largely overshadowed by the legacy of their predecessors' Eurocentrism which still requires a concerted effort of decolonization from both the historians themselves and school systems in Africa and outside the continent. These educational systems perpetuate outdated products of Eurocentric thought into tour guide-books, in museums in modern journalism and political thought, all of whose perspectives on African history remains stuck in colonial thinking and require a complete overhaul in their approach to understanding the rich history of the continent. * * * * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( ( Robin Law, The "Hamitic Hypothesis" in Indigenous West African Historical Thought ( Teshale Tibebu, Hegel and the Third World: The Making of Eurocentrism in World History. Pg 172 ( Frieder Ludwig et al, European Traditions in the Study of Religion in Africa. Pg 189 ( Ancient Egypt in Africa, David O'Connor pg 86 ( George Andrew Reisner, Excavations at Kerma. pg 556 ( willeke wendrich, egyptian archaeology. ( Steffen Wenig, Studien Zum Antiken Sudan: Akten Der 7. Internationalen Tagung Für Meroitische Forschungen Vom 14. Bis 19. September 1992 in Gosen/bei Berlin. Pg 6 ( Papers in African Prehistory jd fage pg 46 ( Pikirayi Innocent, The Zimbabwe Culture: Origins and Decline of Southern Zambezian States pg 14 ( Peter Robert shaw, A history of African archaeology. Pg 97 ( Allen, James De Vere, Swahili Origins: Swahili Culture and The Shungwaya Phenomenon pg 4-6 ( Stephen Howe, Afrocentrism: Mythical Pasts and Imagined Homes. Page 67 ( Stephen Howe, Page 232 ( Douglas Northrop, A Companion to World History ( Stephen Howe, Page 164-174 ( Stephen Howe, Page 220 ( Stephen Howe, Page 232 ( Stephen Howe, page 167 ( Robin Law, The "Hamitic Hypothesis" in Indigenous West African Historical Thought ( Rodolfo Fattovich, The northern Horn of Africa in the first millennium BCE: local traditions and external connections ( Allen, James De Vere, Swahili Origins: Swahili Culture and The Shungwaya Phenomenon pg 4 ( Allen, James De Vere, Swahili Origins: Swahili Culture and The Shungwaya Phenomenon pg 9 ( David O'Connor, Ancient Egypt in Africa. Page 161 ( Alain Destexhe, Rwanda and Genocide in the Twentieth Centur, pg 39 ( Mahmood Mamdani, When Victims Become Killers: Colonialism, Nativism, and the Genocide in Rwanda pg 76-101 ( Shula Marks, “South Africa: 'The Myth of the Empty Land ( Scientific Racism in Modern South Africa. By Saul Dubow pg 87 ( G sutton; kilwa A history pg 118.

## Eurocentrism, Afrocentrism and the Need to Decolonize African History ### Introduction - Eurocentrism emerged from a Euro-American perspective that often misrepresented African history, erasing significant achievements and civilizations. - Afrocentrism arose as a counter-movement, but it sometimes mirrored Eurocentric frameworks, leading to debates on race and civilization's origins. ### I. Foundations of Eurocentrism 1. **Historical Context** - Western historiography of Africa began post-Napoleon’s “discovery” of ancient Egypt in 1798. - European scholars had minimal understanding of African civilizations, leading to the reclassification of ancient Egyptians from "black" to "white" to support racial superiority notions. 2. **The Hamitic Race Theory** - Developed in the 19th century, this theory asserted that “Hamites,” perceived as racially white, introduced civilization to Africa. - This narrative denied the agency of indigenous African societies, attributing their achievements to external influences. 3. **Scientific Racism in Historiography** - Eurocentrism drew from the Gottingen school of history’s racial classifications (Caucasoid, Mongoloid, Negroid). - Philosophers and historians like Friedrich Hegel promoted notions of African cultural inferiority, claiming “Africa proper” had no historical significance. ### II. Key Figures and Contributions 1. **Notable Eurocentric Scholars** - Leo Frobenius claimed the Yoruba represented remnants of a lost civilization. - George Reisner misattributed Nubian artifacts, suggesting a mixed racial origin rather than recognizing indigenous contributions. 2. **Influence on African Historiography** - Historians like Anthony John Arkell and Richard Hall perpetuated narratives that denied Africans as builders of their civilizations. - Misinterpretations persisted despite evidence to the contrary. ### III. Emergence of Afrocentrism 1. **Response to Eurocentrism** - Afrocentrism developed in the 20th century, focusing on reclaiming African history centered on Africa rather than Europe. - Scholars like Molefi Asante and Cheikh Anta Diop emphasized Egypt’s contributions to global civilization, though often using racialized arguments. 2. **Criticisms of Afrocentrism** - Critics highlighted flaws such as "unanimanism," "diffusionism," and "primordialism," questioning the homogeneity of African culture and the origins of civilizations. ### IV. The Shift Towards Moderate Scholarship 1. **Post-Colonial Developments** - Between the 1960s and 80s, scholarship shifted toward more balanced perspectives, influenced by African independence movements. - Moderate historians acknowledged African agency while still sometimes relying on outdated Eurocentric models. 2. **Examples of Moderate Interpretation** - Historians like John Fage and Neville Chittick overstated non-African influences on African civilizations, often neglecting indigenous contributions. ### V. Impact of Eurocentrism and Afrocentrism on African History 1. **Legacy of Eurocentrism** - Eurocentrism continues to shape narratives of African history, often overshadowing indigenous achievements. - Policies derived from Eurocentric beliefs led to significant societal impacts, including enforced racial divisions in colonial Rwanda. 2. **Consequences of Historical Misinterpretations** - The Hamitic myth in Rwanda contributed to ethnic conflicts, leading to significant violence and genocide. - Misinterpretations fueled colonial justifications for exploitation and marginalization of African societies. ### VI. The Case for Decolonization 1. **Need for a New Historical Framework** - Decolonization requires centering African histories within their contexts rather than responding to Eurocentric critiques. - Historians should focus on uncovering new archaeological evidence and understanding African cultural achievements on their own terms. 2. **Current Efforts in Decolonization** - Scholars like John Sutton and Augustin Holl have begun reframing narratives around African civilizations to highlight indigenous contributions. - Efforts to re-examine archaeological sites and re-contextualize African history are ongoing, though they face challenges from entrenched Eurocentric perspectives. ### VII. Conclusion - Despite the growth of moderate and Afrocentric scholarship, Eurocentrism's legacy remains prominent in academic discourse. - Comprehensive decolonization of African history requires a concerted effort to reassess existing narratives, promote indigenous histories, and rectify past misrepresentations in educational systems and public discourse.

Monumentality, Power and functionalism in Pre-colonial African architecture; a select look at 17 African monuments from 5 regional architectural styles

African architecture is the most visible legacy of the african past, a monument from the continent that is home to some of the world's oldest civilizations and arguably the most diverse societies

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Monumentality, Power and functionalism in Pre-colonial African architecture; a select look at 17 African monuments from 5 regional architectural styles ======================================================================================================================================================= ( Sep 18, 2021 5 African architecture is the most visible legacy of the african past, a monument from the continent that is home to some of the world's oldest civilizations and arguably the most diverse societies The different styles of African architecture are a product of their various functions, from the _ostentatious symbols of power_ like the gondarine castles, the nubian catsle-houses and the madzimbabwe (houses of stone), to the _religious monuments_ like the temples of kush, the great mosque of djenne and the rock hewn churches of lalibela, to the _seats of royal power_ like the palatial residences of the hausa kings and the administrative halls of the sudanic rulers, to the _functional and trivial features_ such as the sunken courts of swahili houses, the _vaulted roofs_ of the swahili, nubian, ethiopian and hausa buildings, the _underfloor heating_ of the aksumite and nubian houses, the _imposing facades_ of sudano-sahelian houses, the _baths and pools_ of meroitic, gondarine and swahili palaces, the _indoor toilets, bathrooms and drainage systems_ of the asante, sudano-sahelian, swahili, houses, the _decorative motifs_ of the hausa houses, the _engravings_ on dahomey palaces, the _murals and paintings_ on nubian and ethiopian walls, the swahili _zidakas and interior shelves_ among many others African architectural features are too many to be exhausted in just one article, but in writing this, ill try to condense as best as I can, the most distinctive regional styles across the continent (outside northafrica) * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more on African history and keep this blog free for all:** ( * * * ### **Middle Nile and Sudanese architecture** This region between the first cataract of the Nile near Sudan's border with Egypt and the 6th cataract north of the Sudanese capital Khartoum has been home to Africa's oldest civilizations beginning with the "A-Group" Neolithic in the 4th millennium BC contemporary with pre-dynastic Egypt, its therefore unsurprising that this region has the most diverse architectural styles on the continent _**The western defuffa temple; a Kerma kingdom monument**_ The principle temple of the city of kerma was built in 2400BC and destroyed in 1450BC. Standing at a height of 18m with its massive walls covering a surface of 52 by 26 meters; it was one of the largest buildings in the ancient world The original complex was accessed through narrow passage ways leading into its four chapels, a long stairway leading into the its sancta sanctorum continuing up to its roof-terrace on its eastern side was a massive pylon The temple has over the millennia been eroded into a large mass of mudbrick although some of the original features can be made out( _**The Meroitic temple complex of Musawwarat es sufra, from the kingdom of kush**_ Covering over 64,000 sqm and built in the 3rd century BC, this enigmatic temple complex is perhaps the most impressive ruin from the kingdom of kush The principal deity at musawarrat was apedemack, the lion-god of kush and the architecture is largely kushite featuring labyrinthine complex of rooms, shrines and room clusters built on artificial terraces with rows of columns and open courts surrounded by a maze of subsidiary buildings and perimeter walls, it's also punctuated with Meroitic iconography in its relief figures, with column bases of lions, elephants and snakes( It also combines distinct architectural styles only featured in Kush’s architecture (especially at the city of Naqa in Sudan) and includes a few rooms whose construction styles parallel those from 25th dynasty Kush and Ptolemaic Egypt( _**The throne hall at old dongola**_ Built in the 9th century by King Georgios I of the nubian kingdom of makuria, this imposing 9.6m tall two-storey administrative building is one of the best preserved secular constructions from the kingdom of makuria Built with sandstone, redbrick and mudbrick, It consists of a ground floor 6.5m high and the first floor 3.1m high that was accessed by a grand staircase that continued to the roof terrace The first floor is roughly square surrounded with a corridor running around it The interior rooms were narrow and barrel vaulted, the windows were originally arched and the walls were lavishly painted It was later converted to a mosque after 1317 and gradually deteriorated after makuria's fall until the late 19th century( _**Ali Dinar's audience hall, in the capital of the kingdom of Darfur**_ Built around 1910 it was the audience hall and administrative building of Ali dinar who was the last independent king of the Darfur kingdom, a descendant of the keira dynasty from the fur ethnic group The building was described by one British official after its capture as; "the sultan's palace is a perfect Sudanese Alhambra, the khalifa's house at omdurman is a hovel compared to it. There are small shady gardens and little fish ponds, arcades, colonnades, the walls are beautifully plastered in red, trellis work in ebony is found in place of the interior walls and the very flooring of the women’s quarters under the silver sand is impregnated with spices. The sultan also had other fine residences in fasher"( While it hasn't been studied, the architecture doesn't deviate much from the typical Darfur and Tunjur palaces of brick and stone from the 14th-19th centuries( * * * ### **The architecture of the horn of Africa** The northern horn of Africa was home to some of Africa's oldest states beginning with the enigmatic kingdom of D'mt in the mid second millennium BC and the kingdom of Aksum from the late 1st millennium BC to the late 1st millennium AD The latter was centered at Aksum in northern Ethiopia but expanded as far as the middle Nile valley and across the red sea to south western Arabia _**The elite residence at Dungur; an Aksumite masterpiece**_ The villa (elite residence) at Dungur, was occupied in the 5th century, built in typical Aksumite style using dry-stone and timber, the multi-storey construction was one of several elite residences in the kingdom (that are often mischaracterized as palaces) the extensive complex covers over a third of an acre, with an imposing central pavilion, a grand staircase and projecting towers, the interior features ovens and underfloor heating, drainage facilities, carved pillar bases and several interconnected houses attached to the central building( These "villas" housed provincial rulers and were ceremonial centers of the kingdom( _**The rock-cut church of Medhane Alem at lalibela**_ it was one of about a dozen churches in the city of roha, Ethiopia the capital of the Zagwe kingdom -a successor of the Aksumite state- while it hasn't been accurately dated, it was complete by the time of king lalibela's reign in the 12th century (lalibela is the zagwe king whom all of the rock-hewn churches are attributed) Measuring 33.5m by 23.5m and standing at 11.5m( , this church includes some of the typical Aksumite pillars, vaults, doorways, ornamentation and open-air courtyards while these rock-cut churches were partly Aksumite inspired as there are several aksumite rock-hewn churches from the 5th century, the lalibela churches were built upon the non-Christian troglodytic defensive structures of the post-Aksumite era( _**The Fasiladas castle and gondarine architecture**_ After 1636, "solomonic" Ethiopia abandoned its practice of mobile capitals and founded a new city at Gondar, one of the city’s defining features are its famous castles, a product of increasing influence of the indo-muslim architecture of the mughals on Ethiopia's Aksumite and Zagwe architecture This new style of construction is best represented at Fasildas' palatial residence, which was inspired by his predecessor Susneyos' castle at Danqaz and Sarsa Dengel's Guzara castle Its made up of three storeys and is the tallest among the more than 20 palaces, churches, monasteries and public and private buildings in the 70,000 sqm complex known as _Fasil Ghebbi_ The castle is about 90ft by 84ft with circular domed towers at its corners and its walls over 6 feet thick, with several balconies, the interior contains several rooms, the roof is supported by a number of vaults and the castle includes an elaborate drainage system the first floor contains the audience court and dining rooms, the second floor was for entertainment while the third was the emperor’s bedroom( * * * ### **The architecture of west Africa** Home to some of Africa's oldest cities, west Africa is also the region with one of the most distinctive styles of architecture. these styles can be categorized by their material of construction; the _drystone architecture_ of kumbi saleh and the other cities of the ancient Ghana empire (in southern Mauritania), the classic _mudbrick sudano-sahelian style_ of the "western Sudan" (Mali, Burkina Faso, parts of ivory coast and Ghana), the _hausa-tubali_ architecture of the "central Sudan" (northern Nigeria and Niger) to the fired-brick architecture of the Kanem and Wadai (in chad) _**The mosque of kumbi saleh in southern mauritania; at the apogee of the tichitt-walata architecture**_ Built around the end of the 11th century, this structure is one of the few buildings in the ancient capital of the Ghana empire that is relatively well preserved, constructed in the typical architectural style at kumbi that had evolved over millennia from the 4,000 year old neolithic sites of dhar tichitt and walata. The tichitt-walata tradition was characterized by rectilinear and curvilinear houses built with of thin, rectangular stones, narrow rooms, schist wall plaques, rectangular and triangular wall niches and drystone floor-paving, with houses often grouped into a compound. All of these features became ubiquitous in west African architecture attesting to the primacy of the tichitt-walata architectural tradition in this region( To this building style was added a maghrebian influence particularly the mihrab and the several supporting columns noticeable in the kumbi saleh mosque( that was later reconstructed a number of times altering some designs( A house in kumbi saleh with the typical wall niches and narrow rooms _**The Great mosque of djenne, mali**_ Until its near destruction in 1830, the Friday mosque of djenne was one of the largest structures in west africa, built in the 13th century by djenne king Koi Konboro, its mentioned in various writings about djenne both external and internal including al-Sadi's Tarikh al-Sudan (written in the 17th century). The mosque was deliberately left to deteriorate by Massina king Seku Amadu in 1830 who owed his ascendance to his opposition against Djenne's elites for whom the mosque was symbolic The present mosque is a reconstruction of the former and was completed in 1906 by Ismaila Traore and the architects of the djenne masons guild that included Madedeo Kossinentao, the final product was an almost true reconstruction of the original mosque and as architectural historian Jean-Louis Bourgeois writes "in its politics, design, technology, and grandeur, the mosque is largely local in origin" writing that contrary to common misconception, the mosque’s construction involved no French architect, French designs or measurements associated with French architecture, this can be seen by comparing the photos of the ruined mosque with the current mosque( with its towering minarets, its pillars tapering over the roof, its imposing façade and height, there several architectural parallels that can be drawn eg the Sankore and Djinguereber mosques of Timbuktu, the Nando mosque of the dogon, the Kong mosque of the Watatra, the towering mansion of Aguibou tall at Bandiagara and the ubiquitous Tukolor-style façades of the djenne houses (eg the maiga house) Doctor Rousseau (1893) and edmond fortier's (1906) photos of the old djenne mosque that had since been deteriorating for 70 years _**The palace of kano**_ The 15th century, 33 arcre (500mx280m) palatial complex is the home of the king of kano and is perhaps the largest surviving palace in west Africa Built in 1482 by the hausa sultan Muhammadu Rumfa (reigned 1463-1499), the Gidan rumfa (house of rumfa) its situated just outside the walled city of kano, in its own walled "surburb". Enclosed within its 20-30ft high walls are a grouping of buildings that are entered through ornamental hausa gates, leading into an audience chamber, royal courtyards, apartments and several private rooms; many of the palace buildings have wide interiors and relatively high ceilings supported by the hausa vault (bakan gizo)( while the hausalands at the time were a meltingpot of cultural influences emanating from the western sudan (Mali and Songhai empires) and the kanem empire, the palace itself was largely hausa in design with the typical hausa pinnacles, wall engravings and dagi motifs making it look like a hausa house that has been extended on a very large scale( * * * ### **The Swahili architecture of the east African coast** The Swahili civilization is one of the most recognizable from central Africa, the Swahili are an eastern bantu-speaking group that settled along the east African coast by the middle of the 1st millennium AD in small fishing villages that gradually grew into mercantile cities with increasing trade primarily in gold from great Zimbabwe, manufacture of crafts like textiles and leatherworking and exporting primary products esp ivory during the classical era (1000-1500AD), most cities went into decline in the later centuries although some came under the suzerainty of the Oman empire after the 17th century Swahili architecture is defined by historian Mark Horton as; "Swahili Islamic architecture is indigenous in character, expressing forms derived from local materials – timber (mangrove poles and hardwoods), fossil and reef coral, thatch and a ready availability of lime and plaster"( and in earliest swahili cities like shanga, tumbe and chwaka the transition from earth and thatch dwellings to coral was a gradual process esp at shanga, where a small timber mosque was repeatedly reconstructed over time into a large coral mosque with vaults Often times the mosques, palaces, tombs and the city walls were the first to be built in coral but later, both elite and non-elite houses were built with coral attimes with several stories and all with flat roofs or barrel vaulted domes but the rest were built with timber and used thatch for roofing As historian J. E. G Sutton summarizes "the ruins at Kilwa, Songo Mnara and elsewhere on the coast and islands of Tanzania and Kenya, are therefore the relics of earlier Swahili settlements, not those of foreign immigrants or invaders ('arabs', 'shirazi' or whatever) as is commonly averred, although the mosques and tombs are by definition Islamic, they are not simple transplants from Arabian or the Persian gulf. Their architectural style is one which developed locally, being distinctive in both its forms and its coral masonry techniques of the Swahili coast"( _**Husuni kubwa**_, _**A swahili king’s palace**_ This massive trapezoid complex measuring 70x100mx20m was built in the early 14th century a time of great prosperity and expansion in Kilwa from the increased prices of gold and the control of Sofala the entrepot to great Zimbabwe's gold that involved extensive building projects on Kilwa most notably under the reign of swahili sultan Al-Hasan bin Sulaiman (reign 1310-1333) Al-hasan's palace includes stepped courtyards, a 2-m deep ornate swimming-pool, an audience hall, administrative section with several storage rooms and over 100 private rooms with vaulted roofs especially on its second floor. The interior has typical Swahili architectural features especially the sunken court, zidaka, niches for lamps, toilets and drainage systems The famous globe-trotter Ibn Battuta was a guest at this palace and golden coin minted at kilwa by al-Hasan was found in great zimbabwe( _**The comoronian-swahili architecture**_ Comoros and northern madagascar's city states in many ways mirrored those of the neighboring Swahili; comoronians speak the eastern bantu language of the sabaki group and are thus linguistic cousins of the Swahili( , their architecture, trade patterns, islamisation, and maritine culture is similar to the swahili's their buildings too featur the usual lime-washed coral (and basalt blocks), zidaka interior niches and carved doors( in addition to features unique to comoros eg the public square (bangwe) _**The Kapviridjewo palace of iconi in comoros**_ (also spelt Kaviridjeo/Kaviridjewe/Kavhiridjewo) This 16th century building was the administrative building of the sultans of bambao, who resided in sultan Idarus' palace nearby( The palace was constructed in the comoronian-swahili style that was increasingly appearing in late 14th and early 15th century official residences of comoro's rulers and was associated with increased contacts with and direct migration of Swahili elites from the east African coast especially kilwa( Principal construction was with coral stone, lime and wood( , it was abandoned by the 19th century. _**The Siyu fortress**_ Under the reign of king Bwana Mataka in the early 19th century, the swahili city of siyu became an important scholarly capital on the east African coast and possessed a vibrant crafts industry in leatherworks and furniture and book copying, bwana mataka was at war with the sultan seyyid said of Zanzibar whom he defeated thrice, it was during this period, that the fort was built likey in 1828, also constructed were his palace and a number of mosques( It seems to have been later occupied by the Seyyid Said's forces after a negotiation with bwana Mataka's successor in the late 1840s but was then partly destroyed by bwana Mataka's son in 1863 to drive them out, it was then rebuilt by Sultan Seyyid Majid in the late 1860s( While freestanding Swahili forts were rare (most notably the Husuni ndongo fort at kilwa), the majority of Swahili cities were defended by high walls with several watchtowers that made the whole city resemble a fort, but the Siyu fort used local architectural traditions as historian Richard wilding observed the fort's architecture shows "firm roots in the east African coastal tradition"( The fort is a square edifice with two circular towers, its entrance has several benches on its sides leading into a courtyard with a Swahili-style mosque in the interior and several cannons were mounted along its sides in the past _**The Madzimbabwe (Houses of stone); Great zimbabwe's acropolis, the great enclosure and the shona architectural tradition of the 'zimbabwe culture sites'**_ Great zimbabwe, the capital of the kingdom of zimbabwe, is the largest of the over 200 similar drystone settlements of the "zimbabwe culture sites" in south-eastern africa, the city consists of three main sections; the hill complex (acropolis) the great enclosure and the valley ruins the walls weren't built for defensive purposes but instead "provided ritual seclusion from physical and supernatural danger" for the kingdom’s royals While the ruins’ origin, builders and settlers have since the 1930s been recognized as belonging to the shona people (of the southern bantoid languages), the interpretations of the function of the different set of ruins at great Zimbabwe is still contested by archeologists with archeologist Thomas Huffman taking a more general view of the architectural patterns of the zimbabwe culture sites (comparing with the ruins at Tsindi, Naletale and Danangombe) and shona traditions; he suggests that great zimbabwe was largely occupied from the 14th to the 16th century, and that the the acropolis was used as both the palace for the king that included the audience chamber, and the ritual center for rainmaking (following the shona religion where the kings doubled as sacred leaders of the state) while the "great enclosure" was used as the palace for the royal wives (following the 16th century Portuguese accounts)( However, archeologist Shedrack Chirikure suggests that all sections of the city weren’t occupied simultaneously but rather in succession and that there were instead "centers adopted by successive rulers" (following the shona tradition of successions) and that the earliest of these centers was the "western enclosure" in the acropolis built between the 13th to the 14th century atferwhich the royal court moved to the great enclosure in the early 14th to mid 15th century, it was later abandoned after the mid16th century and lightly re-occupied at the end of the 19th century( Without picking whose theory is accurate, ill instead describe the two sections of the city of great zimbabwe and include two other zimabwe cultures sites, ie; the city of Naletale and the Matendere ruins _**The acropolis**_ (hill complex) comprises a number of enclosures of which the western enclosure was the biggest and served as the palace area covering around 800sqm with a massive western wall over 80m long that was built with several towers that were originally topped with stone monoliths, to its east are a small number of enclosures that overlooked the great enclosure, these are then dissected by a number of passages leading to the recess enclosure and the eastern enclosure, there are several smaller enclosures The _**great enclosure**_ is a roughly elliptical structure with a circumference is 250 meters (820 feet) built with the finest q-style walls with chevron patterned courses rising up to 33 ft (11 meters) and is atleast 8 meters thick, there are three rounded entrances, one of which leads into a narrow paved passage that ends at a massive conical tower that is about 10 meters tall and nearly 6 meters wide _**Naletale**_ The ruins here consist of an elliptical wall about 55 meters long, that is neatly coursed as is the most elaborately decorated among the zimbabwe culture sites, decorated with herringbone chevron, chessboard patterns. On top of the walls are nine battlements/towers on which four monoliths once stood Naletale was part of the rozvi state from the 17th to the early 19th century and some interpretations of its function in relation to its use by rozvi royalty have been advanced( _**Matendere**_ Most of the ruins are enclosed within a 550 ft long horseshoe shaped wall about 11ft thick and 15ft tall, atleast two monoliths were mounted on its top, in the interior are 6 enclosures separated by walls with several internal entrances Matendere's relationship to great zimbabwe and its replication of the acropolis's (hill complex) spatial architecture has offered an interpretation of its function( ### **Conclusion** African architecture in its diversity, spatial arrangement, function or ostentatiousness is a peek into African history an society. It’s a product of african societies' interpretation of power and religion, its interaction with nature and with the foreign and its depiction of symbol and its functionality. Mainstream studies of African architecture are handicapped by their selective look at a single region's architecture rather than a broader consideration of the continent's diverse architectural styles, this leads them to misattribute African constructions to foreign influences and regurgitate prejudiced rhetoric on African societies, fortunately there's since been a shift in how historians and archeologists interpret African architecture setting it firmly within the African context; rather than seeing it as an “oasis of civilization”, they now recognize it as the very nucleus of African states * * * **i have made a patreon account to upload >1,500 photos of african ruins, cities, manuscripts and art and i will be writing longer essays on african history** ( ( Architecture, Power, and Communication: Case Studies from Ancient Nubia by Andrea Manzo ( The Image of the Ordered World in Ancient Nubian Art by László Török pg 174-176 ( Hellenizing Art in Ancient Nubia 300 B.C. - AD 250 and Its Egyptian Models by László Török pg 189-238 ( The Mosque Building in Old Dongola. Conservation and revitalization project by Artur Obłuski et al ( Eastern African History by Robert O. Collins, pg 174 ( Darfur (Sudan) in the Age of Stone Architecture C. AD 1000-1750 by Andrew James McGregor ( oxford handbook of African archeology by Peter Mitchell, Paul Lane, pg 806 ( The Archaeology of Africa by Thurstan Shaw, Bassey Andah et al, pg 619 ( Rock-cut stratigraphy: Sequencing the Lalibela churches, François-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar etal ( Ancient Churches of Ethiopia: Fourth-fourteenth Centuries by D. W. Phillipson ( History of Ethiopian Towns from the Middle Ages to the Early Nineteenth Century, Volume 1 by Richard Pankhurst, pg 116 ( Urbanisation and State Formation in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond by Martin Sterry, by David J. Mattingly pg 500-504 ( Bilan en 1977 des recherches archéologiques à Tegdaoust et Koumbi Saleh (Mauritanie) by Denise Robert-Chaleix, Serge Robert and Bernard Saison, ( Recherches Archeologiques sur al Capitale de l'Empire de Ghana by Sophie Berthier ( The History of the Great Mosques of Djenné by Jean-Louis Bourgeois ( Islam, Gender, and Slavery in West Africa Circa 1500: A Spatial Archaeology of the Kano Palace, Northern Nigeria by Heidi Nast ( Government In Kano, 1350-1950 by M. G. Smith, pg 131- ( Islamic architecture of the Swahili coast by Mark Horton, in; the swahili world by Stephanie, LaViolette ( kilwa A history by G sutton, pg 118 ( kilwa a history by g sutton, Behind the Sultan of Kilwa's “Rebellious Conduct” by Jeffrey Fleisher ( the swahili by nurse and spear, pg 66 ( The Comoros and their early history by henry wright in, in; the swahili world by Stephanie, LaViolette ( Archéologie des Comores: Maore & Ngazidja Institut des langues et civilisations orientales, pg 28 ( Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea by Iain Walker, pg 42 ( Les Monuments et la mémoire by Jean Peyras, pg40 ( Siyu in the 18th and 19th centuries. by J de V Allen ( Omani Sultans in Zanzibar, 1832-1964 Ahmed Hamoud Maamiry pg 9-17 ( a note on siu fort by richard wilding ( Debating Great Zimbabwe by thomas huffman ( Inside and outside the dry stone walls: revisiting the material culture of Great Zimbabwe by Shadreck Chirikure & Innocent Pikirayi ( snakes and crocodiles by thomas huffman, pg 36-38 ( Snakes & Crocodiles: Power and Symbolism in Ancient Zimbabwe by Thomas N. Huffman pg 162-163.

### Title: Monumentality, Power, and Functionalism in Pre-colonial African Architecture: A Select Look at 17 African Monuments from 5 Regional Architectural Styles ### Description African architecture serves as a significant legacy of the continent's past, reflecting its status as home to some of the world's oldest civilizations and a multitude of diverse societies. --- ### Introduction 1. **Significance of African Architecture**: - African architecture is vital in understanding the continent's historical context, showcasing a variety of styles that reflect social, political, and religious functions. - These architectural forms range from symbols of power to religious monuments and functional structures. 2. **Diversity of Styles**: - The different architectural styles in Africa arise from their specific purposes: - **Symbols of Power**: Gondarine castles, Nubian castles, and Madzimbabwe. - **Religious Monuments**: Temples of Kush, Great Mosque of Djenné, and rock-hewn churches of Lalibela. - **Seats of Royal Power**: Residences of Hausa kings and administrative halls of Sudanic rulers. - **Functional Features**: Structures like Swahili sunken courts and underfloor heating in Aksumite houses. --- ### Regional Architectural Styles #### 1. Middle Nile and Sudanese Architecture - **Kerma Kingdom**: - **Western Defuffa Temple**: Built around 2400 BC, this massive structure had significant dimensions, making it one of the largest buildings of its time. It featured multiple chapels and a major pylon. - **Kingdom of Kush**: - **Meroitic Temple Complex of Musawwarat es-Sufra**: Constructed in the 3rd century BC, it included numerous shrines and Meroitic iconography. - **Kingdom of Makuria**: - **Throne Hall at Old Dongola**: Built in the 9th century, known for its impressive two-story structure and rich interior decoration. - **Darfur Kingdom**: - **Audience Hall of Ali Dinar**: Described as a "perfect Sudanese Alhambra," showcasing lavish architecture typical of 14th-19th century residences. #### 2. Architecture of the Horn of Africa - **Kingdom of Aksum**: - **Elite Residence at Dungur**: A multi-storey construction from the 5th century demonstrating advanced architectural features. - **Zagwe Kingdom**: - **Rock-Cut Church of Medhane Alem**: Attributed to the 12th century, notable for its unique Aksumite-inspired pillars and ornamentation. - **Fasiladas Castle**: Represents Gondarine architecture that blends Mughal influences with local traditions. #### 3. Architecture of West Africa - **Ghana Empire**: - **Mosque of Kumbi Saleh**: Built in the 11th century, it reflects the architectural evolution from previous Neolithic sites. - **Mali**: - **Great Mosque of Djenné**: Constructed in the 13th century; it was one of the largest structures in West Africa and is locally built without foreign designs. - **Hausa Architecture**: - **Palace of Kano**: Built in the 15th century, this complex remains a prime example of Hausa architectural tradition, showcasing cultural influences. #### 4. Swahili Architecture of the East African Coast - **Swahili Civilization**: - Known for its transition from coastal fishing villages to trading cities, characterized by indigenous architectural styles utilizing local materials. - **Husuni Kubwa**: A significant 14th-century palace showcasing the wealth of Kilwa and featuring typical Swahili architectural designs. - **Comorian-Swahili Architecture**: - **Kaviridjewo Palace**: A 16th-century building reflecting the merger of Swahili and Comorian architectural styles. --- ### Significance of African Architecture 1. **Reflection of Societal Values**: Each structure serves as a visual representation of the power dynamics, religious beliefs, and utilitarian needs of African societies. 2. **Reevaluation of Historical Narratives**: Recent studies emphasize understanding African architecture within its own context rather than attributing it predominantly to foreign influences. 3. **Cultural Heritage**: The diversity in architectural designs across Africa illustrates a rich tradition of engineering and artistry, contributing to the continent's historical narrative. --- ### Conclusion African architecture, through its varied styles and functions, provides essential insights into the continent’s history, reflecting the interaction between society and environment, power and religion, and local innovations. Understanding this architecture requires a comprehensive view across regions rather than a narrow focus, ultimately enriching the appreciation of Africa’s architectural legacy.

WHEN AFRICANS WROTE THEIR OWN HISTORY (PART 2)

Far from being a continent without history, Africa is simply a continent whose written history has not been studied

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers WHEN AFRICANS WROTE THEIR OWN HISTORY (PART 2) ============================================== ### Far from being a continent without history, Africa is simply a continent whose written history has not been studied ( Sep 04, 2021 11 * * * _**continued from the previous post …**_ * * * **The “greater voltaic region” chronicles** A number of chronicles from the “greater voltaic region” covering much of modern Ghana, Burkina Faso and Ivory Coast written by the Wangara/Soninke immigrants in the kingdoms of Gonja, Dagomba, Wa, etc The vast majority of these chronicles are very detailed and are stylistically similar to the abovementioned “Tarikh genre” such as the **Kitab Ghanja** written by Muhammad al-mustafa in 1764 is a detailed account of the history of the Gonja kingdom and the Asante invasion, these are housed in the university of ghana’s Institute of African Studies at legon and are unfortunately not digitized and only a few photocopies from this vast collection can be found online such as Imam Imoru’s hausa poem on the coming of Europeans (titled “( ” ) **Other chronicles of the “western Sudan” region** **( ** written in the 18th century and **( ** **Chronicles from the Senegambia region;** A Chronicle on **the ( written in the 19th century The manuscript deals with the war between the pre-colonial kingdoms of Kaabu and Fuuta Jalon called Berekoloŋ Keloo in Mandinka. The manuscript goes back to the time when the Fulani of Fuuta Jalon invaded and occupied Mandinka lands of Kaabu and the key leaders who fought in the war on the **( **. (1835-1902) A 19th-Century Wolof Scholar an Arabic poem titled dealing with important historical events and figures in the 19th century in Senegambia. It tells the story of Khali Madiakhate Kala who was one of the leading Wolof scholars, and his relationship with Lat Dior Ngone Latyr Diop, the last Wolof king who took arms against French colonization. "An extract of history of the western Sudan entitled **( **by Sheikh Musa Kamra of Matan, Segal muqaddam written between 1279-1281 A.H/1862-1864 A.D **( , a** copy on the history of the “western sudan” that was influenced by the abovementioned tarikh al-sudan, many copies of the latter were circulating in the Senegambia region eg this section of the Tarikh Al sudan is marked as **“( ”** in the britsh library **Historiographical Documents from the central Sudan region (northern Nigeria, southern Chad and eastern Niger**) **On the history of the Soninke people (Wangara/dyuula traders) in the “central sudan”;** The **( ** (Wangara chronicle) written in 1650AD by an anonymous Soninke author, about the migration of Zaghayti; a Wangara/dyula teacher and his clan from the mali empire to kano and their settlement there. A copy of its folio of it is available at the link provided above **On the history of sokoto and the hausalands;** The**( (the sokoto chronicles) written by al-Hājj Sa'id in 1854AD** a history of the sokoto empire till the author’s time in 1854 **( (kano chronicle)** written by the scribe Dan Rimi Malam Barka in 1880. it’s a detailed account on the history of the hausa city-state of kano from the 10th to the late 19th century the anonymously authored **( ** (Song of Bagauda) may also be attributed to the same scribe **( ** (The Sweet Meadows of Contemplation) written in 1824 by Abd Al-Qadir Al-Mustafa Al-Turudi (Dan Tafa) a west african philosopher and polymath who wrote on a wide range of topics from philosophy to geography to history to the sciences original manuscript and its translation in ( he also wrote on **( ** people **A list of Several works on history written by the Fodiyawa clan;** (this was the family of Uthman Dan Fodio the Sokoto empire founder) **( ** ; on the brief history of the world and other eschatological themes written by sheikh Uthman Fodio (1754-1817), the founder of the Sokoto caliphate **( ** a book on the origins of the Fulani people, written by Abdullahi bin Fodio (1874-1829) **( **; about the wars at Katami; Argungu and Kwalambaina written by Sultan Bello **( ;** written in 1822AD by Nana Asmau (perhaps the most prominent female scholar in 19th century west Africa) it was about the conflict between Sokoto, Gobir and the Tuareg **Works written on important people in Sokoto such as;** "( " , a book recalling the miracles/good deeds of Sheikh Uthman dan Fodio. It was written by the chief minister of Sokoto under sultan Bello, Gidado dan Layma. It was compiled sometime after the death of Usman in 1817. There are several chronicles written in the first decades of the 20th century which I will try to summarize such as the history of katsina ; ( , ( and ( others are on the history of ( and on the ( * * * **HISTORIOGRAPHY OF EAST AFRICA (Kenya and Tanzania)** **On writing along the east African coast (the Swahili coast)** The oldest extant writing along the Swahili coast begins in the 1106AD with the Arabic inscription on Zanzibar’s kizimikazi mosque , the Swahili are an eastern bantu-speaking group that settled along the east african coast during the mid-1st millennium and gradually, their fishing villages grew into mercantile cities by the early second millennium flourishing as “middlemen” in the lucrative trade in gold from Great Zimbabwe that they traded with southern Arabia , it was with this increased cosmopolitanism that the Swahili cities adopted the Arabic script and begun a vibrant literary culture, of which, inscriptions on epitaphs, walls and coinage survive from the classical era (1000-1500AD) and written manuscripts survive from the later era (1500-1900AD) Of the few Swahili manuscripts that have been studied, the oldest surviving are disputed, with ‘Swifa ya Mwana Manga’ from 1517AD, the ( and the Goa archive’s Swahili letters from 1711 all being possible candidates The fact that manuscripts only survive at the later era is likely because of the tropical climate and probable Portuguese destruction The vast majority of epitaphs, wall inscriptions, graffito and coinage is in situ and has barely been documented so virtually none have been digitized , fortunately, some partial catalogues such as coins with inscriptions, inscribed blocks and cast plasters of inscribed tombstones from the cities of Kilwa and Kunduchi held in a number of western institutions but catalogued by the ( , inscribed on these are names of Swahili royals and elites such as; **A ( ** for the construction of the Husuni Kubwa palace built by sultan sulayman in the city of Kilwa in Tanzania A Copper alloy **( ** from 1302AD **An Epitaph of ( ** dated 1359AD ; one of several from kilwa's classical era A tombstone of ( dated 1670AD with the name of his father named as Mwinyi Mtumaini" which is one of the earliest unambiguously Swahili names recorded on the coast (the shomvi were a prominent swahili clan associated with the cities of kunduchi, kaole and bagamoyo) **On Swahili historiography** While some of the Swahili manuscripts have been digitized, especially the Utendi poems and Swahili Korans from the 17th-19th centuries ( , none of the Swahili’s better known documents of historiography have been digitized For example, the oldest extant document of Swahili historiography is the kilwa chronicle; its titled **Kitab al-Sulwa ft akhbar Kilwa** and was written in 1530AD but its two original chronicles and a 19th cent. copy remain undisguised, the latter of which is at the British library listed as "Or. 2666" Of historiographical importance are the 18th century Kilwa letters written in Arabic by the rulers of Kilwa and addressed to Mwinyi Juma a swahili spy in Mombasa working for the Portuguese and currently housed in the Goa archives of which some were digitized by the SOAS London eg the letters from queen regent **( Sultan Mfalme Muhammad ** Her daughter **( **, and Fatima's brothers **Muhammad Yusuf** and **Ibrahim Yusuf ** other un-digitised chronicles include the mid-19th century pate chronicle and the more recent ‘kitab al zanuj’ and ‘Kawkab al-. Durriya li-akhbar Ifriqiya’ written in the late 19th and early 20th century * * * **HISTORIOGRAPHICAL DOCUMENTS FROM WEST CENTRAL AFRICA (Angola and the DRC)** **Writing in the kingdom of kongo** While evidence of writing in "pre-Atlantic" Kongo (prior to Portuguese contact) is minimal, the beginning of Kongo’s literary tradition during the early years of king Joao Nzinga's interactions with Portuguese missionaries in the 1490s is undisputed, the kingdom quickly adopted the Latin script for writing both Kikongo and Portuguese documents, and a vibrant book culture soon developed. literacy rapidly proliferated throughout the kingdom's provinces with the establishment of schools after which letter-writing became a powerful political instrument especially between the Manikongo (King of Kongo) and Kongo’s titleholders, and between the titleholders themselves, this begun in king Afonso's reign in the early 16th century and continued well into the 19th century long after the kingdom's decline letter writing also became a diplomatic tool with dozens of letters addressed to Kongo’s allies; Portugal, the Dutch and Rome Unfortunately few internal manuscripts from Kongo survive in Angola and DRC both due to the vagaries of tropical climate on the durability of paper and the ruinous civil wars of Kongo in the 17th and 19th century but fortunately, many of those letters and documents addressed to Kongo’s foreign allies survive and some have been digitized such as the Kongo manuscripts collection at the '( ' and the Kongo manuscript collection at the 'Vatican archives' under the shelf mark Vat.lat.12516 From the former archive, we have mostly correspondence between the Kongo kings and the Portuguese kings on political and ecclesiastical matters eg; A ( asking king John iii of Portugal to allow a certain Mwisi-kongo noble into Paris for the latter's studies A ( (a powerful Mwisi-kongo nobleman) that is addressed to king Henry of Portugal reporting on copper in Kongo written in 1566AD And several dozens of letters from the 16th to the 17th century from various kings on various issues that can be ( **Historiographical documents from the kingdom of kongo** There exists a Kongo chronicle written by Antonio da Silva; duke of the Kongo province of Mbamba that was addressed to bishop Manuel Baptista in 1617 titled "**Reis christaos do Congo ate D. Alvaro iii**" (translated; Christian Kings of Congo up to D. Alvaro III) a short version of the original chronicle was reproduced by Manuel Baptista and is currently in the ( while i couldn't locate the actual manuscript (probably because its un-digitised), it was published in Brasio's “African Missionary Monument. Volume 6" on page 296 (( ) The chronicle lists Kongo's kings from King Afonso I in 1509 to the chronicler’s own time during Alvaro III's reign in 1617 including brief notes on each king's reign such as the death of king Bernado I in 1567 while fighting the Jagas (a rebel group of Yaka people along kongo's eastern borders) Perhaps the most useful historiographical information can be retrieved from the abovementioned Vatican archives eg **King Alvaro ii's letter to Pope Paul V written on 27th February 1613** stating Alvaro II’s accusations against the Portuguese in Kongo and the bishop of Sao Salvador (( ) Another is **King Alvalro iii’s letter to Pope Paul V** written 25th July 1617on his succession to the throne after the death of King Bernado II and the disputes that arose with Antonio da Silva; the abovementioned duke of Mbamba And the rebels that allied with the Jagas against the king (( ) Letter from **King Alvaro iii to Pope Paul V,** written on 23rd may 1619 asking him to name Bras Correia as bishop; this priest had since become a political mediator between the various Mwisi-kongo titleholders and Kongo’s electors and would later play an important role in aversion of civil war after Alvaro iii's death, the letter also details the internal political situations in Kongo in which the Antonio Da Silva, the abovementioned duke of Mbamba, was involved (( ) There are dozens of Kongo’s manuscripts in the Vatican archive 12516 that I haven’t listed but are published in Brasio's book (that I linked above) and go into more detail on Kongo’s history and other matters such as finances, politics and the Kongolese church and have since been used in reconstructing Kongo’s history * * * **ON THE USE OF THE ARABIC SCRIPT IN AFRICAN HISTORIOGRAPHY** Majority of the African historiographical documents compiled before 1900AD were written in the Arabic script, save for the Ethiopian and Kushite-Nubian literary cultures that had the advantage of antiquity to develop indigenous scripts early enough. The adoption of this foreign script by African societies was simply a matter of time and convince, majority of early African states' growth coincided with the rise of the early Islamic empires in the second half of the 1st millennium, the latter of which were by then the center of gravity of the afro-Eurasian old-world civilization; a vast, cosmopolitan society stretching from Spain to the islands of Indonesia, that was loosely bound by trade, religion (Islam) and a lingua-franca (Arabic), the benefits of integrating within this culture -if only through the use of its script- outweighed the costs of inventing and propagating an indigenous script (although many African societies invented several scripts during this period) besides, few ancient societies invented scripts independently and the vast majority of scripts in the world are derived from perhaps less than half a dozen “parent scripts” Plus, these African societies faced few handicaps in using the Arabic script because they "indigenized" it into the Ajami script (a form of Arabic script for writing non-Arabic languages) and innovated various ways of writing it such as the abovementioned Barnāwī script and the various "Sūdānī scripts" used in west Africa allowing them to preserve an "unadulterated" African viewpoint that presents an original African narration of its internal history that's free from the cultural biases found in most external sources. * * * **CONCLUSION** To paraphrase Meikal Mumin’s quote; "Africa is not a continent without writing. Rather, it is a continent without studies on (its) writing" its clear that, far from being a continent without history, Africa is simply a continent whose written history has not been studied African scholars wrote hundreds of documents narrating their own history, crafting an African centered discourse to explain historical phenomena and to legitimize authority by appealing to the written past <most notably in legitimizing the “Solomonic restoration” in Ethiopia using the Kebre Negast and in legitimizing the “12th caliph” (Ahmad Lobbo) in Massina (modern Mali) using the Tarikh Al Fattash> African historiography was actively produced, read and manipulated just like all written histories have but these processes have been largely ignored by both academia and in the mainstream discourses of history As the philosopher Souleymane Bachir Diagne writes; “it is time to leave what we could call a griot paradigm that identifies Africa with Orality, in order to envisage a history of (written) erudition in Africa.”( * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * incase you prefer reading both these articles in pdf form; ( References … Koen Bostoen, ‎Inge Brinkman, The Kongo Kingdom pg 218 Torok Laszlo, the Kingdom of Kush pg 37 Torok, pg 57 Torok, pg 132 Torok, Laszlo pg 185 Torok, pg367-369 Torok, pg 394 Rilly Claude, The Meroitic Language and Writing System pg 177 Torok pg 420-23, pg 443 Torok, pg 62 Torok pg 47 Torok, pg 456 Philipson David, Foundations of an African civilizations pgs33-40 Hatke George, Aksum and Nubia warfare pg 67-80 Hatke, pg 105 Hatke, pg 97 Bausi Alessandro, Composite and Multiple-Text Manuscripts: The Ethiopian Evidence Philipson, pg 181-193 Torok Lazslo, Between two worlds pg 518 Torok Lazlo, Between two worlds pg 527 Ochala Grzegorz, Multilingualism in Christian Nubia pg 3 Pankhurst Richard, The Ethiopian royal chronicles Tamrat Taddesse, Church and state in Ethiopia pg 4 Pankhurst Richard an introduction to the economic history of Ethiopia pg 62 Tamrat Taddesse, pg 180-82 Tamrat Taddesse pgs 160- Galawdewos, The Life and Struggles of Our Mother Walatta Petros Ullendorff, Edward The Glorious Victories of 'Amda Ṣeyon, King of Ethiopia John O Hunwick Vol3 Arabic Literature of Africa, Volume 3. The Writings of the Muslim Peoples of Northeastern Africa pg 35 hunwick vol3 pg 37 Paulo F. de Moraes Farias, The Oldest extant writing of West Africa : Medieval epigraphs from Issuk, Saney and Egef-n-Tawaqqast (Mali) Paulo F. de Moraes Farias, Bentyia (Kukyia): a Songhay–Mande meeting point, and a “missing link” in the archaeology of the West African diasporas of traders, warriors, praise-singers, and clerics Andrea Brigaglia Mauro Nobili, Central Sudanic Arabic Scripts (Part 2): The Barnawi John O. Hunwick, Rex Séan O'Fahey, Arabic Literature of Africa: The writings of central Sudanic Africa Vol.2 pg 16 Lange, Dierk. From Ghana and Mali to Songhay: The Mande Factor in Gao History · Hunwick, Vol.2 pg 27 Hunwick Vol2 pg 568 Nobili, Mauro, Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith Hunwick, John, Arabic literature of Africa: the writings of western Sudanic Africa Vol4 pg 41 Hunwick, vol4 pg 41 Hunwick Vol.2 pg 592 Hunwick Vol4 pg 397-8 Hunwick Vol2 pg 582 Hunwick Vol 2 pg 233-234 Lovejoy, Paul , The Kano Chronicle Revisited Hunwick vol2 pg pgs 222-230 Hunwick vol2 pg 74 Hunwick Vol2 pg 97 Hunwick Vol2 pg 165 Hunwick Vol2 pg 187 Hunwick Vol2 pg G. S. P. Freeman-Grenville and B. G. Martin, A Preliminary Handlist of the Arabic Inscriptions of the Eastern African Coast pg1 Stephanie Wynne-Jones, Adria LaViolette, The Swahili world Ridder H. Samsom swahili manuscripts: Looking in East African Collections for Swahili Manuscripts in Arabic Script Freeman-Greenville, A preliminary handlist pg 29 Freeman-Greenville, pg 30 Freeman-Greenville, pg 28 steven Fabian, making identity on the swahili coast Adrien Delmas, “Writing in Africa” in The Arts and Crafts of Literacy: Islamic Manuscript Cultures in Sub-Saharan Africa yayha ali omar, A 12/18th century Swahili letter from KiIwa Kisiwani being a study of one folio from the Goa Archives Edward A. Alpers, Ivory & Slaves in East Central Africa pgs pgs 72-74 Randall L. Pouwel, The Pate Chronicles Revisited: Nineteenth-Century History and Historiography James McL. Ritchie, Sigvard von Sicard, An Azanian Trio: Three East African Arabic Historical Documents Koen Bostoen, Inge Brinkman, The Kongo Kingdom pg 218-225 Anne Hilton, The Kingdom of Kongo pg 81-84 Antonio Brasio, Monumenta missionaria Africana Vol6 pg 128-132 Brasio, Vol.6 pg 288-290 Brasio, Vol.6 pgs 252-254 John Thornton, The Correspondence of the Kongo Kings, 1614-35: Problems of Internal Written Evidence on a Central African Kingdom ( Souleymane Bachir Diagne, The Ink of the Scholars: Reflections on Philosophy in Africa.

# WHEN AFRICANS WROTE THEIR OWN HISTORY (PART 2) ## Overview Africa has a rich history that is often underrepresented in global narratives. The continent's written history exists but has not been thoroughly studied or recognized. This analysis explores significant historical works from various African regions, highlighting their contributions to historiography. ## Greater Voltaic Region Chronicles 1. **Chroniclers and Regions**: Chronicles from the “greater voltaic region” include accounts from modern Ghana, Burkina Faso, and Ivory Coast, written by Wangara/Soninke immigrants in several kingdoms such as Gonja and Dagomba. 2. **Examples of Chronicles**: - The **Kitab Ghanja**, authored by Muhammad al-Mustafa in 1764, details the history of the Gonja kingdom and the Asante invasion. It is housed at the University of Ghana’s Institute of African Studies, but remains largely inaccessible online. - Other undocumented chronicles from western Sudan and Senegambia provide insights into conflicts, such as the Berekoloŋ Keloo war between Kaabu and Fuuta Jalon. ## Historical Works from Senegambia 1. **Key Manuscripts**: - An Arabic poem detailing 19th-century events and figures was written by a Wolof scholar, highlighting the resistance against French colonization. - Sheikh Musa Kamra's extract on the western Sudan from 1862 illustrates influences from prior historiographical works like Tarikh al-Sudan. 2. **Wangara Chronicle (1650)**: An anonymous Soninke chronicler outlines migrations from Mali to Kano, emphasizing the impact of Wangara traders. ## Sokoto and Hausa Historiography 1. **Sokoto Chronicles**: Authored by al-Hājj Sa'id (1854), this work documents the history of the Sokoto Empire. 2. **Kano Chronicle (1880)**: Written by Dan Rimi Malam Barka, it covers the history of Kano from the 10th to the 19th centuries. 3. **Prominent Figures**: Chronicles by Sultan Bello and Nana Asmau discuss conflicts involving Sokoto and highlight significant historical narratives. ## East African Historiography 1. **Swahili Coast Innovations**: The earliest writing dates back to 1106 AD, with the emergence of Arabic inscriptions. The Swahili settled along the coast, turning fishing villages into trade centers. 2. **Literary Traditions**: - Swahili cities adopted Arabic scripts, leading to a vibrant culture that produced manuscripts primarily from the 15th to 19th centuries. Notable works include the **Kilwa Chronicle** (1530) and 18th-century letters from Kilwa rulers to allies. ## Kongo Kingdom Written Tradition 1. **Early Writings**: The Kongo Kingdom began its literary tradition with Portuguese interactions in the late 15th century, adopting Latin scripts for Kikongo and Portuguese. 2. **Surviving Documents**: - Despite the loss of many internal manuscripts due to climate and civil wars, valuable correspondence with European powers remains, including king letters housed in Vatican archives. Documented interactions detail political and ecclesiastical matters. ## Arabic Script in African Historiography 1. **Dominance of Arabic**: Many African historical documents pre-1900 were written in Arabic. The adoption of this script facilitated communication during a period of Islamic expansion. 2. **Indigenization of Script**: African societies adapted the Arabic script to create Ajami and other scripts, enabling an authentic representation of African perspectives. ## Conclusion Africa's historical writings, often overlooked, present a complex narrative of its past. Scholars such as Meikal Mumin and Souleymane Bachir Diagne stress the need to recognize these written accounts. African historiography is rich and reflects diverse cultural experiences, illustrating that Africa is not devoid of writing, but rather in need of more scholarly attention to its historical narratives.

WHEN AFRICANS WROTE THEIR OWN HISTORY; A CATALOGUE OF AFRICAN HISTORIOGRAPHY WRITTEN BY AFRICAN SCRIBES FROM ANTIQUITY UNTIL THE EVE OF COLONIALSIM

Far from being a continent without history, Africa is simply a continent whose written history has not been studied

=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers WHEN AFRICANS WROTE THEIR OWN HISTORY; A CATALOGUE OF AFRICAN HISTORIOGRAPHY WRITTEN BY AFRICAN SCRIBES FROM ANTIQUITY UNTIL THE EVE OF COLONIALSIM =================================================================================================================================================== ### Far from being a continent without history, Africa is simply a continent whose written history has not been studied ( Sep 04, 2021 30 Much Ink has been spilled on mundane debates on whether or not Africa had written history and many times, Africanists have labored time and again to explain to their non-African (often western peers) just how robust the literary cultures of Africa were contrary to academia's and the general public's undaunted belief in the "oral continent per excellence" this distracting lockstep has unfortunately drowned out the rigorous work needed to translate, analyze, interpret and utilize these precious documents of the African past In this post, rather than sink in the murk of the debate on African literacy, I'll instead try to catalogue -as best as I can- the most readily available, digitized or photographed documents of Africa history written by African scribes from antiquity until the eve of colonialism, also provided will be images of the documents and direct links for digitized copies of the manuscripts. Since the bulk of African scribal production was not about historiography (which is simply; written narratives of history) these documents constitute a very tiny fraction of African literary works, but even this tiny fraction is so large that writing about it would probably require several books so I’ll try to condense this catalogue as concisely as I can. * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more on African history and keep this blog free for all:** ( * * * **HISTORIOGRAPHICAL DOCUMENTS FROM THE KINGDOM OF KUSH (Sudan)** The majority of Kush’s historiography is contained in its royal chronicles; these inscriptions recorded royal actions such as military campaigns, legal decrees and temple and building donations and constructions all of which are dated anddetailed The texts were mostly conceived in an “indigenous Kushite intellectual milieu” to formulate Kushite concepts, record events in Kush and regulate affairs according to Kush’s law and tradition but initially using a foreign language and script –Egyptian hieroglyphics during the Napatan era (from 800-300BC when the capital of 25th dynasty Egypt and Kush was at Napata in Sudan). The Kushites would later invent Meroitic script to write their documents in their own language – Meroitic during the period when their capital was at Meroe in central Sudan For Kush’s documents inscribed in Egyptian hieroglyphics, the first of such is a monumental sandstone stela called the **“( ”** made in 727BC, it recounts the exploits of the Kushite king Piye who became the first Egyptian pharaoh of the 25th dynasty. It’s the longest royal inscription in Egyptian hieroglyphs” The **"( ”** Inscribed by a scribe from Napata in 664BC, the stela narrates Tanwetamani's "restoration of the double kingdom of Kush and Egypt from the condition of chaos" after he defeated the Assyrian puppet Necho I plus the delta & sais chiefs and briefly restored the “double kingdom” of Kush and Egypt to its original extent **King Aspelta’s stele,** of which, at least three are available online As narrated in the three documents, Aspelta’s reign was overshadowed by internal controversy, an unheard of crime occurred in the Amun temple at Napata as described in the banishment stela most likely involving the Amun priests conspiring to elect another ruler appointed by a false oracle a capital offence for which all involved were executed by the king, and at unknown later date, his name, the face of the Queen Mother, her cartouches, and the cartouches of Aspelta's female ancestors were all erased from the election stela indicating his legitimacy and that of his female succession line were rejected **( **, inscribed in the late 7th century BC, at the Nubian museum in aswan **( ** inscribed in the late 7th century BC **( ** inscribed in the late 7th century BC **king Nastasen’s stela** from the late 4th century BC describing his enthronement and various military expeditions to secure the territories of Napatan kingdom by sending military campaigns in lower Nubia, against the southern cattle nomads around Meroe, against the medja (ancestors of modern Beja nomads) (SMB’s URL’s aren’t permanent, so you can use this ( instead, it displays this one result at all times) **( ** from the first 1st half of the 3rd century BC By this time, the Meroitic language of the scribes was beginning to have an impact on the transcription of the Egyptian hieroglyphs although not much can be read off this fragmentary stela (( ) **Historiographical documents inscribed in the Meroitic script** While Meroitic, a north eastern Nilo-Saharan language, was the native language of the Kushites (that is; the kingdom’s rulers, elite, and majority of its people) since the time of the kingdom of Kerma in the 3rd millennium BC , it was only rendered into written form after the emergence of a new dynasty in Kush during the 3rd century BC that originated from the more southerly Butana region in central Sudan, deposing the old Napatan dynasty (that had ruled Egypt as the 25th dynasty) The Meroitic language itself remains deciphered but Meroitic inscriptions in hieroglyphic and cursive can be read by comparing royal names recorded In both Egyptian and Meroitic scripts **( ** with Meroitic inscriptions from the late 2nd century BC While mostly un-deciphered, this stela indicates the continuity in the kingship dogma of the cults of Amun of Napata and Thebes **( **from the late 1st century BC detailing her military campaigns against roman Egypt The two stela while also un-deciphered, most likely narrate the war between Kush and Rome fought between 25-24BC this war ended in a stalemate and a peace treaty that was likely perceived as a victory to Kush * * * **HISTORIOGRAPHICAL DOCUMENTS FROM THE KINGDOM OF AKSUM (Northern Ethiopia and Eritrea)** **On writing in Aksum** Written inscriptions first appeared in the northern horn of Africa (modern regions of northern Ethiopia and Eritrea) during the 9th century BC in the form of two scripts; the Sabean script and proto-Ge’ez (old Ethiopic) the latter of which became the Ge’ez script that becomes the dominant script of the northern horn until the early modern era A few of these inscriptions attest to a polity that archeologists have named D’mt but unfortunately, these inscriptions weren’t long enough to reveal the political history of the enigmatic polity itself beyond the names of its rulers By the early 1st millennium sections of the population in the emerging state of Aksum were literate in both Ge’ez (Ge’ez was the dominant language of Aksum but also the name of the Ethiopic script) and Greek and they rendered inscriptions of both scripts on stone, paper, parchment and coinage It’s during this era that we get more detailed accounts of the region’s history. **Historiographical documents from Aksum** The first of such is **King Ousana’s inscription** on his invasion of Kush These two fragmentary stele are perhaps the earliest record of African warfare between the two largest sub-Saharan African states of antiquity, the Greek inscriptions “RIE 286” and “6164” now kept in the Sudan national museum as “SNM 508” and “SNM 24841” preserve the title of the ruler inscribed on them reading; “King of the Aksumites and Ḥimyarites” and narrates his capture and sack of several Kushite settlements, capture of members of Kush’s royal families, subjection of Kush to tributary status, setting up an Aksumite throne of Ares at Meroe and the erection of a Bronze statue although these victories were likely ephemeral (for Image for “SNM 508” see 図 2 in <( \> ) and for “SNM 24841” see “Fig. 1” in <( \> **King Ezana’s stele** At least 11 of the 15 royal inscriptions at the city of Aksum alone were made by this king, most are inscribed in the scripts of; Ge’ez, Greek and ancient south-arabian (which is why are often referred to as trilingual inscriptions but are actually bilingual, being written in just two languages; Ge’ez and Greek) While all inscriptions are well preserved and available in various locations in the city of Aksum, the few that are often posted online are inscriptions “RIE 185” and RIE 271” housed in a small building at Aksum. Both inscriptions narrates Aksum’s various wars of expansion under Ezana With “RIE 185” recording campaigns against the Beja nomads north west of Aksum and RIE 271 recording a second Aksumites war in Kush fought on 4th march 360AD , but this time, against the Noba (the people of the later kingdom of Noubadia) who were by then the overlords of what was now a rump state of Kush Most photos of these Ezana stone inscriptions are of ( eg this one Perhaps one of the most significant yet understudied pieces of Aksumite historical literature was a recently discovered manuscript now referred to as the **“Aksumite collection**” its a Ge’ez codex dating back to the mid5thcentury to the early 6th century and its mostly concerned with ecclesiastical history of the early church including; texts on the councils of Constantinople and Chalcedon, an Ethiopic version of the lost Greek Apostolic Tradition and the History of the Alexandrian Episcopate This manuscript is one of the oldest from Ethiopia (alongside the Garima gospels) and has since been partially digitized (although access is restricted) at ( Other minor written historical information from Aksum can be derived are the **inscriptions on aksumite coins** which preserve the names of at least 20 kings providing a chronology of Aksumite kingship from the 3rd century to the 7th century plus depictions of their royal regalia Many of these coins are currently in several western institutions and photos of them are available online eg at this **( ** in the mid-4th century This **( ** in the 6th century; king Kaleb conquered much of western Yemen and some of his coins have been found there And this **( ** better known as the famous King Najashi in Islamic tradition * * * **HISTORIOGRAPHICAL DOCUMENTS FROM THE KINGDOMS OF CHRISTIAN NUBIA (Noubadia, Makuria, Alodia)** **On writing in Christian Nubia** The fall of Kush in 360 AD to Aksumite incursions, Nubian expansion and Blemmye nomads led to the gradual disappearance of documents in the Meroitic script. Initially, the “Meroitic-ized” elites of the successor chiefdoms ruled by the abovementioned Nubians and the Blemmyes continued using Meroitic script; as best attested by the ( of the Blemmye found on the façade of the Hypostyle of the Mandulis temple at Kalabsha, that recording his military campaigns dated to between 410-440AD But with Increased cultural contacts between Rome and these successor chiefdoms also led them to adopt Greek, as such, several Blemmye kings left Greek inscriptions in the abovementioned Kalabasha temple, the Blemmyes were later expelled from lower Nubia (the region currently under lake Nasser) by the Noubades (Nubians) led by ( in the kalabsha temple recounting his campaigns to expel the Blemmyes in 450AD By the early 6th century, three large Nubian kingdoms arose; Noubadia, Makuria and Alodia which were then converted to Christianity in the mid-6th century and, with increasing cultural interactions with Coptic Christians from Egypt, adopted the Coptic script and soon invented the Old Nubian script in the 8th century. **On Christian Nubia’s historiography** Although the vast majority of the more than 6,000 documents discovered from these three kingdoms mostly epitaphs, land sales and other legal documents (half of which have been catalogued sofar at this ( , a few inscriptions are of historiographical nature particularly the foundation stones of Nubian cathedrals, some wall inscriptions/graffitto and royal letters Majority of these documents are in situ and unexcavated but some of the foundation stones are currently housed in the Sudan national museum and the Warsaw museum in Poland and only few of the letters can be located The foundation stones include, **( ** inscribed in Greek commemorating the reconstruction and restoration of the cathedral of Mary at Faras details given include the name of the Makurian king Mercurios, the date of commencement of construction in 707AD, 11th year of the king’s reign, the name of the cathedral’s bishop a Paulos A **foundation inscription of Iesou**, eparch of Noubadia made on 23rd April 930 that provides the dating of King Zacharias’s reign as in the 15th year among others. “fig. 4” in <( \> Other minor historiographical information can be derived from the dozens of Nubian land sales documents (espcially from qasr ibrim), in the graffito on the churches at Old Dongola and Banganarti, on murals and other paintings and the rest can also be found in the ( The kingdom of Makuria went into decline after the 12th century which saw the decline of its literary culture with increasing succession wars and Mamluk Egypt aggression, one feature of this period was the conversion of some of the Christian elites to Islam and the introduction and use of the Arabic script most notably, the conversion of the Dongola throne hall into a mosque commemorated on a ( inscribed by the newly converted king Seif-el-Din Abdullahi el Nasir in 1317AD; * * * **HISTORIOGRAPHICAL DOCUMENTS FROM THE HORN OF AFRICA** **Historiographical documents from the “Christian” horn of Africa (northern Ethiopia and Eritrea)** After a period of decline following the fall of Aksum, The northern horn's literary culture underwent a resurgence beginning in the 12th century during the era of the Zagwe kings but especially after the 14th century following the so-called solomonic "restoration" when a dynasty of amhara origins deposed the Zagwe dynasty and claimed decent from the old Aksumite kings A particular feature of this resurgence was the extensive use of written history to legitimize royal and ecclesiastical authority in the form of royal chronicles and hagiographies; the royal chronicles deal with specific years of a king's reign and there are at least 20 such chronicles from the 14th to the 20th century for the majority of Ethiopian emperors while the hagiographies deal with the lives of saints; these are Ethiopian missionaries that are associated with the expansion and consolidation of the Ethiopian orthodox church and there are several dozen of such hagiographies The chronicles provide important primary sources for the political history of medieval Ethiopia while the hagiographies provide its social history and have since been used extensively in reconstructing Ethiopia’s past and the also, wider the history of the horn of Africa. Majority of the royal chronicles are however kept in several Ethiopian institutions, monasteries and private collections and have yet to be digitized but fortunately, several translations of them exist and have since been used to reconstruct the Ethiopian past, on the other hand, some hagiographies are fairly common and have thus been digitized and entire copies of them are available online especially at the British library endangered archives program I have arranged them by century **15th century texts** **( ** (The Glory of Kings), this is a copy of the famous 14th century foundational epic written to prop up the “Solomonic dynasty” that ruled Ethiopia after the 13th century until the 20th century becoming the authority of the Ethiopian monarch and continuously used as such recently as Ethiopia’s 1955 constitution. Parts of it may have been written in the 6th century during the Aksumite era **( **; one of the oldest digitised royal chronicle, it was written by Abba Amha in 1434AD it was written about the acts of king lalibela know for the famous rock-hewn churches of lalibela **The ( **; a hagiography about the life and works of Ethiopian saint Manfas Kedus **The ( **– about the Life of Saint Samuel from Wäldebba, composed between 1460-1499AD **17th century texts** **( .** **( ** (A.D. 1730-55), and his mother Walatta Giyorgis, Berhan Mdgasa, to the church of Kweskwam, at Dabra Zahai near Gondar **( **; a 17th century copy of the famous text **( ** – an important manuscript on the Life of the 14th century monk and saint Anorewos that was written in the 17th century. It includes historical information on emperor Amda seyon’s reign (1314-1344) Manuscript on the **( ** through King Iyasu II (1755) **18th century** ( **( .** Born in 1215AD, he was Perharps the most famous of the Ethiopian church saints, he was instrumental in the spread of Christianity during the early period of the solomonic empire and was a powerbroker between the church and the royalty there are atleast five hagiographies currently at the british library similar hagiographies of the saint include ( , ( , ( , and ( **( **; a hagiography on the life of the saint Gabra Manfas Qəddus, and ( **( **; a hagiography on Ethiopia’s most famous female saint, she was born in 1592 and was partly responsible for the resilience of the Ethiopian orthodox church against the attempts by the Jesuit missions to make catholism the state religion during the mid-17th century reign of Susenyos who had converted to catholism leading to a brief civil war Illustrated copy ( **( .** A work on Ethiopia’s ecclesiastical history **( **. (The Book of the Monks) an important collection of Ethiopian monastism **The ( **. A hagiography of atnatewos **( **, "the Glory of the Kings”. **( **, a chronicle on the emperor Fasilidas one of the most famous of the Gondarine rulers especially for his castle of Fasil Ghebbi that stands in the city of Gondar. **( **. **( **. This contains copies of the original 14th century chronicle of Emperor Amda Tsion - "the glorious victories" that was written in 1332 recounting his conquest of and expansion into various states in eastern and central Ethiopia **19th century** **( ** ("The Acts of Lalibela) or History of King Lalibala of Lasta, a copy of the abovementioned 15th century chronicle on the famous zagwe king Lalibela, containing illustrations of him building his famed rock-hewn churches **( ** a chronicle of the gondrine emperor Iyasu I (1682-1706) **( ** gathered from different sources. By Ethiopian Orthodox Church. **The ( **. By Tämäsgen Gäläta. On the history of the people in the modern region of Benishangul-Gumuz in ethiopia probably composed in the early 20th century * * * **HISTORIOGRAPHICAL DOCUMENTS FROM THE “MUSLIM HORN OF AFRICA” (eastern Ethiopia and Somalia)** **On writing in the Muslim horn of Africa** Writing in the Muslim horn of Africa begun as early as the late 1st millennium to the 13th century as attested to by the Arabic inscriptions in several mosques and on ( to the Somali cities of Mogadishu to Ethiopian cities like Awfat and Haarla (( ) , recording of the Historiography of the region begun in the mid second millennium with the influx of schools and visiting scholars in the urban settlements particularly Harar which was at several points a capital of successive Muslim kingdoms like Adal and the Harar sultanate all of which interacted extensively with Christian Ethiopia in warfare, diplomacy and trade Majority of this region’s historiographical works are now in Ethiopian institutions and haven't been digitized and even fewer of them have been studied eg Abdallah sarif's private collection in Harar and others at the Berlin state library ( However, some are available online eg; **Historiographical documents from the Muslim horn of Africa** **( ** Titled; ‘Hikaya fi qissat tarikh Umar Walasma wa-ansabihi wa muddat wilayatihi’ its a Genealogy of the Walasma rulers of the kingdom of ifat and was probably written in the late 16th century in relation to several other chronicles of the era An anonymously written **chronicle on the History of Zara Yaqob and Nur Ibn Mujahid**; a history of the horn from the 15th century reign of the Ethiopian king Zara Yacob upto Ibn Mujahid, the 16th century sultan of harar ( of the original Arabic work, both composed before the 19th century Records of the ( from the late 19th century * * * **HISTORIGRAPHICAL DOCUMENTS FROM WEST AFRICA(Senegal, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Ghana, Ivory Coast, Burkina Faso, Guinea)** **On writing in West Africa** West Africa’s literary culture begins in the early years of the 11th century with increasing cosmopolitanism of the early West African empires and kingdoms particularly between the Ghana Empire, Kanem Empire and Gao kingdom; with the Maghreb (morocco, Mamluk Egypt) and the wider Islamic world (ottomans) the earliest extant writing was found in the regions of eastern and central Mali in the cities of Essuk, Gao, Saney and Bentiya/Kukyia which were all associated with the earliest west African states of Gao and Ghana, this writing was in the form of over a hundred epitaphs inscribed in the Arabic script but for deceased local rulers and Muslims who had Songhay, Mande and Berber names dating from the 11th to the 15th century while there’s evidence of writing and scholarship in the empires of Ghana and Kanem during the 12th century (such as the 12th century Kanuri poet al-Kanemi, the invention of Kanem’s unique Barnāwī script in the 12th century and the presence of Ghana’s scholars in Andalusia in the 1100s) the perishability of paper in west Africa’s climate makes it unlikely for any manuscripts from such early dates to be discovered –indeed the oldest west African manuscript is a letter by Mai Uthman Idris of Kanem written in 1391 AD to the Ottoman sultan al Zahir Bakuk as for the epitaphs, historical information contained on these includes names of rulers of the Gao kingdom’s Za dynasty eg the ( who died in 1100 , the epitaph of two royal women, one bearing the title malika (possibly of a queen with full authority) named ( and a princess ( **Historiographical documents from West Africa;** **The Royal chronicles and general histories;** **The Bornu chronicles on the kingdom of Bornu (western Chad and northern Nigeria)** the oldest extant manuscripts on west African historiography were produced in the mid-16th century starting with Kanuri scholar Ibn Furtu’s chronicles of the Kanem-Bornu sultan Mai Idris Alooma, the first of these was **Ghazawāt Barnū** (The Book of the Bornu Wars) written in 1576AD, the second was **Ghazawāt kānem** (The Book of the Kanem Wars) Written not long after was the anonymously authored **Diwan salatin al Barnu ** (Annals of the kings of Bornu) which was essentially a Kanem-Bornu king list, ( **The Tarikh genre of the “western sudan”** The**( ** (chronicle of the Sudan) written by Al-Saʿdi' in Timbuktu in 1655AD which was the first among the so-called Tarikh genre of chronicles, these described the political and social history of western Sudan (a region covering much of west Africa) from the rise of the Ghana empire through the ascendance of Mali and Songhai to the fall of the latter in the late 16th century, various copies of it are kept in several institutions both African and western The **Tārīkh al-Fattāsh** (or more accurately; the **Tārīkh Ibn al-Mukhtar**) initially written by the scribe Ibn al-Mukhtar in 1664 but later heavily edited and transformed by the Massina propagandist Nuh Al-Tahir in the early 1840s who used it to legitimatize Ahmad lobbo as the 12th caliph copies of it are available in several collections eg this one at the ( the anonymously authored chronicle on the history of the Timbuktu pashalik from 1591 to 1737AD titled **( ** and another is **( ** writen by mulay sulayman * * * _The history of west africa, east africa and west-central africa.

**Title**: When Africans Wrote Their Own History: A Catalogue of African Historiography Written by African Scribes from Antiquity Until the Eve of Colonialism **Description**: Africa is a continent with a rich history, yet this history has not received sufficient scholarly attention. ### Introduction 1. The debate surrounding Africa's written history has often overshadowed the actual literary cultures that existed on the continent. 2. This post aims to catalogue documented evidence of African historiography from antiquity until the onset of colonialism, highlighting the contributions of African scribes. ### Historiographical Documents Overview - The scope of African scribal production includes a variety of texts, though only a small fraction pertains directly to historiography. - The catalogue will feature digitized or photographed documents alongside images and links to their digital copies. ### 1. Historiographical Documents from the Kingdom of Kush (Sudan) - **Royal Chronicles**: These inscriptions record significant events including military campaigns and royal decrees, initially inscribed in Egyptian hieroglyphics and later in Meroitic script. - **Notable Inscriptions**: - **Piye's Stela (727 BC)**: Longest royal inscription in Egyptian hieroglyphs recounting the achievements of King Piye. - **Tanwetamani's Stela (664 BC)**: Describes the restoration of the double kingdom of Kush and Egypt. - **Aspelta's Stela**: Documents internal controversies during Aspelta’s reign, with at least three known online versions. - **Nastasen's Stela (late 4th century BC)**: Discusses king Nastasen's military campaigns. ### 2. Historiographical Documents from the Kingdom of Aksum (Northern Ethiopia and Eritrea) - **Early Writing**: Inscriptions appeared in the 9th century BC using the Sabean script and proto-Ge’ez, which evolved into Ge’ez. - **Aksumite Inscriptions**: - **Ousana's Inscription**: Records the capture of Kushite settlements, representing early African warfare. - **Ezana's Inscriptions**: Comprises a series of royal inscriptions detailing military expansions, available in various locations in Aksum. ### 3. Historiographical Documents from the Kingdoms of Christian Nubia (Noubadia, Makuria, Alodia) - **Writing Transition**: After the fall of Kush, the adoption of Greek and later Coptic script became prominent in Christian Nubia around the 6th century. - **Key Inscriptions**: - Foundation stones from cathedrals, detailing kings' names and reign periods. - Some documents, mostly unexcavated, are housed in various museums. ### 4. Historiographical Documents from the Horn of Africa - **Literary Resurgence**: Starting in the 12th century under the Zagwe kings, a revival of written documentation occurred. - **Chronicles and Hagiographies**: - Numerous royal chronicles from the 14th to the 20th century document Ethiopian emperors' reigns. - Hagiographies provide social history and have been utilized to reconstruct Ethiopia's past. ### 5. Historiographical Documents from the Muslim Horn of Africa (Eastern Ethiopia and Somalia) - **Early Inscriptions**: Arabic inscriptions from mosques dating back to the late 1st millennium highlight early writing. - **Historiographical Works**: - Chronicles detailing the history of the Walasma rulers and accounts of interactions with neighboring kingdoms. ### 6. Historiographical Documents from West Africa (Senegal, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Ghana, Ivory Coast, Burkina Faso, Guinea) - **Early Literary Culture**: Writing began in the 11th century, primarily in Arabic script for epitaphs. - **Key Texts**: - **Ghazawāt Barnū**: Chronicles of wars in the Kanem-Bornu sultanate by scholar Ibn Furtu from the mid-16th century. - **Tarikh Genre**: Historical chronicles describing political and social changes in West Africa, with copies maintained in various institutions. ### Conclusion - The catalogue illustrates Africa's documented history written by Africans themselves, showcasing a vibrant literary tradition that challenges the notion of an "oral continent." - While the range of historiographical documents is extensive, further research and digitization efforts remain essential for broader access and study.